A critical article on the Socialism 2009 event

  1. Q
    Q
    In this article in the Weekly Worker some critical points are made. I'm posting it here for discussion:

    Confident and boasting of growth
    The Socialist Party in England and Wales held its annual school, Socialism 2009, on November 7-8. Tina Becker reports on the opening rally

    Socialism 2009 was a pretty good event, so it may seem churlish to quibble over figures. However, the claim on the organisation’s website that “over 1,000” attended its opening rally is just not correct. According to staff at the venue - and they should know - the capacity of Friends Meeting House is 1,000 when the balcony is factored in. And the balcony was decidedly not full.

    Left organisations do appear to have precisely this self-defeating impulse to exaggerate their size, influence and genuine implantation in the working class. This adds to the general culture of cynicism the left generates around itself and in this case casts doubt over the claim made at the closing rally that SPEW membership now stands at close to 2,000. It also underlines the fact that the group is essentially not that different from the Socialist Workers Party and its ilk, despite its pretensions and despite its (understandable) smugness when it surveys the slow-motion car wreck its main rival has made of its political work over the last few years.

    In general the Socialism event was relatively inclusive - certainly in comparison with the SWP’s paranoid control-freakery at its annual equivalent, Marxism. In the Peter Taaffe session we attended and intervened in (see opposite), some 16 comrades spoke in the discussion. Aside from the CPGB, this included an Alliance for Workers’ Liberty member and an International Bolshevik Tendency comrade. They got to talk for a (generous) five minutes. CPGB comrades reported a pretty relaxed attitude to dissenting views in the sessions they attended.

    On the negative side - again, reflecting the general culture of the left - nothing in the way of controversial debates featured on the platforms. For instance, the reported tensions over SPEW’s involvement with a flopped electoral intervention, No2EU, that saw it essentially subordinate its politics to the programme of the Morning Star’s Communist Party of Britain. So the event was not that interesting, to be blunt.

    SPEW’s serious orientation to working class militants is clearly one of its strengths. Its patience and dogged application to building is another. However, as our reports show, it is programmatically incoherent and mired in economism and nationalism. In that context, has there ever been a left event where so many self-proclaimed Marxists were wearing poppies? Very disturbing, comrades ...
    Opening rally

    The opening rally (which took place a full 21 hours before the closing rally), started with an old, animated film about ‘Mouseland’, where mice had always been voting for a government of “big, fat, black cats”.

    But because they were cats, they introduced laws that suited - well - cats. The disappointed mice thought they should vote for somebody else - and chose white cats. They were equally disappointed, of course. So after four years they returned to voting for the black cats … then the white cats again … you get the picture. Until one day, there was a little mouse who had a rather brilliant idea: “Why don’t we vote for a government of mice?”

    Old film ends. Insert footage and pictures of SPEW members on the picket line, on demonstrations, on stalls.

    I had not seen this film before and was surprised about its rather uninspiring and abrupt ending, so I looked it up on the internet. It is in fact an old election broadcast by the social democratic New Democratic Party of Canada. On YouTube, you can find the film introduced by actor Kiefer Sutherland, who is the grandson of NDP leader Tommy Douglas (www.youtube.com/watch?v=GqgOvzUeiAA).

    Funnily enough though, the SPEW comrades deleted the last scene - and surely not for time reasons. This comes just after the clever mouse suggests that they should vote for a government of mice: “Oh, they said, he’s a Bolshevik. Lock him up! So they put him in jail. But I want to remind you that you can lock up a mouse or a man, but you can’t lock up an idea.”

    Rather more interesting ending, isn’t it? But clearly one that does not fit with SPEW’s current political trajectory of establishing a Labour Party mark two, led by Bob Crow and any other union leader who will have SPEW on board.

