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Hey everyone, this is my first essay / article submission. I have given an analysis of the state which reflects my ideological views, and in doing so, have drawn upon and revised a range of source - in particular, State and Revolution, which, while a commendable text, I felt in some sections was inadequate in reflecting the nature of politics in democratic countries. I have offered my own views on this in the second pragraph.
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A re-appraisal of the State
The state is essentially a set of institutions that exercise a monopoly on the use of force within a defined territorial area, and arises from the irreconcilability of the class antagonism, such that the state is a constant feature of all class societies. Any society that is characterized by class division will invariably also contain a degree of class conflict; given that the interests of different classes are in fundamental opposition. Class conflict varies in magnitude; at its highest point it evolves into active class confrontation. The state is fundamentally the mechanism by which the current ruling class (The Bourgeoisie) can maintain the existing economic system of private property. The actions undertaken by the state to fulfill this role are collectively termed the 'mediation of class struggle'. The primary way in which the state does this is through the command of what Lenin referred to as 'bodies of armed men', most notably the armed services and the police force, who can exert physical force on the proletariat, should the proletariat choose to undertake such actions that are seen as posing a direct, or even symbolic threat to the existing economic and political system. However, the action of the state is not limited to this method. A further method the state undertakes to mediate class struggle is the provision of goods and services in order to secure a basic degree of material security for the collective proletariat. This is an almost ubiquitous feature of modern industrialized society and part of the program put forward by all electorally-significant political parties.
However, according to those who advocate the use of existing political institutions to gain improvements in the condition of the working class, the state is an objective entity that exists independent of class struggle. Although these claims are in denial of the actions undertaken by the state throughout history, it is still necessary to discuss exactly how the state acts in the interests of the ruling class, because in many countries, the state operates according to a system of universal suffrage, whereby the electorate has the ability to elect officers to power at regular intervals. Firstly, it should be noted that certain sections of the state are not subject to election, but are composed of permanent officials. Traditionally, these sections of the state oppose any movement that aims to improve the condition of the working class, such that, even in the event that a progressive government gains power in legislative assemblies through an election, there will exist sections of the state that will present political, and, in some instances, military opposition to the policies implemented by such a government. Moreover, it should be further noted, than, in terms of gaining political power through the electoral process, political parties that reflect the interests of (and, indeed, are often partly composed of) the bourgeoisie are able to exercise a clear advantage. They do so firstly in terms of raising the necessary funds so as to conduct an effective and well-orchestrated campaign. It is often the case, especially when alternative institutions such as bodies of trade unions lack the financial resources or motivation to prevent funds for a political party, that the most important source of campaign expenditure is through large corporations who seek to maintain the existing economic system; the importance of funds means that these bodies exercise an influence that is often reflected in the policies and ideology of the political party that controls the legislative and executive branches of government. Secondly, it should be further noted that the collective bourgeois class exercises control over the means by which information is distributed, which, like every other good or service under Capitalism, functions as a commodity. This will enable the bourgeoisie to determine the portrayal and coverage of political parties and their policies shortly before elections and for the duration of the parliamentary term. Although it is clear that the information industry is not homogeneous in its ideology and portrayal, the accumulation of Capital over a long period of time means that the information industry (like every other area of production) is under the control of a small number of large corporations, such that the ideological breadth is highly limited, and, in any event, only puts forward differing views on what should be done within the framework of the existing political and economic system. Through a combination of the factors discussed above, the actions of the state reflect the interests of the ruling class.
Moreover, there are certain characteristics of the bourgeois state that limit the democratic potential of this form of political organization, although they may not specifically and universally pertain to ensuring ruling-class power. It should, for example, be recognized that the electorate does not have the ability to exert control over the decisions of officers once they are elected to power for a parliamentary term, and, if elected officials do not implement the policies on the basis of which they were elected, there exists no right to re-call such officials and replace them with leaders who better reflect the interests of the electorate. The Socialist state will be more democratic than the currently existing political system in that these, and other shortcomings will be fully accounted for.
It is further necessary to discuss what role the state will play in the event that the working class takes power and establishes Socialism. The conditions that give rise to the state have already been established. Socialism will be a society in which the class antagonism still exists, in so far as that there will be certain economic and political groups who endeavor to re-establish a system of private property such that workers no longer exercise control over the means of production. This is an objective fact, even if areas under worker's control are organized according to the principles of equality and democracy. These groups may both arise from within the territory in which the revolution has taken place and in the form of armed divisions under the control of other states. The stage of history in which a struggle between the Proletariat, who now command economic and political power, and the forces of reaction is the dictatorship of the proletariat. The term dictatorship is not meant to imply that the proletariat will be subject to repression, as the socialist state is a fundamentally democratic structure, but rather describes the change in class power-relations that takes place through socialist revolution. The continued existence of the Class antagonism will entail the necessity of the state to organize and conduct the defense of the revolution. The absence of central leadership may result in independent groups of armed proletarians carrying out what they perceive to be the best plan of action with no regard for the broader requirements of the revolutionary movement, or alternatively armed groups may be subject to orders from a range of different sources and institutions between which there exists no unity of purpose and cohesion.
Although the role of the state as revolutionary institution has been discussed above, it must be emphasized that there also exists the possibility that the state apparatus will cease to reflect the interests of the collective proletariat, due to the emergence of a bourgeois-tendency within the state. This represents a force of counter-revolution that is not posed from external enemies who utilize military force, but from the center of the revolutionary movement. In order to ensure that the state is always a mechanism for ensuring the power of the proletariat, it is necessary to undertake revolutionary struggles and ideological criticism of officials that utilize their position to try and gain privileges and benefits or who do not fully reflect the interests of the proletariat. The importance of securing victory in the revolutionary struggle means that such action must be undertaken rapidly and all necessary and justified measures must be employed in resolving the problem of internal reaction. It may be possible to deal with the problem simply through the re-call of the state official in question, but, in the event that the the bourgeois-tendency in question exercises a hegemonic control of the state apparatus, may also require a sustained Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
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"The proletariat, when it seizes power [...] should and must at once undertake socialist measures in the most energetic, unyielding and unhesitant fashion, in other words, exercise a dictatorship, but a dictatorship of the CLASS, not of a party or of a clique -- dictatorship of the class, that means in the broadest possible form on the basis of the most active, unlimited participation of the mass of the people, of unlimited democracy." - Rosa Luxemburg
"An Rhein und Ruhr marschieren wir. / Für unsere Freiheit kämpfen wir! / Den Streifendienst, schlagt ihn entzwei! / Edelweiß marschiert – Achtung – die Straße frei!"
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