Theory and Action 1 Given that in the current situation, the revolutionary energy has fallen to the lowest level, the party also has the task to investigate the historical course of the entire fight, and opposed to some unknown input in the thick of the action of the masses. 2 Those who agree with our judgment that the current policy of the Stalinists is directed entirely against the working class and counterrevolutionary and that the bankruptcy of the Third International was worse than that of the Second International in 1914, must choose between two positions: they can pretend that one has to change some positions that were common not to only us, but also the founding platform of the Comintern, Lenin, and the Bolsheviks, the winners of October, or they may confirm, as we do, that the only positions that should be corrected are the ones that had to fight the communist left since that epoch, while all this is what the Russians subsequently betrayed, remains valid. 3. The serious error of maneuver in the postwar period, before the hesitation of the revolutionary movement in the West, is summed up in the various attempts to force the situation to the phase of insurrection and dictatorship, using means of a legalistic, democratic and workerist nature. This error perpetrated largely in the purported breast of the working class, on the fringe of contact with the social-traitors of the Second International, was to develop a new class collaboration with the forces of capitalism in the social and political level, national and global, the new opportunism and in the new betrayal. 4) Under the pretext of wanting to give a wider influence in the international party whose theoretical and organizational foundation was robust, it has strengthened the influence of traitors and enemies, instead of conquering the majority of which we dreamed, we lost the strong historical core of the party. The lesson to be drawn is that one never takes the same action or the same method follows. This is not an easy lesson. 5 It was in vain at the end of the Second World War, 1946, to expect a similarly fruitful situation as in 1918, because the counterrevolutionary degeneration was much worse and there were no solid proletarian cores able to stay out of the military, political and partisans of the war alliance, and because of the police-like occupation of he defeated countries. The situation in 1946 was obviously just as unfavorable as those that followed the great defeats of the Communist League in 1849 and the First International in 1871. 6 A sudden return of the masses into an effective organization of a revolutionary offensive is therefore inconceivable, the likely best possible result in the coming years is the re-introduction of real proletarian and communist goals and demands, and the reaffirmation of the lesson that all improvised tactical change over the successive situations under the pretext to exploit the unexpected data of each, is nothing other than defeatism. 7 The idiotic activist-actualistic that adapts his actions and his initiatives to the immediate circumstances of the day, a kind party-existentialist must a be excluded and replaced by the recovery of a fixed bridge that connects the past with the future, and whose party outlines once and for all, prohibiting not only its members, but especially its leaders, all research and biased discovery of "new ways." 8. This bad habit, especially when it defames and deserts the doctrinal work and theoretical restoration, as necessary today as it was for Lenin in 1914-18, assuming that only action and struggle matter, rests in the destruction of the Marxist dialectic and determinism, to replace the immense historical research of the rare moments and the crucial points on which they leverage, one disheveled voluntarism which is the worst and crass adaptation to the status quo and its immediate miserable prospects. 9. This whole methodology of old hands is not eat to reduce to new forms of original political method but in the aping of ancient anti-marxist positions, and in the idealist manner of Croce, who considers that no scientific law predicts the historical process "always right" in his rebellion against all rule and any prediction on the evolution of human society. 10. It must therefore be put in the foreground the representation, with the proof in our classical texts of the party, of the integral Marxist view of history and of it's proceeding, of the revolutions that have occurred so far, of the characters that which it prepares and that will see the modern proletariat overthrow capitalism and implement new social forms: representing the essential original claims which in their greatness and grandeur, have existed for at least a century, liquidating all the banalities by which they are replaced by people who are not members of the Stalinist swamp, but the demands of popular and bourgeois type impersonate communist in caring for their demagogic success. 11. Such a work is long and difficult, it absorbs many years, and on the other hand, the ratio of forces in the world situation can not be overturned for decades to come. So every stupid and falsely revolutionary spirit of adventure must be removed quickly and scorned, because it is precisely those features that are not in a position to insist on the revolutionary positions and, as many examples in the history of deviations showed, leaving the correct way to clear the pursuit of immediate success. notes: The meeting of Forli which we give here the report, stood at the time of separation from the current " Daméniste " is part of this series of meetings intended to react against the activism that ignores theory, laying the foundations of patient work of theoretical and programmatic restoration of Marxism completely disfigured by counter revolution, to dispel the prevailing confusion even among the few revolutionaries and rebuild the kernel of the future party of class. Our opponents accused us of that time, of retreating to an ivory tower, falling into academicism and denied the practical work in the daily struggles of the proletariat . None of the allegations were right: it was rather to re-establish the completely distorted course of Marxist theory in its actual form from the counter-revolutionary currents, thereby dissolve the widespread ambiguities among the few communist fighters and to provide a solid theoretically consolidated core for the party who is not looking for fast and fake success, but it was for this urgent work to create a firm foundation that direct all of other activities of the party . No revolutionary action without a revolutionary theory. The working class can only cope with their revolutionary task, if it is conducted throughout the course of the struggle of an unyielding doctrine and relies on established methods, fixed in a full program . This applies regardless of the variable size of the revolutionary organization and the immediate success in the various stages of the class struggle.