    Three such union leaders were on the platform of the opening rally, as chair Judy Beishon reminded the audience at least four times. In their publicity blurb, the comrades had announced that there would be “over a thousand people” present. In fact, with Friends Meeting House less than three quarters full, it was nearer 650 - a figure which dwindled to maybe 400 during the 25-minute-long (!) financial appeal. Bizarrely, you had to be present at the closing rally to find out what the money is actually for: they are aiming to raise £50,000 to be able to stand in 25 seats as part of whatever alliance is put together for the 2010 general election (half of the total was raised at the opening rally).

    Brian Caton, general secretary of the Prison Officers Association, was the first speaker. He told the meeting that he had recently joined the Socialist Party after being a Labour member for 40 years. Apparently, there had been some opposition from within SPEW to his membership, as he called on comrades to “come and speak to me directly rather than attack me behind my back”. Unfortunately, SPEW is unable to report the details of this opposition either on its website or in its publications like The Socialist, which is reserved for exciting reports about the fat cats getting fatter while the NHS is getting worse.

    So comrade Caton attempted to use his speech to stress his socialist credentials and so persuade the doubters. The problem is that his socialism basically consists of calling for a general strike. The TUC might have refused to debate the POA motion demanding this for the last two years, “but we will come back next year and the year after that with the same motion”. Because at some unspecified point in the past, “when the unions were stronger, Britain was a much better country”.

    Matt Wrack, leader of the Fire Brigades Union, made a perfectly adequate speech about the need to put socialism back on the agenda. But he certainly did not endorse No2EU or the new electoral formation, although one or two inattentive SPEW members claim he did so on their blogs. In fact, comrade Wrack did not mention either No2EU or the general election.

    Bob Crow spoke passionately about various trade union disputes, before mentioning “a new alliance that is now up and running. Our executive hasn’t had time to endorse it yet,” he said, but promised that there would be “a political party in the form of an alliance at the next general election”. There would be no challenge to John McDonnell or Jeremy Corbyn, he announced, only to “New Labour MPs”.

    While he did not speak directly about the programme of the prospective formation, he took up the charge of “having been accused of being a little Englander” and tried to assure the comrades: “It’s not about nationality: it’s about class.” After all, quite a number of SPEW members were unhappy with No2EU’s chauvinist platform, which, on the insistence of the Morning Star’s Communist Party of Britain, opposed the free movement of people. I am not sure if he was able to convince SPEW members that the new formation would be any less chauvinistic. In any case, about a dozen people in the hall gave him a standing ovation.

    SPEW member Keith Gibson made a fiery, if not always coherent, speech about the strike of the Lindsey oil refinery workers. As a member of the strike committee, he also felt the need to defend himself and his organisation against charges of nationalism and started off by claiming that the strike had “nothing at all to do with racism, but was fought purely and simply on class issues”. Well, not quite. After all, many of the workers on the unofficial picket line at first came out with the demand, ‘British jobs for British workers’. Comrade Gibson pointed out as much later on, when he described how he and his comrades were able to “turn the strike away from the racialist to a working class point of view”, for example by directing leaflets at the Italian workers who were supposed to replace the existing workforce on lower wages.

    Despite the good work comrade Gibson did during that strike, the SP seems to have done surprisingly badly in terms of recruitment. Comrade Gibson proudly mentioned that there were “two workers from that strike in the audience here today”, while “one other worker has joined the SP”.

    It was left to leader Peter Taaffe to actually mention No2EU for the first time. He endorsed it wholeheartedly and congratulated Bob Crow on taking the lead in establishing another electoral alternative in the 2010 general election. “We need an alternative, because today’s Labour Party is no different to a Stalinist nomenklatura”, which is why all unions should disaffiliate and “prepare for the general strike”.

    The Tories are even worse, of course, and the BNP are “knocking on the door” - which is why we need socialism and “not lesser evilism”. Luckily, for comrade Taaffe socialism is “a very simple idea”, because “all you have to do is take the power out of the hands of the 150 biggest British companies and 500 more companies worldwide”. That is a very simple idea indeed. And also utterly idiotic, utopian, economistic, unworkable… and, worst of all, deeply uninspiring.

