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For fellow CWI-ers, or for just anyone interested. If anyone wants to debate the points, or discuss them that would be cool. Also, I know I'm a member a SPEW, but it would be cool if anyone wanted to try refute any of the manifesto. Thanks for taking to the time to have a quick look comrades.
It took me bloody ages to format this, so please take the time to just skim through
Thanks again.
Both for the production on a mass scale of this communist consciousness, and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of men on a mass scale is, necessary, an alteration which can only take place in a practical movement, a revolution; this revolution is necessary, therefore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found society anew
With this TUSC, is it going to end after the general election?
The problem is, there always these alliances (No2EU, Socialist Alliance etc) that seem to end quickly. Why? How do they expect to go anywhere
Why are you calling for part-time workers to have things like "sickness rights". Not that sickness rights are a bad thing. Part-time work is. Especially since it's usually done by students who can't afford otherwise or people who can't find real jobs and must make ends meet with half a salary. It just seems too moderate, calling for a non-flexible labor market should be up there with your demands, anyone's demands (having a labor market is bad enough).
Also, nationalizing the top 150 companies. Since it's the UK we're talking that would leave many, many companies with huge resourses and personnel in the hundreds in private hands. Is that necessary?
...We shall never recognise equality with the peasant profiteer, just as we do not recognise “equality” between the exploiter and the exploited, between the sated and the hungry, nor the “freedom” for the former to rob the latter. And those educated people who refuse to recognise this difference we shall treat as whiteguards, even though they may call themselves democrats, socialists, internationalists, Kautskys, Chernovs, or Martovs.
V.I. Lenin
I'm happy to see that trade unionists should also work on a worker's wage. This is a democratic and political demand foremost since genuine socialists should not have any material interest in the continuation of capitalism.
“Where the worker is regulated bureaucratically from childhood onwards, where he believes in authority, in those set over him, the main thing is to teach him to walk by himself.” - Marx
"It is illogical and incorrect to reduce everything to the economic [socialist] revolution, for the question is: how to eliminate [political] oppression? It cannot be eliminated without an economic revolution... But to limit ourselves to this is to lapse into absurd and wretched ... Economism." - Lenin
"[During a revolution, bourgeois democratic] demands [of the working class] ... push so hard on the outer limits of capital's rule that they appear likewise as forms of transition to a proletarian dictatorship." - Luxemburg
“Well, then go forward, Tower of Bebel! [August] Bebel is one of the most brilliant representatives of scientific international socialism. His writings, speeches and works make up a great tower, a strong arsenal, from which the working class should take their weapons. We cannot recommend it enough… And if the [International] deserves to be named Tower of Bebel... well, then we are lucky to have such a Tower of Bebel with us.” - Vooruit
It's a transitional demand and it recognises the fact that (as you imply yourself) many workers do part-time work by choice. All part-time workers should have conditions in line with full-time workers
Again a transitional demand - the top 150 companies control about 90% of the economy and would be sufficient to ensure proper democratic planning of the economy. This is not to say that other companies would not be nationalised as and when necessary (or when the companies workers would consider it appropriate) but it recognises that fact that it is not necessary to nationalise everything that moves to have a socialist planned economy.
1) Bob Crow doesn't have a skilled workers wage at all.
2) Although I modified my "private-sector collective bargaining representation as a free legal service" to include government compensation there on average skilled workers' levels, where is that demand aimed at? Is it a call for the state to regulate trade union pay? If, on the other hand, it's aimed directly at the trade unions, how can it be political given that it isn't aimed at the broader society?
"A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)
"A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)
To be fair, Crow's not a Socialist Party member, only of the TUSC (although the man's a reactionary in awkardist clothing anyway), and this isn't a TUSC document.
words go here eventually
Pretty sure that's impossible. Any data?
Basically, nationalizing 150 companies would leave you where China is today. If that.
...We shall never recognise equality with the peasant profiteer, just as we do not recognise “equality” between the exploiter and the exploited, between the sated and the hungry, nor the “freedom” for the former to rob the latter. And those educated people who refuse to recognise this difference we shall treat as whiteguards, even though they may call themselves democrats, socialists, internationalists, Kautskys, Chernovs, or Martovs.
V.I. Lenin
I was unable to find any data on the UK, but Forbes says this about the globe:
While the UK is a more developed economy than the "average" in the world, I also think 90% is a bit high for a number. I would rather think something along the lines of 70%. I also would like to see some data.
Correct. While "democratic control" is aired quite a few times in the piece, it doesn't explain why this is necessary or how it would function. Under the heading "Democracy and sleaze" the piece puts forwards three demands:
All good and well, but is that it? The Netherlands and Israel are two countries with near-perfect proportional representation. Yet these countries are both very capitalist.
