Is This the Time to Form "Soviets"?

  1. Caj
    Caj
    http://www.marxists.org/archive/bord...19/soviets.htm

    Short text. Not quite sure what I think of Bordiga's anti-parliamentarism in this article.
  2. Brosa Luxemburg
    Brosa Luxemburg
    The 16 August issue of L'Ordine Nuovo contained an interesting article on the Soviet-type system of socialization. This article explained how in a first stage, dubbed anarcho-syndicalist, the factory councils would take over the management of production, but that subsequently, in later stages involving centralization, they would lose importance. In the end they would be nothing more than clubs and mutual benefit and instruction societies for the workers in a particular factory.
    I don't know if I agree that they would lose their importance in later stages of centralization, but rather play a different role that is still equally important. I do not agree that in the end these organizations should just become "social clubs". I think, of course, that the soviets (which are different than the factory councils) are much more important organs of proletariat rule than the factory councils.

    It seems to us that we have marshalled enough evidence here to be able to declare ourselves supporters of a system of representation that is clearly divided into two divisions: economic and political. As far as economic functions are concerned, each factory will have its own factory council elected by the workers; this will have a part to play in the socialization and subsequent management of the plant in accordance with suitable criteria. As far as the political function is concerned, that is to say the formation of local and central organs of authority, elections to proletarian councils will be held on the basis of electoral rolls in which (with the rigorous exclusion of all bourgeois, i.e. people who in any way whatsoever live off the work of others) all proletarians are included on an equal footing, irrespective of their trade, and even if they are (legitimately) unemployed or incapacitated. Bearing all this in mind, is it possible, or desirable, to set up Soviets now?
    I agree with the above in situations that allow for it. Overall this type of organization is important for a socialist society and should try to be preserved as much as possible.

    If we are speaking of factory councils, these are already spreading in the form of internal commissions, or the English "shop stewards" system. As these are organs which represent the interests of the work-force, they should be set up even while the factory is still in the hands of private capital. Indeed it would certainly be to our advantage to urge the setting up of these factory councils, although we should entertain no illusions as to their innate revolutionary capacity.
    My main fear with the above is that the party would become completely occupied with the establishment of factory councils, which Bordiga establishes the problem of the workerist and immediatist tendencies of the factory councils and hints at it in the above.

    The political Soviet represents the collective interests of the working class, in so far as this class does not share power with the bourgeoisie, but has succeeded in overthrowing it and excluding it from power. Hence the full significance and strength of the Soviet lies not in this or that structure, but in the fact that it is the organ of a class which is taking the management of society into its own hands. Every member of the Soviet is a proletarian conscious that he is exercising dictatorship in the name of his own class.
    I would agree to this if we were talking about a post-revolutionary society, but even then there can be mass amounts of workers that might make very counter-revolutionary demands. I agree that the Soviet structure is the best organ of proletariat rule, along with the party, but I don't think we should idealize these organs or hold some Utopian ideas about the workers and these organs.

    Those who can represent the proletariat today, before it takes power tomorrow, are workers who are conscious of this historical eventuality; in other words, the workers who are members of the Communist Party.
    I agree with this completely, and see these individuals as the members of the proletariat that best represent their class interests and best to educate their fellow comrades.

    In its struggle against bourgeois power, the proletariat is represented by its class party, even if this consists of no more than an audacious minority. The Soviets of tomorrow must arise from the local branches or the Communist Party. It is these which will be able to call on elements who, as soon as the revolution is victorious, will be proposed as candidates before the proletarian electoral masses to set up the Councils of local worker delegates.
    Yes, I totally agree.