9th Congress of the Communist Party of Bangladesh Political Resolution (Draft)

[sumon]

9th Congress of the Communist Party of Bangladesh Political Resolution (Draft)

1. Caretaker Government.

1.1 A new situation has emerged in the country after 11 January 2007 through the assumption of power by the new caretaker govt. led by Fakruddin Ahmed, the decraration of Emergency Rule, the cancellation of the BNP-Jamat govt's planned election-farce of 22 January, and the assumption of an enhanced role by the army in conducting of state affairs etc.

1.2. The continuing exploitation and rule of imperialism and local plundering capitalist class, the devastating consequences of the 'free market' economy and capitalist globalization, the planful attempt for nearly two decades to enchain politics within the framework of a bipolar system, and the total failure, criminal activities, low level of morality and ideology, shameless opportunism, shameless activities to serve foreign powers, limitless plundering, corruption and atrocities perpetrated at all levels including the national leadership and the total bankruptcy of the so called 'parties of the main current' namely BNP and Awami league, as well as the armed and other conspiratorial activities of the ultra communal forces with the direct assistance or indulgence of these two parties and various conspiracies in the interest of imperialism and foreign powers etc. had pushed the country toward grave uncertainty, conflict and disaster. Particularly, 5 years of misrule by BNP-Jamat alliance govt. and their conspiratorial efforts to return to power by hook or by crook had taken the country to the brink of catastrophy. Though such an eventuality has been averted for the time being through the changes of 11th January 2007, the socio-economic system pursued by the pervious govts. have not only been preserved by the present care taker govt., its activities and policies are directed towards further strengthening of the foundations of that system. From the class point of view, state power continues to remain within the domination of imperialism, plundering capitalists and their parasitic lackeys. The ruling class has however taken the initiative to bring about some structural reforms in state and political arena in its own interest in the background of the political crisis that had evolved. The process of separation of Judiciary has been initiated, the Election Commission, Anti Corruption Commission, Public Service Commission, University Grants Commission etc. have been reconstituted and Regulatory Commission, Human Rights Commission has been instituted. These steps are no doubt positive and important. But since the same ruling class is continuing to dominate the state and the control-centers of the society, including the economy, the basis for the regeneration and continuation of crisis, anarchy and disaster is persisting.

2. Political Background and Course of Events [This is followed by the following paragraph dealing with, 1.3 Many of highly placed people including leaders of BNP and AL and some businessman also were arrested in the anti-corruption campaign, But the offensive has started to somewhat frizzle out. Suspicions rose that the anti-corruption campaign was being orchestrated to fit in with a political blue print of the govt. The criminal syndicates also started to hit back by precipitating a crisis in the market using their monopoly control over the economy as a instrument for blackmail. Govt. has started to retreat and released few corrupt businessmen and formed to Truth Commission to let the others off lightly. 1.4. Immediately after declaration of Emergency the govt. Started to demolish slums, roadside shops, unauthorized constructions and to uproot the self employed hawkers from the streets in all parts of the country including the big cities as well as remote rural areas. This resulted in intolerable hardship, destitution and misery for millions of poor people. The functioning of the retail market was also disrupted. 1.5 The condition of industry, mills and factories garment and jute industry etc. continued to deteriorate. Trade union rights have been suspended totally and the plight to the workers continued to worsen. 1.6 Fertilizer crisis aggravated causing great danger for agricultural production. Food crisis also deepened. Energy crisis continued to persist. 1.7. Intolerable and unending price rise of essential commodities has been the most devastating phenomenon during the rule of this caretaker govt. The attempts of market monitoring and strict inspection by law and order forces including the Army- all measures taken by the govt. has failed to curb the unprecedented inflation. The call by CPB and other forces for introducing a public distribution system, rationing setting up of fair price shops extensively, building up buffer stocks of essentials have not ben heeded to.]

2.1 The hope that had arisen amoung the masses after the overthrow of military-autocratic Ershad regime in Dec. 1990 was totally demolished by the activities of the subsequent three elected govts. First the anti-people BNP regime, then the misrule of Awami League Led govt. and finally the rampant exploitation, atrocities and plunder of the BNP-Jamat Alliance govt. had brought the country to the brink of disaster. Frustration and anger had fumed up amoung the people. They began to realise that 'all these snakes have poisoned teeth'. The desire of the people to see the emergence of an alternative outside the two `big parties' was growing.

