Thread: communism, ideology vs necessity/self interest abd san niss

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  1. #21
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    i think the problem is that hipsters try to acknowledge they are "against morality" and therefore, the only amoral way to be a communist is if they make some dumb myth about self interest.
    nailed it.
  2. #22
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    Being a communist in capitalist society isn't in anyone's self-interest. As you say, you expose yourself to persecution from the powers that be.

    But transforming capitalist society to communist is in almost everyone's self-interest (not the big bourgeoisie's).

    And yes it is a matter of self-preservation. For people who die with insufficient health care, workers who are stressed to death, who are wrecked by on the job injuries, who are sent to the human scrap heap by unemployment. And for everyone -- environmental destruction, war, violence born from poverty -- all of that will be ended by communism.

    Your mistake is thinking of being a communist only as an identity choice within capitalism. But the point of being a communist -- is revolution to end capitalism and establish socialism. And that makes perfect sense for the self-interest of just about everyone.

    It is the scientifically established imperative next step for human civilization. The only alternative is barbarism (probably in the form of fascism).
    The US state doesn't have any rights except for being abolished and replaced by a socialist state. - azula
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  4. #23
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    i think the problem is that hipsters try to acknowledge they are "against morality" and therefore, the only amoral way to be a communist is if they make some dumb myth about self interest. While communism will come through necessity I think, its ultimate legitimacy rests in moral/human/ethical assumptions. men don't deserve to be treated like rats or be cold, hungry, and miserable.
    Yes but alternately if you base your support for such-and-such program off moral perogative or whatever, there's a possibility there that the "contagion of class dominance" will carry over. Because as it stands today most people who claim to speak for the most exploited members of society are not the most exploited themselves.
    "Win, lose or draw...long as you squabble and you get down, that's gangsta."
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  6. #24
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    Yes but alternately if you base your support for such-and-such program off moral perogative or whatever, there's a possibility there that the "contagion of class dominance" will carry over. Because as it stands today most people who claim to speak for the most exploited members of society are not the most exploited themselves.
    yea but i don't think its either a buncha nihilist idiots talking about how moral values won't stop a bullet or whatever
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    i think the problem is that hipsters try to acknowledge they are "against morality" and therefore, the only amoral way to be a communist is if they make some dumb myth about self interest. While communism will come through necessity I think, its ultimate legitimacy rests in moral/human/ethical assumptions. men don't deserve to be treated like rats or be cold, hungry, and miserable.
    I propose going further than that - that for all it's talk of a working class movement, most IRL communists don't so much see the abolition of capitalism as a uniquely working class objective, but see the working class, and its role in the class struggle, as the most promising vehicle by which capitalism will be transcended.

    To me this point seems self-evident. Working class institutions like unions serve as powerful counterweights to the capitalists, and working class social organizations (like solidarity organizations, anti-racist action etc...) can in very real senses form the sort of prefigurative politics for a post-capitalist order in a way that the institutions and orgs of other classes patently cannot, or, when they try to, have disastrous results. Indeed, the glimmers of liberated alternative societies we have from the paris commune to the petrograd soviets to the catalonian syndicates to the occupied south american factories were all based on massive working class social networks that pre-dated the crises. Failures - e.g., Stalinist bureaucracy and pol pot were profoundly anti-working class petty bourgeois, agrarian, or even outright bourgeois (e.g., post wwii social democracy) led societies.

    What is not clear is that the struggles of the working class need always be congruent with the abolition of capitalism - that point is well taken and as I read the moss quote you posted that's the gist of his argument. But the instrumentalist argument for the working class as ultimately the transformative engine away from capitalism, to put it bluntly, still seems quite compelling.
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  9. #26
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    Sorry, but whatever you're reading into this piece just isn't there. The article (repeatedly) states that "the working class alone can wage the revolutionary struggle," that "the divided objectives of the workers are, despite the increasing ideological confusion, converging toward one objective: a fundamental change of present socio-economic forms of life," and that "when they do so, they will not rise from ideological factors, but from necessity, and their ideologies will only reflect the necessities then, as do their current bourgeois ideologies reflect the necessity today."

    In other words, the working class is the only force that can carry out the communist revolution, and it will do so out of necessity (whether or not the specific term "communist" is ever used, this is "communism" in its realest sense).

