Originally Posted by the Left
As leftists do we support all unions in principle, critique their bureaucratic structure etc?
Only if we misunderstand the role and function of unions in capitalist society.
In short, it is not that the bureaucratic form is the problem, far from it. The root problem is much deeper so to speak.
I'll rely on the article The Bounds of Proletarian Emancipation here. I think it does a magnificent job of outlining the communist criticism of the union.
To start with the usual leftist view:
A critique of the bureaucratisation of unions and of their structural separation from the working class is not categorically wrong, but it is a simplification that is often morally charged...
In left-wing milieus such a critique amounts to no more than moral indignation about unions supposedly being corrupt and decoupled from the interests of workers.
However, and contrary to the received leftist wisdom of focusing on "revolutionary leadership in unions", the issue is rather different. It concerns the function of unions which cannot be reduced to the politics and moral fortitude of its official apparatus.
In this sense, the union is an enterprise selling a service; the union officials' relationship to the means of production is a peculiar one - their livelihood and position is intimately tied to their relationship to variable capital, i.e. the labor force. This relationship is one of representation, which is based on the union apparatus acting as mediators in conflicts (the famed social dialogue, or social partnership is a three way talk: the state-the employer-the union) and as negotiators of the sale of labor power.
It should be clear that the union apparatus is completely dependent on capital for maintaining their job and social position which enables them to enjoy a certain standard of living. But it should also be very clear that preserving this function of representation also puts the union in a position of complete dependence on capital.
This relates to the issue of the cycles of accumulation ("prosperity" - crisis).
In times of the latter, it's obvious that if a union is to keep going on and selling their service it needs to accept the newly developed situation and constraints on what is reasonably possible in case of demands (both in relation to wage demands proper, working time and workplace related issues; but also in relation to broader issues of social reproduction, like policies aiming at the unemployed etc.).
But union struggles were not and are not a form in which the working class struggles as a whole. Three things catch the eye when one regards unions from this point of view.
Firstly, with their organisation they intensify the fragmentation of the working class between companies and individual sectors.
Secondly, unions grew into their role as a “social partner” within the framework of the nation and depend on this framework. They can be integrated in a supranational framework – like the EU – but as a social partner they cannot step beyond this framework in which they function and are accepted. So “international unions” in reality only have the function of a moral admonisher pointing out violations of applicable law and things like that. But that normally happens in a context of international competition. Thus, the division of the class into nations is also mirrored by unions.
Thirdly, and finally, it is apparent that unions – because they have to remain within the framework of capitalism – are forced to bring their strategy in line with the possibilities permitted by the economic cycle...
...unions, as enterprises, need compromises: they need compromises between the interests of workers and the interests of capitalists, and they need struggles to take place under controlled conditions. Furthermore, the police function of unions asserts itself. This is already visible in their regulative behaviour and stifling of labour struggles. But unions show their repressive side fully, in direct opposition to the interests of the working class, any time the working class starts to fight against capitalism and against its existence as variable capital.
But, on the other hand, it is undoubtedly true that the union isn't a clever ploy of the ruling class; they do have to actually do something for workers if they want to keep selling them the service.
In this sense, the union is also a defensive form of organization of the working class; probably the minimum defensive form which doesn't do the work at any time at all.
The history of unions' origins is the history of proletarians fighting against the impositions of capital. Unions fulfilled an important function in struggles for workers' collective interests within capitalism. In and with the unions, workers struggled in strikes for higher wages, more free time, more participation. So the collective interests of workers in different sectors and enterprises became apparent and in struggles workers demonstrated their power and their abilities.
It's true that in one way, union organizing does represent a "school of class struggle"; but it does way more than that, as they also play a completely opposite role, that of integrating wage labor into the capitalist social order.
As previously mentioned, unions historically formed as negotiators to enforce workers' demands for higher wages or shorter working hours. But a negotiator loses his right to exist when he abolishes the basis of his demands. The basis of wages and working hours is capitalism. Representing workers within the system and not against the system is part of the inner logic of unions.
Due to this fact, unions become managers of workers as variable capital – labour as a commodity. They are an organisational manifestation of the constant struggle surrounding the distribution of socially produced wealth, a struggle for a decrease in the rate of exploitation. In this function they are co-organisers of the accumulation of capital – they play their part in keeping the capitalist game going. By securing reproduction, that is the continued existence of the working class, unions, much like the state, represent the interests of capital as a whole, which can only exist as long as there is a working class to be exploited. Concretely, this means that they resist the interests of individual capitals, of individual companies trying to keep the costs of variable capital as low as possible, and the working time as long as possible. For the actual worker this reproduction of the variable part of capital is the same as his or her own reproduction.
So this is not mere wretchedness or betrayal by unions, but it expresses the inner contradictions of this institution: on the one hand, the manager of labour as variable capital, on the other representing the material interests of workers within capitalism. In practice, unions always have to resolve this conflict by keeping labour in the state of variable capital, following the logic of the accumulation of capital, and not against this logic. As organisations within capitalism, unions depend on the form of variable capital.
http://kosmoprolet.org/node/97
So to answer the question posed by OP, no - I don't support unions in principle; what I do support unequivocally, in principle and in practical actions, is unionized workers fighting against capitalists. This cannot be reduced to a simplistic idea of supporting the unions in principle (or any other way).
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