2.2 From 1994 the Left Democratic Front and from 1998 the 11-Party combine had been active with the precisely defined goal of 'building up a polarization of democratic, secular, progressive and left forces outside Awami League and BNP', and was following the tactics of 'parallel and simultaneous struggles with other pro-liberation democratic forces on concrete issues if necessary'. But at the end of 2004 some of the constituent parties of LDF and 11 Party abandoned this dual approach and deviated along two different directions. The two groups of BSD left the united platforms with the declaration that they will not participate in any simultaneous struggle with AL on any issue whatsoever. On the other hand, 7 parties including Workers Party and Ganoforum did not agree to confine to 'simultaneous struggles with AL on concrete issues' but formed a 14-party programmatic alliance under the leadership of AL. The WP was the most enthusiastic in enacting this dramatic change of position and policy. AL finally succeded in dragging this 14-Party alliance into a grand alliance which included JP of Ershad, LDP of B. Choudhury and Oli Ahad, the notorious Khelafat Majlish, religion based Jaker Party etc. AL signed a ultra communal and reactionary 5-point agreement with Khelafat Majlish. Some well known and notorious war criminals, anti liberation activists and several patrons of religious fundamentalist armed groups were even nominated by this so called Grand Alliance to contest the scheduled elections. Some of the partners of CPB in the 11 Party and LDF had in this way deviated from the goal of building up an 'alternative' and had become a participant in these wrong and extremely harmful political moves of AL. They ignored the warnings given by CPB about such possibilities and allowed themselves to be lured into the trap of AL. These parties also share the responsibility as members of the Grand Alliance for the offence of the dangerous and harmful game that AL had led them into. After this, many of those who had so long been skeptic and critical of CPB for its not having joined the AL led 14-Party alliance, began to realize the correctness of CPB's policy and stand. CPB had not joined into a political alliance with AL and maintaining its independent position had carried on simultaneous, concentric and parallel struggles against the BNP-Jamat Alliance govt. and had tenaciously stuck to this principled tacties even in the face of tremendous pressure and slanderous propaganda. This correct policy of CPB has now gained the praise of the conscious sections of the people and to some extent of general public also. The prestige and honour of our Party has risen. But at the same time it remains a matter of regret that, when precisely the necessity and possibility of building up a left democratic alternative became very evident, the possibility could not be fully utilized due to the mistakes and deviations of the partners of CPB in LDF and 11-Party combine.

2.3. On 28 Oct. a caretaker govt. headed by President Iazuddin Ahmed took office. But this govt. took upon itself the task of inflexibly implementing the blue print of a farcical election designed to bring BNP-Jamat back to power by any means. At one stage 4 of the Advisors of the caretaker govt. resigned in the face of the pro-BNP attitude of the Chief Advisor. New Advisors were at once inducted and using the Election Commission as a stooge, the preparations for the farcical election of 22 Jan. 2008 was continued. Almost all parties including CPB declared that they will not participate in this farcical election.

2.4. On 11 Jan. 2004 a new care taker govt. headed by Fakruddin Ahmed replaced Iazuddin Ahmed's caretaker govt. and cancelled the scheduled farcical election of 22 Jan. The new govt. stated a vigorous anti-corruption drive and promised to arrange free fair elections and hand over power to an elected govt. as soon as possible. The people evaluated the cancellation of 22 Jan. elections with satisfaction and relief, because it was by now clear to them that the elections of 22 Jan. was actually going to be a farce. Moreover, people could foresee that if BNP-Jamat would unilaterally go ahead with the 22 Jan. elections, the whole country would be plunged into anarchic conflict and clashes. The local and foreign plundering ruling classes were also alarmed by the possibility of such anarchy. They took on to rapidly precipitate the changes of 11 Jan. in order to tackle the deteriorating situation. Accordingly the new caretaker govt. assumed power. The Army took the initiative and played a special role in the entire process.