    The author states that the workings of the class struggle itself, uneven in its development, will cause communists to emerge from the ranks of the working class here and there even before the development of the working class revolution. He states that there is not much these workers can do to hasten that revolution, that they will probably group together simply because it's easier for them to make it through life when surrounded by like-minded individuals (i.e. necessity), that although these small groups are impotent they show that when workers began to become forced into direct and open conflict with capital they too will band together, and that the working class revolution will see the small groups meld with the larger working class movement for communism.

    Not to mention that it was published in Living Marxism, which for all intents and purposes belonged to chief-editor Paul Mattick, and his politics and principles are a matter of public record.

    If you want to make these claims, you're of course free to do so, but they're unrelated to the contents of "The Impotence of the Revolutionary Group." And quite frankly, I have a difficult time taking such arguments from folks who spend years studying abroad for advanced academic degrees seriously. That's like some sort small-scale inverted version of a rich bourgeois politician arguing against direct democracy.

    Class and class struggle has literally nothing to do with the petty-bourgeois phenomenon of identity politics and is in fact key to any real understanding of the development of human history.

    What you've done here is misappropriate a piece in order to attack a strawman. No one with a brain would argue that all workers are automatically communists, that it's in the immediate self-interest of individual workers to come out as open communist militants in reactionary periods, or anything approaching any of that. What has been argued is more or less the same thing that was argued in the very piece you linked to: that the working class is engaged in an inescapable life-or-death struggle against capital, that eventually the struggle will be forced into the open, and that victory of the working class in that struggle is the only possible road to actual communism as a genuine human community and not an ideological fig leaf for the actions of a bunch of careerists, activists and/or pseudo-intellectual weirdos.
    "Getting a job, finding a mate, having a place to live, finding a creative outlet. Life is a war of attrition. You have to stay active on all fronts. It's one thing after another. I've tried to control a chaotic universe. And it's a losing battle. But I can't let go. I've tried, but I can't." - Harvey Pekar


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  11. #27
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    And quite frankly, I have a difficult time taking such arguments from folks who spend years studying abroad for advanced academic degrees seriously.
    <3

    anyway, i think there is a problem of miscommunication here. i never said communism will come through anything but necessity. second, not all the post was sam moss, but it had my ideas added to it.

    finally, class struggle/class politics != "working class identity". you cannot take seriously this if you don't want, i could care less what some stranger in the internet thinks. the moon is not made of cheese regardless if the queen of england or a miner says so. i come from a family with a militant record, and their "ideas" did not help them at all. some of them winded up in prison, tortured, or dead. if that is what "self interest" is then there is some bad book keeping going on. similarly, there is really nothing one would gain from being a "communist" in the US, today, except perhaps access to some likeminded individuals to discuss and write with.
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  13. #28
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    You're still arguing against a strawman. No one is arguing that there is any advantage to openly proclaiming yourself a communist militant in the U.S. in 2012. Literally no one.

    The argument is that class is what matters, that anyone can claim to be "communist" at any time (and change their mind later) and mean anything by it from wanting to live in a sex commune to worshiping Kim Jong-il; but that only the working class is objectively communist in that it is the only force capable of actually bringing communism (in its real sense, "an objective end to all political leadership and to the division of society into economic and political categories," to quote the article you linked to) into being.
    "Getting a job, finding a mate, having a place to live, finding a creative outlet. Life is a war of attrition. You have to stay active on all fronts. It's one thing after another. I've tried to control a chaotic universe. And it's a losing battle. But I can't let go. I've tried, but I can't." - Harvey Pekar


  14. #29
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    The argument is that class is what matters,
    what argument? the initial post wasn't necessarily aimed at you (although I admit, I was thinking somewhat about you and a couple other people).

    the working class is objectively communist in that it is the only force capable of actually bringing communism (in its real sense, "an objective end to all political leadership and to the division of society into economic and political categories," to quote the article you linked to) into being.
    And I don't disagree with that?

