Also Bordiga's writings contain criticisms of organisational fetishism, voluntarism and formalism that have a marked resemblance to contemporary 'ultra-left' theorists in the 'communisation' current. Nonetheless in terms of historical periodisation it has a certain truth.
The term ultra-left can be a term of abuse, especially when used by Trotskyist currents who consider certain Maoist groups, the third-period Comintern and various insurrectionary currents to be of the 'ultra-left', and it did originate that way, but if we're clear that the ultra-left refers to a definite current with positions against voluntarism, formalism, organisational fetishism and so on then I wouldn't have anything personally against self-identifying as an adherent of the broad ultra-left.
Actually one of the main currents of the 'ultra-left' following the lead taken up by Amadeo Bordiga has criticised the idea of a conflict between 'libertarian' and 'authoritarian' trends or adherents of the 'council-form' and the 'party-form' and asserted the idea of the revolution as a question in the first place of content. Anarcho-Syndicalism and it's fetish of the union-form doesn't really have much in common with a current that was against even 'revolutionary' unions and the idea that the problem posed was to advocate and create the perfect form of organisation.
The big positive about Bordiga among the left-coms was that he didn't entertain council and/or assembly fetishes. There are those fetishes, the union fetishes, the "Leninist vanguard party" fetishes, the electoral machine fetishes, etc. The "perfect" form of organization, however, is the one that institutionally combines elements of each major form of workers organization.
You've criticized me for my alleged "organizational fetishism," but I still think that a certain model was by far the closest to this "perfect" form.
"A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)
"A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)