The lack of call for any kind of political hegemony of the working class in the form of extending democracy far beyond the parliament is perhaps the most important omission in the piece and makes the overall programme more Trade Unionist than Socialist.
I wonder why this was omitted. Isn't it our task to try and elevate political awareness within the workers movement? Doesn't a sole focus on economistic ("trade unionist") demands reinforce illusions in the state (for example: the demand to nationalise x, y and z by the state)?
That said, I do think it is a good platform for struggle, with demands that can reinforce the movement and organise new layers of workers. This is certainly a strong point overall.
I think, thus I disagree. | Chairperson of a Socialist Party branchMarxist Internet Archive | Communistisch Platform
Working class independence - Internationalism - Democracy
Educate - Agitate - Organise
Q, to be fair, even a "more democratic proportional" system could benefit the British left a lot. The current system in both the UK and the US keeps any alternative out of parliament. An alternative in both the broad and narrow (c.f. CWI-speak) sense. But I wrote could, not would, because the left could always screw up.
Yes, bassically - as you say - the worker's wage demand should be general, i.e. aimed at society as a whole. This one isn't (see also the debate on nationalization and what kind of political, democratic response is needed to avert another "national socialism"), but I'm happy 'cause it's still a step forward compared to TUSC.
Another possible problem is the role of Crow. TUSC keeps people on board who propably wont be able to persuade their unions to join the campaign. Even with the concessions both the SWP and the SPEW have made. In the end most "trade unionists" will turn out to be the "usual suspects".
Last edited by Tower of Bebel; 16th April 2010 at 15:57.
“Where the worker is regulated bureaucratically from childhood onwards, where he believes in authority, in those set over him, the main thing is to teach him to walk by himself.” - Marx
"It is illogical and incorrect to reduce everything to the economic [socialist] revolution, for the question is: how to eliminate [political] oppression? It cannot be eliminated without an economic revolution... But to limit ourselves to this is to lapse into absurd and wretched ... Economism." - Lenin
"[During a revolution, bourgeois democratic] demands [of the working class] ... push so hard on the outer limits of capital's rule that they appear likewise as forms of transition to a proletarian dictatorship." - Luxemburg
“Well, then go forward, Tower of Bebel! [August] Bebel is one of the most brilliant representatives of scientific international socialism. His writings, speeches and works make up a great tower, a strong arsenal, from which the working class should take their weapons. We cannot recommend it enough… And if the [International] deserves to be named Tower of Bebel... well, then we are lucky to have such a Tower of Bebel with us.” - Vooruit
I am sure the data is available somewhere - the key message the piece is trying to get across is that a very small number of individuals and companies control the economy and taking this section of capitalist society into public ownership would facilitate democratic soclialist planning.
The key demand here is the one for MP's to be paid a workers wage. Also there is no such thing as a 'near-perfect' - they all have anomolies and are manipulated by the bourgeoisie - the key issue again in this demand is the democratic nature
In terms of all three of these comments - this is a small election manifesto/leaflet - it is not a detailed explanation of socialist policies or how a socialist society would operate. It is designed as an introduction to socialist ideas and contains basic transitional demands that are addressed specifically at the election. It would be a mistake to over-analyse its content without keeping this in mind.
I'm aware of that. I'm just saying that we would have a stronger argument when we can back it up. Just saying the 150 top companies comprise of 90% of the economy, while in fact it is less then that comes over as rather silly, no?
Compared with the UK the Netherlands and Israel certainly have a "near-perfect" proportional system. Of course the bourgeoisie tries to influence things in their favor, mainly using the media.
I agree with Rakunin that the introduction of a PR system in the UK would relatively be a huge step forward, but I think it would be confusing to not put it in a broader context of how we understand socialist democracy as contrasted to bourgeois democracy.
The point I was trying to make is that exactly in an election pamphlet we should drive home the point that bourgeois democracy is extremely limited and make the point that we fight for a political hegemony of the working class, the vast majority of society, as a prerequisite to socialism.
Limiting ourselves to merely trade unionist demands is wasting an opportunity. We have the opening now to explain why we're better than "the good old days" of Labour, why we transcend that. These demands don't.
Last edited by Q; 16th April 2010 at 17:22.
I think, thus I disagree. | Chairperson of a Socialist Party branchMarxist Internet Archive | Communistisch Platform
Working class independence - Internationalism - Democracy
Educate - Agitate - Organise
Originally Posted by Jolly Red Giant
Looking at FTSE 250 I saw that pretty much every company there has not hundreds but thousands of employess. So the message I'm getting is that you could own stocks of a gigantic capitalist company in a country ruled by communists.
So what's different than say Old Labor in UK's case?
And by the way, freedom of movement for capital is one of the key points in the Maastricht treaty. Would you support a withdrawal from it? Basically from the EU then? Otherwise, that part about controlling foreign trade and preventing capital flight is pretty null.