    The post is linked to a lot of ideas/discussions i've had lately with tons of people, which indeed it seems to have resonated with some people as there where some thanks in the post so I assume I am not a crazy man talking to himself.

    class matters in the sense that in the macroscopic level, it is class struggle that determines the outcomes of history. however, class is not a category that makes sense when attempting to argue about something of one individual person or individual persons. i.e. if a tiny council communist group is made up of 4 workers, or 3 workers and 1 petit bourgeois, or 2 train workers and 2 grad students, - it is meaningless to apply a class anaylsis to it. the communist grouplets, no matter their "class composition", are so tiny and insignificant and irrelevant/cut off from the general mindset of the class (doesnt matter if nutters/weirdos were born in the slums or in the suburbs). This is also the idea that one of this nutters/weirdos is a communist because of "self interest", of course not, that is preposterous.
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  16. #30
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    my point is that communists are not the "working class" nor an extension of it, at least in a historical materialist sense. the working class creates its own organs and ways of fighting, and most of the time the people in those organs are not really communists, except in some specific historic situations, in a very vague sense.
    The better point to be made in all your spontaneism, ad hoc-isms, etc. is the urgency of merging the communist program, revolutionary socialism, etc. with the worker-class movement.

    But who creates the worker-class movement, as opposed to mere labour movements? The very "volunteers" and "substitutionists" derided by the likes of some posters here. These 19th-century organizers understood the imperative of behavioural political economy: http://www.revleft.com/vb/behavioura...631/index.html

    I propose going further than that - that for all it's talk of a working class movement, most IRL communists don't so much see the abolition of capitalism as a uniquely working class objective, but see the working class, and its role in the class struggle, as the most promising vehicle by which capitalism will be transcended.

    To me this point seems self-evident. Working class institutions like unions serve as powerful counterweights to the capitalists, and working class social organizations (like solidarity organizations, anti-racist action etc...) can in very real senses form the sort of prefigurative politics for a post-capitalist order in a way that the institutions and orgs of other classes patently cannot, or, when they try to, have disastrous results. Indeed, the glimmers of liberated alternative societies we have from the paris commune to the petrograd soviets to the catalonian syndicates to the occupied south american factories were all based on massive working class social networks that pre-dated the crises. Failures - e.g., Stalinist bureaucracy and pol pot were profoundly anti-working class petty bourgeois, agrarian, or even outright bourgeois (e.g., post wwii social democracy) led societies.

    What is not clear is that the struggles of the working class need always be congruent with the abolition of capitalism - that point is well taken and as I read the moss quote you posted that's the gist of his argument. But the instrumentalist argument for the working class as ultimately the transformative engine away from capitalism, to put it bluntly, still seems quite compelling.
    Comrade, I don't know what magic hustla is up to now, to be honest. I don't think he's moving towards more pro-party politics.
    "A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)

    "A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)
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  18. #31
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    Lets please not let DNZ derail what is, by recent revleft standards, a relatively interesting discussion, thnx
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    ^^^ The merger formula is very relevant to the discussion, thanks.
    "A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)

    "A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)
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  21. #33
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    dnz proves my point. does it really matter if he is ultraprole or the haute bourgeosie? he is a fucking nutter, and the millieu is full of them
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  23. #34
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    dnz proves my point. does it really matter if he is ultraprole or the haute bourgeosie? he is a fucking nutter, and the millieu is full of them
    Honestly, you really need to get sober. I'm an organizational and institutional pragmatist.
    "A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)

    "A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)
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  25. #35
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    what argument?
    The actual argument that people have made, here and elsewhere. As opposed to the argument you concocted in order to tear down (e.g. that there is some material advantage to proclaiming yourself a communist militant in the U.S. in 2012).

    class matters in the sense that in the macroscopic level, it is class struggle that determines the outcomes of history. however, class is not a category that makes sense when attempting to argue about something of one individual person or individual persons. i.e. if a tiny council communist group is made up of 4 workers, or 3 workers and 1 petit bourgeois, or 2 train workers and 2 grad students, - it is meaningless to apply a class anaylsis to it. the communist grouplets, no matter their "class composition", are so tiny and insignificant and irrelevant/cut off from the general mindset of the class (doesnt matter if nutters/weirdos were born in the slums or in the suburbs). This is also the idea that one of this nutters/weirdos is a communist because of "self interest", of course not, that is preposterous.
    Right. People who grow up in well off petty-bourgeois families and send their kids to private schools surely have the same outlook on life as people who spend 60 hours a week breaking their backs in coal mines. People who never work a day in their lives and spend their time perusing the library at their $50,000-a-semester university no doubt have the same views and perspectives as the guy who tries in vein to support a family of four by working 30 hours a week for minimum wage at a gas station.