    In fact it is a bit like the clever mouse asking the others to vote for another government to rule over them - this time a mousy grey one. Not even a social democrat like Tommy Douglas thought that this had anything to do with socialism.
  2. Q
    Q
  3. Q
    Q
    From that last article I think this quote was very interesting:

    Summing up, the comrade told the meeting that what existed in the Soviet Union and eastern Europe was “planning in a rudimentary form” (although quite why and how it “disintegrated” in the 1980s he did not elaborate) and, even in this primitive form, the mass of simple “empirical evidence” countered my claim about the absence of planning. I actually got quite nostalgic when comrade Taaffe cited achievements such as Sputnik and other SPEWers talked of the rights enjoyed by Soviet citizens to “a home, a job, a decent health service” - it was like being in a CPGB meeting from the mid-70s again.

    One comrade put it particularly crudely. After listing all the economic advantages conferred on the population by even bureaucratic ‘planning’, he conceded “the bit that was missing was democracy”.

    The notion that democracy is a desirable, but non-essential bolt-on in a workers’ state underlines that SPEW - in common with much of the rest of the left - in practice has a top-down, paternalistic view of socialism.
    Emphasis by me.

    I never thought about that, but it does fit. After all, in our Militant era we adopted stuff like the "enabling act" and the "nationalisation of the top <insert number here> companies", which I think is where this logic is coming from. It strikes a very fundamental point in a very clear way: are we not too economistic in our programmatic take on things, thusly resulting in calling for "top-down" socialism?
  4. Crux
    Crux
    Firstly about the Mouseland video here is the video we used in Joe Higgins election campaign, and which was also, as far as I remember, the version shown at the summerschool: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=puQDO9IyyVE

    To claim that this scene was edited out as political point is pretty much the pedantery that can be expected from the CPGB, even if they do run some pretty good articles from time to time this is rather symptomatic.
    While I can't say for sure I am more inclined to believe the last scene was edited out by mistake.

    "Brian Caton, general secretary of the Prison Officers Association, was the first speaker. He told the meeting that he had recently joined the Socialist Party after being a Labour member for 40 years. Apparently, there had been some opposition from within SPEW to his membership, as he called on comrades to “come and speak to me directly rather than attack me behind my back”. Unfortunately, SPEW is unable to report the details of this opposition either on its website or in its publications like The Socialist, which is reserved for exciting reports about the fat cats getting fatter while the NHS is getting worse."
    Probably because this has been doubt expressed by individual members, rather than some kind of organized opposition. Understandable doubt might I add, not just because their might be some colouring off from critique from other elft groups, but because this is an issue that needs to be carefully explained. I believe one of the local branch websites has already featured a longer such article, but it would probably be a good idea for comrade Caton to join the debate and flesh out the arguments a bit more aswell. For example this was done in a series of interviews in Northern Ireland with the,now ex of course Sinn Fein councillor that joined our ranks.

    "Matt Wrack, leader of the Fire Brigades Union, made a perfectly adequate speech about the need to put socialism back on the agenda. But he certainly did not endorse No2EU or the new electoral formation, although one or two inattentive SPEW members claim he did so on their blogs. In fact, comrade Wrack did not mention either No2EU or the general election."
    It might not have been mentioned in the speech, again with the meaningless pedantery, but I am pretty he has come out in favour elsewhere. Most likely it is still an ongoing discussion in the FBU. He is also a former member, I believe.

    "After all, quite a number of SPEW members were unhappy with No2EU’s chauvinist platform, which, on the insistence of the Morning Star’s Communist Party of Britain, opposed the free movement of people. I am not sure if he was able to convince SPEW members that the new formation would be any less chauvinistic. In any case, about a dozen people in the hall gave him a standing ovation."
    The only charge of "chavunism" I have seen has come from Chris Brennan, who then defected to workers power and now is in the IBT, I believe. I think this part miuch more reflects the view of the article author rather than any SP members. Furtther more we have never come out and said the platform was perfect or ideal, sadly reality does not come in the same neat packages as the CPGB seems to believe. And also opposing the freedom of employers to import cheap labour is, while perhaps not ideal, certainly not chauvinistic. We have to recognize what the Eu of big bussiness means when they say workers are "free" to move where they want, and some groups, CPGB included, take a rather idealist stand on this question.