...We shall never recognise equality with the peasant profiteer, just as we do not recognise “equality” between the exploiter and the exploited, between the sated and the hungry, nor the “freedom” for the former to rob the latter. And those educated people who refuse to recognise this difference we shall treat as whiteguards, even though they may call themselves democrats, socialists, internationalists, Kautskys, Chernovs, or Martovs.
V.I. Lenin
Well, we stand for the dismantling of the EU on a european scale.
"I want to say sweet, silly things." - V.I Lenin
I'd imagine the difference is that 'Old Labour' accepted the foolish idea that the state can have any control over the means of production without total control over the commanding heights - and this is talking about the Attleean party, at that.
Once in power, for a brief period the party aimed for a gradual program of nationalisation (and they basically halted this after about 20% of the economy was in public hands, speaking of 'responsible capitalism' and how the capitalists now were working in the national interest). They did not see nationalisation as 1) an immediate necessity or 2) a means towards central planning, just something to ensure the capitalist economy runs more efficiently. When it was in the capitalist interest to own something, they owned it; this is rather the basis for the 'consensus' between 1950 and 1980, after which far stupider and greedy men set the economic tone.
The difference between that and the CWI view is that the CWI know that large-scale capitalism must be crushed, and quickly. I'd also venture that this would mean seizing control of said companies rather than the negotiation and 'deals' that reformists have a horrible history of when dealing with 'nationalisation' of any sort. Again, I reserve judgement on how realistic that is with the group's tactics and outlook, but that's the essential difference that separates CWI socialism and 'Old Labour' social-plutocracy.
That, and a belief in worker's control and so on, are probably the main difference between SPEW policy and the old Labour policies, although I'd be happy to be corrected if I've missed or misrepresented something.
words go here eventually
So no withdrawal and therefore, no control of foreign trade and prevention of capital flight until then?
...We shall never recognise equality with the peasant profiteer, just as we do not recognise “equality” between the exploiter and the exploited, between the sated and the hungry, nor the “freedom” for the former to rob the latter. And those educated people who refuse to recognise this difference we shall treat as whiteguards, even though they may call themselves democrats, socialists, internationalists, Kautskys, Chernovs, or Martovs.
V.I. Lenin
Which is why leaving companies with thousands of employees in private hands seems too moderate. Unless you define large-scale capitalism to be only of Wal-Mart size.
...We shall never recognise equality with the peasant profiteer, just as we do not recognise “equality” between the exploiter and the exploited, between the sated and the hungry, nor the “freedom” for the former to rob the latter. And those educated people who refuse to recognise this difference we shall treat as whiteguards, even though they may call themselves democrats, socialists, internationalists, Kautskys, Chernovs, or Martovs.
V.I. Lenin
Well, no not really, all I am saying is that we have an all-european strategy.
"I want to say sweet, silly things." - V.I Lenin
The intention I imagine is that eventually those companies outside the top 150 would be brought into collective ownership; it's just a matter of seizing a definitive public role, and eliminating the corporate vanguard who would be sizable and strong enough to oppose the implementation of a socialist policy.
The CWI's policies here, as in many cases, seem to be based on countering counter-revolution. All the parasites must be dethroned eventually; as I've read it, the policies they're setting out here are based on building conditions where that's even vaguely possible.
words go here eventually
Well said. In the Anglo countries, there would be at least moves to form something similar to Die Linke.
However, it should be party-recallable, closed-list, and pure. For example, a girl studying sociology, Yvonne Ploetz, replaced Oskar Lafontaine - while USPD-praising Dietmar Bartsch has become Gregor Gysi's right-hand (or left-hand) clapping man after the Lafontaine fiasco.
To be fair to SPEW, the Workers Party of America also calls for "No union official to be paid more than the average wage of their membership."
Did you read my recent article "Socio-Income Democracy, Part II"? Although what is posed there is perhaps a threshold demand, it would enable plebiscites on establishing average skilled workers' compensation levels for trade union officials.
Going the transitory action platformism route of Krichevskii (not aimed at society as a whole), however, means that the workers wage demand in unions should already be in the "Purely Economic Agitation" phase and not in the latter ones.
Last edited by Die Neue Zeit; 17th April 2010 at 04:31.
"A new centrist project does not have to repeat these mistakes. Nobody in this topic is advocating a carbon copy of the Second International (which again was only partly centrist)." (Tjis, class-struggle anarchist)
"A centrist strategy is based on patience, and building a movement or party or party-movement through deploying various instruments, which I think should include: workplace organising, housing struggles [...] and social services [...] and a range of other activities such as sports and culture. These are recruitment and retention tools that allow for a platform for political education." (Tim Cornelis, left-communist)