    Materialism? Who needs it.

    All left-sects are irrelevant. The fact that they exists proves this more than anything else.

    The difference between the petty-bourgeois "communist" professional thinkers and the communist truck driver is that at the pro-intellectual can hand in his "red card" whenever the going gets tough or the tide changes (or the mood strikes him) and take up a nice cushy position in a university or think-tank somewhere cranking out ideological air biscuits. The communist truck driver can forsake his communist outlook too, but he will still be exploited, he will still be in conflict with the bosses, and he will still have to fight to live. And eventually, the class he is a part of will be forced to take up the world-historic struggle to turn society upside down.

    That's part of the reason petty-bourgeois "communists" can be so dangerous. The other part is that they are often driven by their own motives, careerist or worst, and have the management skills to intervene in class struggle at just the right moment to lead it down the road of good intention. And we all know where that leads.
    "Getting a job, finding a mate, having a place to live, finding a creative outlet. Life is a war of attrition. You have to stay active on all fronts. It's one thing after another. I've tried to control a chaotic universe. And it's a losing battle. But I can't let go. I've tried, but I can't." - Harvey Pekar


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  27. #36
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    Materialism? Who needs it.

    All left-sects are irrelevant. The fact that they exists proves this more than anything else.
    Materialism is good, but who needs determinism? Radicalized workers don't.
    "A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)

    "A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)
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  29. #37
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    Right. They need the Revolutionary-Democratic, Cesarean-Third-Worldist, Kautskyite-Worker-Class-Movement of Social-Proletocracy!
    "Getting a job, finding a mate, having a place to live, finding a creative outlet. Life is a war of attrition. You have to stay active on all fronts. It's one thing after another. I've tried to control a chaotic universe. And it's a losing battle. But I can't let go. I've tried, but I can't." - Harvey Pekar


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  31. #38
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    Right. They need the Revolutionary-Democratic, Cesarean-Third-Worldist, Kautskyite-Worker-Class-Movement of Social-Proletocracy!
    I'll just say that every genuine class struggle is a political struggle ("politico-political" to be more accurate) and not an economic one.

    I don't take your defamation of me as a "Third Worldist" (implying the reactionary MTW) very kindly.
    "A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)

    "A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)
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    Right. People who grow up in well off petty-bourgeois families and send their kids to private schools surely have the same outlook on life as people who spend 60 hours a week breaking their backs in coal mines.Of course not. The guy who delivers pizzas in new york city doesn't have the same outlook as an indian worker rioting in the factory either. :People who never work a day in their lives and spend their time perusing the library at their $50,000-a-semester university no doubt have the same views and perspectives as the guy who tries in vein to support a family of four by working 30 hours a week for minimum wage at a gas station.
    Of course not. Nor the urban bachelor that serves coffee in some metropolis have much to do psychologically with an indian worker rioting in some auto factory. Nor the white kid that grew up in a middle class union home has much to do psychologically with the black kid that has a crack addicted mom and his friends shoot some fuckers to push dope. We can play that stupid game all you want.

    Materialism? Who needs it.
    :shrugs:, what you are talking about is not really historical materialism, but some weird marxified form of vulgar psychology.




    That's part of the reason petty-bourgeois "communists" can be so dangerous. The other part is that they are often driven by their own motives, careerist or worst, and have the management skills to intervene in class struggle at just the right moment to lead it down the road of good intention. And we all know where that leads.
    :shrugs:, stalin's whole central committee was made of workers more or less. What you are talking about is not really petit bourgeois individual "communists" but careerists and party bureaucrats in general. The petit bourgeois happens to generally be better equipped financially and in terms of skills to overtake this organizations, but any one of any class background who ends up taking those positions and becoming professional community organizers/radicals/partyheads/petit bourgeois overseers whatever the fuck is the current flavor of little lenins today, is bound more or less to be like that. We are talking really, however, about mass movements, when the class is in conflict, not small reading council communist circles, which is what I have been alluding to all the time. THis is why I said class matters in the macroscopic, structural level, as opposed to trying to map the destiny of a particular individual and its psychology, especially someone as weird to be part of a council communist circle/wpa/tinyleftsect is a bit silly. Some dude who's daddy owns some stupid bookstore or whatever that happens to read marx in a circle with you is very different from talking about, say, may 1968 and the influence of party bureacrats.

