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I wonder when it was exactly that the ultra-left decided that the positions of previous communists were wrong, that the fight for republic and democracy weren't worth anything anymore, that unions were now capitalist bodies, that parliament as a platform was now 'sowing illusions', that the national question is now reactionary, i remember hearing from several that it was about 100 years ago, but i wonder if they were all important steps to the overall development of the proletariat and the struggle for communism on Monday but all reactionary panderings to capitalism on Tuesday?
The major conditions that have changed are that the bourgeoisie are no longer revolutionary, the development of production makes socialism practical and the proletariat are strong enough to overthrow capitalism, this means that the historic struggle for democracy, republic and other tasks are carried forward by the proletariat and it's allies, not abandoned as the ultra-left think, the democratic republic should be fought for because it's realisation reinforces the proletariats belief in it's own strength, it brings the conflict between the proletariat and capitalism as a whole closer by removing a veil over the naked exploitative nature of capitalism and finally because the democratic republic is the specific form of the proletarian dictatorship which makes it ideal to include in our program because with other demands like the replacement of the standing army with the armed people, election and recall of all officials, officials on workers wages etc it makes our program really communist, it doesn't just call for the abolition of the monarchy, it shows the workers how they can rule society for themselves and begin the socialist transformation....
Well, there's a certain amount there I agree with and a certain amount I disagree with, and I'll try to pick it apart but it's hard as you wrote what's coming up as a 16-line paragraph as a single sentence.
The first paragraph finishes somewhat sarcastically, but in essence asks a reasonable question. Why and how do 'ultra-lefts' analyse a change in the tactics of the working class?
The second paragraph actually begins to answer those questions. When Marx was writing - from the 1840s to the 1880s - capitalism (whatever he may have thought at different times about the imminence of proletarian revolution) had a great deal of dyamism left in it. He supported various bourgeois movements - such the Union in the American Civil War, liberal reform in Germany, Polish independence from Russia - because he analysed them as being 'historically progressive', in that they were a way of developing capitalism against feudalism. Capitalism was driving to cover the globe, create the world market, industrialise production, create a working class - to create the conditions for the proletarian revolution. This is a
process.
As it is a process, it's legitimate to look for a point where the process was - or will be - complete. Perhaps it isn't, perhaps the revolution in Russia was a drastic mistake. But 'ultra-lefts' think that the process
is complete, capitalism has become 'obsolete' (SPGB) or 'decadent' (ICC), the 'relations of production' have become 'a fetter on the means of production' (Marx), the era of capitalism's obsolence arrived in the late 19th or early 20th century and the world entered 'the epoch of wars and revolutions' (the Communist International).
Now obviously it's hard (and a bit pointless) to say 'on Sunday everything was fine, on Monday everything was broken'.
The SPGB, when it formed in 1904, did so on the basis that the working class's struggle for reforms inside capitalism was over, and the task of conquering state power and begining the creation of socialist society was the order of the day.
LinksRadikal mentions the First World War as a sign of the decadence/obsolescence of capitalism. Just to be clear, as I think there's a certain amount of confusion on this point, Left Comms (as one section of the 'ultra-left' that is being criticised here) don't analyse capitalism as 'fine up to 27th July 1914, and decadent from the point that the first Austro-Hungarian troops crossed into Serbia'. Capitalism's transition from being a progressive social force to a reactionary one takes some time. The division between the two is not hard and fast. As already mentioned, the SPGB (not Left Comms but I think 'ultra-Left' in more general terms) had already theorised the obsolescence of capitalism in 1904. I would probably place the 'tipping point' in the last decade of the 19th century if I had to. But for the Left Communists now, as for Lenin, Luxemburg and Trotsky at the time, WWI was
confirmation that there was no way back for capitalism; it
had ceased to have any progressive content, by 1914 - as seen from the point of view of 1918-1920 - it
had already, at some point previously, passed the point where any progressive content had been overwhelmed by the negative consequences.
This then implies that the forms of organisation and tactics of struggle appropraite for the period when capitalism was a progressive system - when reforms were possible - are no longer appropriate. If capitalism has created the world market, concentrated capital, expanded and industrialised production and created a world working class, if the 'objective conditions' for the creation of socialist society have been established, then the proletariat's task is not to fight for reforms inside the system, or even to complete the bourgeois revolution, but quite simply to
struggle for socialism.
Left Comms, SPGBers, Council Communists and even the Anarchists who might be termed 'ultra-Left' might disagree on many things, even some of the questions you raise (the SPGB is not opposed to working inside unions for instance and even different Left Comm groups have different tactical practices), but I think that the agreements include a perspective that the bourgeois revolution is a matter of history not the future. The proletariat's struggle is not to 'complete' capitalism but to destroy it.
You do remember what happened to the Constituent Assembly in Russia, don't you? An Anarchist sailor and his fellow guards closed it down. You do remember what had previously happened to the bourgeois Provisional Government, don't you? The Military-Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet overthrew it.
Why do you want us to agitate for precisely the thing the October Revolution opposed?