2.5 After assuming power, the new caretaker govt. immediately declared a State of Emergency all over the country and banned all political activities. At the same time fundamental rights were suspended, democratic rights curtailed, rights of meetings-gatherings-processions-movements-struggles of trade union activities, of free expression, freedom of news papers-media etc.were either taken away or curtailed. Though the owners were allowed to hold meetings, gatherings and place their demands and proposals, the workers were totally deprived of these opportunities. As a result, the activities of such criminally corrupt so called major parties as BNP, AL, Jamat etc. were curbed, but at the same time the work of morally upright, honest, corruption free parties and organizations was also obstructed. The need and opportunity to arouse the masses and harness its invincible force was not made use of, and this power of the masses was rather forced to remain enchained through the Emergency Rules. But, the strength amassed by plundering godfathers, mafia gangs in every nook and corner of state-administration-economy-society through the criminalization and commercialization of society and politics over the years could only be vanquished by the decisive and active role of conscious and organized vast masses. Though this caretaker govt. started talking about freeing society and politics from crime and corruption, it instead of creating a favorable situation for the arousal of the mighty force of the masses which alone could ensure the accomplishment of this task, took to the path of keeping everything under confinement and control. Under the cover of the controls of Emergency Rules it started impementing some civil-military administrative measures and programmes from the top. Along with anti-corruption drive the govt. began work for political reforms also. But as the govt. is making no efforts to help bring about a change in the correlation and balance of force presently existing in economy, administration, politics, society etc., and as it is perpetuating the prevalent imperialism-dependent, parasitic, plundering-capitalist socio economic system, the formulas and efforts for political reform are facing obstructions and are gradually resulting to end up almost fruitless, similarly as is happening in the case of its anti-corruption drive also.

2.6 It is now easier to explain to conscious people why the overcoming of the crisis that our country is now submerged into needs the eradication of the source and basis of this crisis, and why is it that this requires a revolutionary democratic transformation under the leadership of a left democratic alternative polarization of political force outside the existing bi-polar structure led by AL and BNP................Such an alternative being as yet not strong and visible enough (due to many reasons including the vascillations and mistaken line of the potential forces of left-democratic alternative), a vacuum has emerged in the political sceneries.

2.7. The ruling class came to realize that they are being unable to advance their interests through the bi-polar system they had so carefully and diligently set up centering around Mujib and Zia and their respective successors, the two great ladies Hasina and Khaleda. But the conditions for removing the present ruling class from power and replacing it with a left democratic force was also not yet mature and ready. This created the imperative for the ruling class to evolve a new system, formula or engineer the emergence of a new force overnight in order to fill up the vacuum and mitigate the political crisis. Attempts began to implement the `minus Zero' formula which was evolved by Western powers long ago, which implied the removal of Hasina and Khaleda from the political scenario. After failing to force them to voluntarily leave the country and live abroad, both of them were arrested on various corruption charges and confined to prisons. Many prominent leaders of the two big parties were also arrested on charges of corruption involving unimaginable amounts of money. AL and BNP were plunged into a crisis. The big headache of the ruling class now is how to fill up the vacuum that has been created. There are many opinions and tussles among different sections of ruling class on this question. Attempts are there to pursue a de-politicization process and fill up the vacuum with a new 'made to order' party consisting of hither to non-political personalities of civil society. Along with formulas for running the country for some years under the leadership of either a Nobel Lauriat, civil society, technocrats etc. or the formula of patronizing some small bourgeois party or this or that particular leader to polarize a force for taking over power, or the idea of running the country for the next ten years under a national govt. etc are also being put forward. Attempts are also being taken to force 'reforms' on AL and BNP in order to make them 'suitable' for running the country 'properly'. The process of militarization of state, administration and politics has also been expanded. This is also the talk of the running of the country by the armed forces, as a consequence of which the Army chief had on several occasions to publicly rule out the possibility of any Army rule. Along with all these, proposals for restructuring the Constitution giving more authority to the office of the President, the setting up of a 'State Security Council' with very high authority etc. have also been seriously raised. It is as yet difficult to predict which particular formula or proposal will ultimately be implemented in the effort to fill up the vacuum. Uncertainty on this question is persisting also due to the pulls and currents crosscurrents of international-regional forces and of personalities.