    A good comparison is statistics. Statistics are more or less useless when your sample size is tiny, however the useability of it increases as the sample size increases. In physics, we use statistical mechanics to talk about 10^23 atoms, not the trajectory of one atom. Historical materialism is a theory of history, not a theory of individuals.
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    Of course not. Nor the urban bachelor that serves coffee in some metropolis have much to do psychologically with an indian worker rioting in some auto factory. Nor the white kid that grew up in a middle class union home has much to do psychologically with the black kid that has a crack addicted mom and his friends shoot some fuckers to push dope. We can play that stupid game all you want.
    No one said all workers listen to the same music or drink in the same bar or even speak the same language. But that doesn't matter. What they have in common is their relation to the means of production and society.

    When the bosses go on the attack, workers can come together on the same side of the barricades, regardless of any of that.

    Who did battle in the auto plants of Michigan? "Polish-Americans" from Detroit, "blacks" from the south and "hillbillies" from Appalachia. Workers all.

    Who waged war in the coal fields of West Virginia? White and black miners (as the saying goes, everyone is black after a shift underground).

    Look at the reports of Turkish and Kurdish workers together during the recent Tekel strike. The St. Louis commune with white workers who undoubtedly had racist ideas taking up the cause of black workers. The Coal Creek War, with southern white workers freeing black inmates being used to replace them.

    Etc., etc., etc.

    And therein lies the point.

    Workers aren't bound by ideological strings, taste in music, but by what are ultimately common conditions of life and position in society. And although they have differences among themselves, they share this essential commonality, whether or not they are conscious of it at any given time, that will and must emerge in times of open class conflict.

    And while they may chill with different groups of friends after work, they all know what it's like to sell their labor power to survive, to be exploited, to be a cog in the bosses machine, etc. And ultimately, their only way out of all of this is through a working class revolution that abolishes capitalism.

    The petty-bourgeois communists on the other hand take up their political positions for whatever personal reason (careerism, idealism, guilt, to "serve the people," because they're angry at mommy and daddy, etc.), and can jettison it like their CD collection whenever they tire of it. Not to mention that were an actual proletarian revolution to break out, it's goals would surpass their own of "a more humane society," and in fact encroach on their material interests.

    The worker is free to abandon communist politics... but escaping wage-slavery isn't so easy.

    :shrugs:, what you are talking about is not really historical materialism, but some weird marxified form of vulgar psychology.
    :shrugs: I don't even know what you're talking about most of the time because your posts are muddled and meandering, with topics that change throughout, sometimes mid-sentence.

    It was Marx who developed "historical materialism," with Engels proclaiming at his grave that it was one of his two great discoveries.

    What did these two "discoverers" say and do in practice?

    Marx specifically rejected official leadership positions time and time again.
    "'Victor Le Lubez … asked if Karl Marx would suggest the name of someone to speak on behalf of the German Workers.’ Marx himself was far too bourgeois to be eligible so he recommended the emigre tailor Johann Georg Eccarius…'" – Karl Marx: A Life. Francis Wheen.

    "Citizen Marx has just been mentioned; he has perfectly understood the importance of this first congress, where there should be only working-class delegates; therefor he refused the delegateship he was offered in the General Council." – Geneva Congress of the First International, James Carter.

    "Lawrence moved that Marx be President for the ensuing twelve months; Carter seconded that nomination. Marx proposed Odger: he, Marx, thought himself incapacitated because he was a head worker and not a hand worker." – The General Council of the First International: Minutes.
    Marx and Engels argued against members of the petty-bourgeoisie leading workers.
    "The International Working Men's Association, based upon the principle of the abolition of classes, cannot admit any middle class Sections.'” - Engels, Resolutions of the Hague Congress of the International Working Men's Association

    "... the I.W.M.A., according to the General Rules, is to consist exclusively of 'workingmen's societies' .... the General Council was some months ago precluded from recognizing a Slavonian section exclusively composed of students ... the General Council recommends that in future there be admitted no new American section of which two-thirds at least do not consist of wage laborers." - Resolution of the IWMA on the Split in the U.S. Federation

