Marxist Center: Hello world!

  1. Die Neue Zeit
    Die Neue Zeit
    http://marxistcenter.com/2013/08/13/hello-world/



    By Geary Middleton

    This is the very first article of a new political and journalistic project. We are a loose writers collective with a common set of principles:

    First of all we owe you an explanation of who we are. This project flows from the “Orthodox Marxist” group, a fraction of the “Revolutionary Marxists” group on the webforum Revleft.com, commonly reproached with terms as “Kautskyites”, “Kautskyite revivalists” or “neo-Kautskyites”. While we’re not referring to ourselves as such, it does have a kernel of truth as we place ourselves among those who reevaluate the legacy of Second International Marxism, a new current if you will which was marked with Lars T. Lih’s scholarly work Lenin Rediscovered – “What is to be done?” in context. As such we draw our inspiration from this scholarly current and other groups that perform similar work.

    But we are an independent group of young comrades from around the globe seeking for answers. And in our quest for linking the dots, of which this website will surely be a reflection, we strive to give a more up to date content to these ideas, to “merge” the ideas of Marxism again with the conditions of the 21st century.

    We don’t have a party line though and the articles will, certainly in the beginning, be more of a result of one’s own findings, than anything else. We are also open for contributions and if you like to do so you could reach us at [email protected]

    Our political basis

    So, how “loose” is loose? Don’t we have anything in common? Well, we do, obviously! The following is a short overview of the views we share:

    As Marxists we stand for the reappropriation of the basic principles of the Marxist programmatic concept of the democratic republic. This means that the working class, through democratic and republican principles, collectively decides how the means of production are used against private ownership by state bureaucrats. It is the class dictatorship of the working class governed by democratic workers’ organs. It is the self-emancipation of the working class through the struggle for the working class to take political power.

    These goals are crystallised in the communist programme. Because the programme is about the political take-over of the working class over society, it stipulates the strategic, objective, steps needed to reach our goal and overcome the undemocratic barriers that the ruling class – a minority – put into place to keep itself in power.

    On the one hand, democratic-republic principles are, among others: the election and recallability of all public officials; universal military training and service, the right to bear arms and political rights in the armed forces; the election of judges and generalised trial by jury; freedom of information; and so on. It is also based on the extension of democratic forms of decision-making like workplace committees and so on.

    On the other hand, these principles stand for a truly democratic way of organisation and discussion. It is the purpose of this project to start to engage in a theoretical discussion on political democracy, programme and republican values as a contribution to a cultural change within the left and the whole of society. This can only be done if we are open and respectful.

    Namesake

    We call ourselves the “Marxist Center” for two reasons:

    1) As we base ourselves on a reevaluaton of the revolutionary traditions of the Second International, we fight for a longterm strategy of “revolutionary patience”. This means an active opposition to “shortcuts” on both rightwing notions that want to enter coalitions in the name of “relevancy” and “realism” and leftwing notions that seek to reach working class power through mass strikist strategies.

    2) We seek to be a center of debate and analysis based on these traditions. While our contribution will inevitably start humble, we aspire to grow and have an impact on the working class community.


    Our tasks

    For these reasons we aim for the following:

    1) To clarify our own ideas, first and foremost. This we aim to do by researching historical topics of interest, attempting to give our own analysis on current world events and engage in debate with each other and with the wider (far left) community.

    2) To popularise the ideas of revolutionary Marxism. That is, both the ideas of Marx and Engels (“classical” Marxism) and the ideas of the early, Marxist, Second International that was fundamental for the formation of mass worker-class movements in Europe and elsewhere, notably also the RSDLP and the Bolsheviks that placed themselves in the same tradition.

    3) To add to, in however modest a way, a practical community. A common theme among our detractors is that because we emphasise open debate we want to setup a “talking shop”. While we can only begin humble and, in some respects, abstract, we aim for an actual party-movement and will aid any such developments and to help answer the most important question of our times what is to be done?

