But that's my point: the correct way to stop fascism is to remove those conditions. Simply banning fascist symbols and hate speech obviously doesn't work; in Germany those things are outright illegal and punishable by up to several years in prison, but it still doesn't stop the fascists.
That would be because German society is based on capitalist relations of production, and consequently because social conditions pertaining to exploitation and political domination, extending to the global scale, still remain intact, however modified by certain intrventions into the relations of production.
But that does not tell us anything about concrete measures in a revolutionary society to be undertaken for self-defense with respect to Fascists. I'd argue in fact that your approach of outarguing the fascists, based in logical argument put foward in media of public discourse, is not relevant here because such groups are not interested in argumentative debate, open to different perspectives. I think it would be logical to assume that fascist activity will not take the form of a political organization out in the open, producing arguments and forwarding political positions, but rather that clandestine terror groups, in one way or another connected to countries in proximity which resist social revolution.
If it is to be shown that such forms of resistance to workers' power arise, then the question of self-defense shifts from your proposed terrain of rational debate to terrains of specific ways of repression and coercion. It is precisely this context that enables us to debate whether it would be necessary to lock up a random guy who is vocal about his dislike for X ethnic minority, for LGBTQ people, or workers' taking over production and running it in their interests, but does not seem to be a pat of an organized network of reaction.
Of course, this branches out into a discussion on specific institutions of self-defense aiming at uncovering the before mentioned clandestine fascist groups.
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