    "If people of this kind from other classes join the proletarian movement, the first condition is that they should not bring any remnants of bourgeois, petty-bourgeois, etc., prejudices with them but should whole-heartedly adopt the proletarian point of view. But these gentlemen, as has been proved, are stuffed and crammed with bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideas. In such a petty-bourgeois country as Germany these ideas certainly have their own justification. But only outside the Social-Democratic Workers’ Party. If these gentlemen form themselves into a Social-Democratic Petty-Bourgeois Party they have a perfect right to do so; one could then negotiate with them, form a bloc according to circumstances, etc. But in a workers’ party they are an adulterating element. If reasons exist for tolerating them there for the moment, it is also a duty only to tolerate them, to allow them no influence in the Party leadership and to remain aware that a break with them is only a matter of time. The time, moreover, seems to have come." - Engels
    Some of that "weird marxified form of vulgar psychology" I suppose.

    :shrugs:, stalin's whole central committee was made of workers more or less.
    The Bolshevik's central committee was absolutely dominated by the petty-bourgeoisie. After the civil war the "Lenin Levy" brought a flood of workers into the ranks of the party, but where they? Many of the most militant workers had been killed off in the struggles after the revolution. Those who remained, and made it through "War Communism," were largely conservative, trying to stay alive and support their families. They entered the party for self-preservation (at a rare time in history when being a "communist" actually expanded your opportunities). They were very easily manipulated by the bureaucrats who controlled the reins, brought in to fill the gaps and perfect the state apparatus.

    What you are talking about is not really petit bourgeois individual "communists" but careerists and party bureaucrats in general.
    That's exactly what I'm talking about. People trained by their conditions of life not only to "lead," manage, boss around, etc., but who also expect it as rightfully and naturally theirs.

    The petit bourgeois happens to generally be better equipped financially and in terms of skills to overtake this organizations, but any one of any class background who ends up taking those positions and becoming professional community organizers/radicals/partyheads/petit bourgeois overseers whatever the fuck is the current flavor of little lenins today, is bound more or less to be like that.
    Right. The petty-bourgeoisie socialists and their organizations (which unfortunately suck in some working people). They are training houses for careerists of all stripes. They develop "leadership" skills, propaganda skills, and even the "nuts and bolts" stuff like making posters, newspapers, videos, websites, speeches, etc., that "normal" workers by and large don't have much experience in. That's a part of the danger.

    We are talking really, however, about mass movements, when the class is in conflict, not small reading council communist circles, which is what I have been alluding to all the time.
    And? People were armed in the street of Bolivia chanting "workers to power" before Morales and co. swept in to head things off at the pass. The same kind of activity (and worse) can be found throughout history.

    The groups are small now but that doesn't mean they are not dangerous for the simple of fact of their skills, underlying motives and what they can become in times of open conflict.

    The role of the petty-bourgeoisie in socialist movements has been demonstrated time and time again through history. Here's a hint: it ain't a good one.

    THis is why I said class matters in the macroscopic, structural level, as opposed to trying to map the destiny of a particular individual and its psychology, especially someone as weird to be part of a council communist circle/wpa/tinyleftsect is a bit silly. Some dude who's daddy owns some stupid bookstore or whatever that happens to read marx in a circle with you is very different from talking about, say, may 1968 and the influence of party bureacrats.

    A good comparison is statistics. Statistics are more or less useless when your sample size is tiny, however the useability of it increases as the sample size increases. In physics, we use statistical mechanics to talk about 10^23 atoms, not the trajectory of one atom. Historical materialism is a theory of history, not a theory of individuals.
    Trying to decipher this, all I can come up with is the argument you always make about "class breaking down on the individual level" or whatever. Frankly, it makes no sense.

    If there is a working class then there must be working people, and vice versa. And just as the existence of a bag of rice requires the existence of individual grains of rice, the existence of a petty-bourgeois class requires the existence of petty-bourgeois individuals.

    Classes make history. But if we are indeed materialists, then we must recognize that class isn't a political position or program. The "working class" doesn't suddenly emerge out of thin air when a group of various and random people get together around the "good idea" of "communism." It objectively exists as a necessary aspect of capitalist society, and has itself the ingrained task to abolish that society in order to liberate itself.
    "Getting a job, finding a mate, having a place to live, finding a creative outlet. Life is a war of attrition. You have to stay active on all fronts. It's one thing after another. I've tried to control a chaotic universe. And it's a losing battle. But I can't let go. I've tried, but I can't." - Harvey Pekar


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