    "Despite the good work comrade Gibson did during that strike, the SP seems to have done surprisingly badly in terms of recruitment. Comrade Gibson proudly mentioned that there were “two workers from that strike in the audience here today”, while “one other worker has joined the SP”."
    Coming from a group that recruits how many worker's exactly this statement means very little. This is not really an attack per se I just think the CPGB are unaware of how the dynamic works when recruiting from striking worker's.

    "Luckily, for comrade Taaffe socialism is “a very simple idea”, because “all you have to do is take the power out of the hands of the 150 biggest British companies and 500 more companies worldwide”. That is a very simple idea indeed. And also utterly idiotic, utopian, economistic, unworkable… and, worst of all, deeply uninspiring.

    In fact it is a bit like the clever mouse asking the others to vote for another government to rule over them - this time a mousy grey one. Not even a social democrat like Tommy Douglas thought that this had anything to do with socialism. "
    And in responding to this I will also adress your last concern, we have always called for nationalization under worker's control, and it is with this emphasis we work on a day to day basis when taking part in worker's struggle. If ti was as the article asserts, wouldn't we, instead of focusing on the power of the workeingclass as we do now, be focusing on trying to pressure th state itself? So yeah, pretty far off the mark there. I am however a bit concerned that you don't know this already, comrade Q, after all you've been with the CWI for, what is it, six years?
  5. Crux
    Crux
    Communist Party of Great Britain:
    Unique Selling Point: Unparalleled navel-gazing ability.
    Description: Have you ever thought that you'd like to read a paper made up entirely of articles like this one? No? Well, the CPGB write one anyway - their paper, the Weekly Worker, is almost completely dedicated to stories about what the other lefty groups are getting up to. Since most workers have problems that don't involve being oppressed by the SWP or AWL, it's hard to see how this is meant to have any appeal at all outside the tiny circles of the revolutionary left, but they seem to enjoy it. Their criticisms of the other sects are often quite accurate, but the sheer amount of effort they put into it, coupled with their failure to do any real-world activity at all, is just baffling. Their lack of practical activity is shown by the fact that, while other Leninist groups tend to have as many front groups as they have members, they can only boast a single measly front, Hands Off the People of Iran. Oh, and despite not actually being proper Stalinists, they insist on having a name that makes them sound like proper Stalinists, and become wilidly enraged whenever anyone finishes a sentence without invoking "Marxism" or "Communism" at least three times. Also claim that it's still a good idea for communists to vote for the Labour Party. In 2009.
    Do say: "Wow, I was impressed by your extensive coverage of Workers' Power's reply to the Socialist Party's criticism of the SWP's latest statement."
    Don't say: "Have any of you ever even met an actual worker? Do you even know what a fucking picket line is?"
    Trotspotting score: 10 points
  6. Q
    Q
    And in responding to this I will also adress your last concern, we have always called for nationalization under worker's control, and it is with this emphasis we work on a day to day basis when taking part in worker's struggle. If ti was as the article asserts, wouldn't we, instead of focusing on the power of the workeingclass as we do now, be focusing on trying to pressure th state itself? So yeah, pretty far off the mark there.
    I'm aware of this of course. I know we stand for full democracy, soviets, the right to form tendencies, etc. On the other hand however we also have some authoritarian features ("unity in ideas" and internal discussion in respect to democratic socialism, the discourse that we position ourselves as the revolutionary leadership of the working class, the fact that we don't have any active tendencies or factions (at least, I don't know of any), and in the June election campaign in Belgium our poster didn't feature "under workers' control" after the nationalisation slogan). There is some contradiction in this.

    My point runs deeper though. I think we focus too much on economic aspects and too little on political ones. From this the trap towards left-reformism ("enabling act") and the idea of top-down implementation of socialism becomes a real danger.