2.8 [Deals with questions of national election, proposals of Election Commission for electoral reforms, road map to ensure national elections before end of 2008, elections of local govt. bodies etc. It is stated that on all these questions the prime emphasis must be given to 'advance the country towards the electoral process by maintaining the continuity of constitutional rule and all democratic forces should take appropriate course of action keeping in mind the importance and significance of this emphasis']

2.9 [Deals with Jamat-i-Islam, its auxilary forces, activities of religious fundamentalist militant groups, patronization of them by imperialism, secret serries of Pakistan, reactionary regimes of the Middle East etc, the weaknesses of the big parties towards these black forces, hesitations by the caretaker govt. to take action against Jamat etc, the recent upsurge of public opinion demanding punishment of war criminals and for bannigs of anti-liberation and communal political parties. It ends with the call to `devote all possible efforts to further advance the wide consensus and broad popular opinion that has emerged today on the question of ensuring the trial and punishment of war criminals'] 3. International and Regional Situation [8 paragraphs dealing successively with. 1. The peripheral position of Bangladesh in the framework of capitalist globalization. 2. The role of US imperialism and its increasing aggressives in the international arena. 3. Dangers emanating from concrete actions of US imperialism in particular and imperialism in general all over the world. 4. New elements of decay and crisis in the capitalist-imperialist world system. Intensification of various internal contradictions. 5. New advances in the fight against imperialism for national liberation and towards progressive restructuring of society in various parts of the world. 6. Economic and military-strategic designs of imperialism concerning and centering around Bangladesh. 7. Foreign poils of Bangladesh. Nature of relations with Pakistan, India etc. Regional situation. 8. Conflicts in the region Common interests of all countries. Need for enhanced cooperation between the states of the region and between the democratic, progressive forces as well as amoung the people of South Asia.] 4. Economic and Social Situation [ 12 separate paragraphs in this chapter deal with the following subjects 1. Consequences of the economic policy of dependent capitalism subservience to imperialism and 'free market'. Denationalization, privatization, deregulation Ret. have resulted in de-industrialization, unemployment, fall in real wage etc. Disastrous consequences of the prescriptions forced upon the country by World Bank, IMF etc. 2. Activities of NGD's Multifaceted impacts of its activities, Religious-fundamentalist as well as reformist NGD's. Absence of accountability and lack of democratic control over their activities. NGO's are increasing by getting involved in political affairs, through de politicisation process as well as direct patronage of political parties by some. 3. Condition of workers in the organized and unorganized sectors. Negative aspects of new labour law. 4. Condition of rural Bangladesh of agriculture, of peasants and agricultural workers is deteriorating. Crisis situation persists Control of MNCs increasing. Pauperization, disparity etc. increasing. 5. Condition of national minorities continues to be worsening. 6. Disparity, atrocities etc. against women are continuing. Communal forces including Jamt is utilizing their misery and frustration to spread midequal ideas and build up their 'cadres' using large sums of money. 7. Plunder of oil, gas, coal, natural resources continuing. 8. Plundering, parasitic capital continues to control the economy and the productive investment efforts are being discriminated and obstructed. 9. State institutions have become fully corrupt serving the interests of plundering capital and imperialist ruling class. 10. Anarchy is prevailing in the field of education. 11. Environmental is in the brink of disaster. 12. Disparity and deprivation has reached vulgar magnitude. 5. For Overcoming the Crisis 5.1 Experiences of the recent days tells us that the rule of imperialism and plundering capitalists and the policies of open market economy, capitalist, globalization, liberation, indiscriminate de-nationalization, de-regulation etc. forced upon us by them have resulted in plunder, dependence and decay of our economy. The anti-productive, commission-seeking, parasitic and lumpen local ruling class have served the interests of imperialism and multinational companies as a consequence have served the interests of imperialism and multinational companies and as a consequence have given rise to a Vicious circle of crisis by plunging the country into a condition of unfettered plundering of national wealth, obstructing the free and stable development of the economy and generating disastrous effects on the life and livelihood of the masses from all imaginable aspect. The rule of the bourgeois parties alternating over the years serving the foreign and local ruling classes and following the same basic socio-economic polices could bring about no change in this degenerating situation . In order to pursue and obsolutise their exploitation and rule the ruling classes have used all means to enchain the domination of state power and politics within AL and BNP, and also of rearing up and utilizing Jamat along with its militant extremist accomplices to their advantage. But the formula of bi-polar system has failed to ensure stable and anarchy-free conditions for their unfetteed exploitation and rule. This bitter experience is compelling the ruling classes to seek other formulas for ensuring their interest and have. started talking of reforming politics from this view point. Experience however teaches us that without a change in class character of the rulers and a fundamental progressive transformation of the social-economic philosophy and policy of the country, the crisis will not be eliminated, but only its form face and magnitude will be altered. 