    As Lenin put it, “without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement”. Anyone that is up for the task, is happily invited to join the ranks of this project!
  2. Brutus
    Brutus
    You didn't include the Marx quote from the 18th Brumaire. 1
  3. Geiseric
    Geiseric
    "The goal of philosophers has been to analyze the world, the point however is to change it."
  4. Brutus
    Brutus
    That's from thesis on Feuerbach...

    “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. And just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed language.”

    *[…]

    “The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot take its poetry from the past but only from the future. It cannot begin with itself before it has stripped away all superstition about the past. The former revolutions required recollections of past world history in order to smother their own content. The revolution of the nineteenth century must let the dead bury their dead in order to arrive at its own content. There the phrase went beyond the content – here the content goes beyond the phrase.”
    *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Karl Marx 1852
  5. Brutus
    Brutus
    Do your job right, DNZ! 1
  6. Die Neue Zeit
    Die Neue Zeit
    Comrade, I'm not Geary Middleton.
  7. Brutus
    Brutus
    Comrade, I'm not Geary Middleton.
    I know, that's Batman's pseudonym.
  8. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    http://library.fes.de/cgi-bin/neuzei...c=191112b_1004

    Hilferding didn't accept the label of "Marxist center" (which Otto Bauer used) because it cedes the claim that "The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement. "

    Besides marxism there is no intelligent radicalism, where it ends, there's just confusion.

    Btw, I don't know if Lenin ever used the label "left-wing communism", his pamphlet is titled 'The infantile sickness of "Leftism" in communism' (notice the quotes around leftism).
  9. Die Neue Zeit
    Die Neue Zeit
    Geiseric hit the nail. That quote MUST be reproduced in the next publication!
  10. Brutus
    Brutus
    Geiseric hit the nail. That quote MUST be reproduced in the next publication!
    Really? I thought you guys weren't philosophers...
  11. Q
    Q
    Geiseric hit the nail. That quote MUST be reproduced in the next publication!
    It's kinda cliche though. Every activist group uses it.

    Really? I thought you guys weren't philosophers...
  12. Die Neue Zeit
    Die Neue Zeit
    That's not the point, comrade. That's a solid counter against the usual stereotypes of analysis and critiques vs. solutions.
  13. Brutus
    Brutus
    I agree with Q, if that counts for anything.
  14. Brutus
    Brutus
    The quote is comparable to "workers of the world, unite [...]" in the fact that it's a nice quote but is used by every group claiming adherence to the big man.
  15. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    Isn't this project basically the same as the CPGB? I'm sure they'd welcome posting articles and holding discussions on their website.
  16. Art Vandelay
    I believe Q has already been in touch with some members of the CPGB-PCC.
  17. bad ideas actualised by alcohol
    bad ideas actualised by alcohol
    Isn't this project basically the same as the CPGB? I'm sure they'd welcome posting articles and holding discussions on their website.
    We aren't a party or aspiring to be one like the CPGB.
  18. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    Hilderding wrote in the opening article of Die Gesellschaft (btw, Kautsky saw this journal as the beginning of the 4th stage of Marxism), that:

    "Die Idee wird zur Ideologie, sobald das Handeln durch andere Zwecke unmittelbar bestimmt wird, die nur mittelbar auch zuletzt in der Richtung der Verwirklichung der Idee liegen, sei es real, sei es schließlich nur mehr in der gläubigen Phantasie des Handelnden. So war auch der Marxismus zur Ideologie geworden, wie während des Zusammenbruchs nach dem Krieg die Tatsachen gezeigt haben.
    Die Arbeiterschaft nützte ihre Machtstellung nicht zur Verwirklichung des Sozialismus, sondern zur Verbesserung ihrer Lage, zur Erweiterung der Sozialreform und der politischen Demokratie."

    So Hilferding himself seems to make the standard claim that the marxism of the second international had been an ideology.