    I'm not saying we are a reformist organisation, but I am always wary of deficiencies in our politics and think it is best to openly discuss issues. In that context I appreciate the Weekly Worker articles in that they point to stuff that we might overlook because we think it is "normal". I think it is a mistake to simply mock their points away.

    I am however a bit concerned that you don't know this already, comrade Q, after all you've been with the CWI for, what is it, six years?
    Let's keep this political.
  7. Crux
    Crux
    I'm aware of this of course. I know we stand for full democracy, soviets, the right to form tendencies, etc. On the other hand however we also have some authoritarian features ("unity in ideas" and internal discussion in respect to democratic socialism, the discourse that we position ourselves as the revolutionary leadership of the working class, the fact that we don't have any active tendencies or factions (at least, I don't know of any), and in the June election campaign in Belgium our poster didn't feature "under workers' control" after the nationalisation slogan). There is some contradiction in this.

    My point runs deeper though. I think we focus too much on economic aspects and too little on political ones. From this the trap towards left-reformism ("enabling act") and the idea of top-down implementation of socialism becomes a real danger.

    I'm not saying we are a reformist organisation, but I am always wary of deficiencies in our politics and think it is best to openly discuss issues. In that context I appreciate the Weekly Worker articles in that they point to stuff that we might overlook because we think it is "normal". I think it is a mistake to simply mock their points away.


    Let's keep this political.
    Definately we can improve our slogans and so on. For example we in sweden we now say for a new, socialist, worker's party. Stressing that we don't just want a new socialdemocrats "when they were good".
    And yes it's true we don't have any fixed tendencies as such, which is a good thing I think, but that certainly doesn't mean we never disagree or that there never are discussions.
    But again, I think the CPGB have a much too pedantic position and are an irrelevant organisation, or rather, to make it clearer, they are wrong. Often. Not always, of course, and in different ways than most but still, wrong. So, just copying their arguments and critique as it is is a pretty bad idea I think, if you want to put forward criticism. It's better if you formulate it yourself rather than the outside "expert" criticism of CPGB.
    See where I am coming from?
  8. Die Neue Zeit
    Die Neue Zeit
    I never thought about that, but it does fit. After all, in our Militant era we adopted stuff like the "enabling act" and the "nationalisation of the top <insert number here> companies"
    I started a History thread on Militant's enabling act today.

    Meanwhile, I didn't expect the CPGB to go all-out with its criticism of SPEW - "essentially not that different from the Socialist Workers Party and its ilk, despite its pretensions."

    I disagree with this assessment, of course. SPEW's strategic and tactical problems lie more in its association of "workers movement" with the British tred-iunion movement. The SWP, on the other hand, relies on "unpopular popular fronts," even while correctly not building links with tred-iunionisty.

    On the other hand, the context is Socialism 2009 and not some regular union struggles, so perhaps this is expected.
  9. Q
    Q
    Firstly about the Mouseland video here is the video we used in Joe Higgins election campaign, and which was also, as far as I remember, the version shown at the summerschool: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=puQDO9IyyVE

    To claim that this scene was edited out as political point is pretty much the pedantery that can be expected from the CPGB, even if they do run some pretty good articles from time to time this is rather symptomatic.
    While I can't say for sure I am more inclined to believe the last scene was edited out by mistake.
    To add on this, a letter in this weeks' WW:
    Can’t miss it

    Tina Becker says of the animated film shown at the opening rally for Socialism 2009: “Funnily enough though, the SPEW comrades deleted the last scene - and surely not for time reasons. This comes just after the clever mouse suggests that they should vote for a government of mice: ‘Oh, they said, he’s a Bolshevik. Lock him up! So they put him in jail. But I want to remind you that you can lock up a mouse or a man, but you can’t lock up an idea’” (‘Confident and boasting of growth’, November 12).
    Erm, no they didn’t. I quite clearly remember this exact scene being played on the video. It was right there and got a great response from the rally. How on earth did you miss it?
    Lindsay Wheatcroft
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