5.2 The decay and degeneration that is going on in state and social life can only be mitigated through a revolutionary democratic transformation with a socialist orientation, and by no other means. There is no road to overcome the basic crisis except through the emergence of a alternative political polarization led by the left and resurgence of conscious and organized peoples power. 5.3. Overcoming of the existing crisis requires that a revolutionary democratic transformation of society and state system be brought about. This fundamental task should be considered to a part of the continuous day to day task, and should not be kept pending for the completion of any other partial task. In the work for carrying of all other immediate and urgent tasks, this must always be kept in mind as the pivotal task and necessary tactics has to be taken by keeping this in mind. In this context, special importance will have to be given to advance the following three tasks. (a) To build up an alternate polarization of left progressive-democratic forces outside the orbit of forces mobilizing around bourgeois parties, and strengthening its capability, qualification and popular support os as to make it competent for assuming state power. (b) Popularizing and mobilizing the masses in support of a pro-people, progressive, democratic, patriotic, anti-imperialist alternate programe. (c) Establish the dominance of alternate class forces in politics and society by building up the consciousness and organization of the masses including the toiling messes through relentless struggles for their own class based and other justful demands. 5.4 Our party will have to play the role of the main initiator in implementing this fundament task Special importance will have to be given to the following in this respect. (a) The strength, capability and efficiency of CPB will have to be raised. We must remember that as the most tested of the country and possessing the experience of long years. The CPB carries a high responsibility. The party will have to be built up as a true revolutionary party, a party for class struggles, a party of workers peasants toiling masses and a party with strong mass baisis. The party will have to strengthen its links with all sections and all parts society. (b) The level, extent and efficiency of work inside progressive mass organizations of workers, peasants, agricultural workers women, students, youth cultural activists slum dwellers, journalists, other professionals will have to be raised to a higher level and efforts to build up movements and work among the people will have to be intensified. (c)Patient and continuous efforts for unity with other communist parties and forces will have to be undertaken. Any opportunity for advancing communist unity will have to be made use of as soon as in develops. At the same time efforts will have to be undertaken for united action of mass organizations and also for building up united mass organizations along with them. (d) Activities of the Left Democratic Front will have to be advanced and efforts to draw in other left and democratic forces in the process of unity will also have to be undertaken. We must remember that the path of left-democratic unity is not a straight and simple one. It will have to be advanced through many ups and downs with creativeness and patience. (e) Patient struggle will have to be carried on against vacillations, opportunism, demagogy, exhibitionism, extremism, sectarianism and negative tendencies of the partners and potential partners of our Party, and at the same time they must all be inspired in the work of building up class struggles and popular mass struggles at the grass root level. 5.5 Along with the task of building up a left democratic alternative, it is at present also very important to work for combating the danger of fascists, armed communal forces, defeating communalism, resisting autocratic trends and encroachments, safeguarding democracy and democratic rights etc. On these issues CPB along with LDF will have to independently stand up at the forefront of the struggles and carry on concerted battles relentlessly. At the same time it will also be necessary to try to build up broadest possible movements on such concrete and definite issues and for doing this initiatives have to be taken to take parallel concertric and simultaneous steps along with other democratic and secular forces or alignment of forces which preserving the independent positions of all sides. 5.6 Before it becomes possible to initiate steps towards revolutionary democratic transformation politic power may change hands and many political and turns can occur. Every event of this type must be evaluated from the consideration of its possible impact on the question of advancing the work towards revolutionary democratic transformation and appropriate tactics and course of action will have to be undertaken accordingly. In the face of such changes, CPB will have to creatively and concretely pursue a course which ensures its independent and principled position and continues and speeds up the advance towards revolutionary democratic transformation. 5.7 CPB call upon workers peasants toiling masses and the entire people of our country to unitedly resist imperialism, plundering capitalist, plunderocracy, reactionary vested interest groups, communal fascist armed militant forces, forces and trends of communalism and autocracy. The nation needs an `alternative' in order to overcome the deep roots of the continuing crisis. And to build up such an 'alternative' it is essential strengthen CPB. Come! let us heighten our efforts to march onwards of such a meaningful change.

WHAT IS YOUR ANALYSIS ABOUT THIS POLITICAL RESOLUTION

[Die Neue Zeit]

I apologize for the late approval.

[Honggweilo]

paragraphs and layout, can i have it ?

[Die Neue Zeit]

^^^ I can only edit so much. Most of what I've read is a poor cut-and-paste job, so I couldn't edit the last part.