    In conclusion on the task for the journal he refers to the same quote as Geiseric:

    "Vernichtend und alles zermalmend war die Zeit, aber auch neue, gewaltige Kräfte entbindend. Verändert schauen wir eine veränderte Welt. Auch für uns ist das Wort des jungen Marx gesprochen: Es gilt, die Welt nicht nur anzuschauen, sondern zu verändern. Aber wir stehen in einer Zeit, in der die realen Änderungen schneller vor sich gegangen sind als die wissenschaftliche Erkenntnis. Deshalb: Anschauen und verändern! "
  19. bad ideas actualised by alcohol
    bad ideas actualised by alcohol
    Anschauen und veränderen is better or maybe anschau the world to veränder it (my lack of correct German is disturbing).
  20. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    It is attractive to connect to the workers movement's more illustrious past, but how does this project differ from euro-communism, etc. previous attempts to rehabilitation. In any case you have to take into account/a stance with regards to the later development of the marxist center. Even more than Kautsky, Hilferding is the key figure. That site I linked 'MIME - A Marxian Introduction to Modern Economics -' is dedicated to Rudolf Hilferding.
    (2 references to books on Hilferding:
    Rudolf Hilferding: Theory and Politics of Democratic Socialism;
    Rudolf Hilferding: The Tragedy of a German Social Democrat.)
  21. Tower of Bebel
    Tower of Bebel
    Cde Noa, wasn't euro-communism a European, rightward break-away from Moscow?

    I don't know about the rest of the MC group, but if you ever find the time to write an article about Hilferding, that would be great Hilferding is a real blind spot.
  22. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    These are some fragments of the review by Chris Harman in Historical Materialism (12,3):

    "So, Finance Capital contains the germs of two quite different appreciations of the course of capitalism. One sees the drive to accumulate surplus-value as necessarily leading to ever-greater clashes between rival capitalist groups, to repeated social disruption, and to an era of wars and revolutions. The other sees the larger units of capital able to take greater control of their own destiny until they escape the dynamics of capitalism as analysed by Marx, whether this takes the benign form of the socialdemocratic or Keynesian welfare state, or the malignant form of ‘totalitarian’ or ‘bureaucratic’ ‘collectivism’.
    Yet, despite, or perhaps because of that, Finance Capital remains an important work for Marxists to read today. It began to raise a central question for understanding capitalism in the last century, which too many Marxists have tried to ignore: what happens when control of capital within a particular country overlaps, or even fuses into, the control of the state machine, leading to various forms of centralised, bureaucratic direction of the economic mechanism? Hilferding did not succeed fully in answering these questions, hence his ambiguous legacy.
    ...
    The shift in Hilferding’s view of the logic of system took place as he moved from the Left of the German socialist movement before the World War to its Right by the mid-1920s. Smaldone and Wagner both trace this transformation. When the World War I broke out in 1914, Hilferding was absolutely firm in his opposition to the War.
    As one of the editors of the party daily Vorwärts, he signed an unpublished declaration to the Social-Democratic Party leadership denouncing its decision to vote for war credits. The pro-war leadership of the party eventually sacked most of the editors, including Hilferding, and he was among those who split from the party to form the anti-war Independent Social-Democratic Party (USPD) in 1916.
    ..
    Hilferding saw his role as being to prevent hasty and rash actions by the growing section of workers who wanted revolutionary measures against capitalism, but also to try to hold back the efforts of the right wing of the Majority Social Democrats who were working with generals of the old army to crush the Left physically. He used revolutionary language to try to influence the Left, while continuing to collaborate in
    certain measures with the right-wing Social Democrats (for instance, presiding over the government’s ‘socialisation commission’ which was supposedly drawing up plans for nationalisation of major industries even while the government was working with the owners of these industries to crush the workers’ councils and the Left). This middle-of-the-road position led to the Independent Social-Democratic leadership to be referred to as ‘the Centre’, and its politics as ‘centrism’.
    For a time, it seemed like an absolutely winning formula. The Party grew at a massive rate in 1919 and 1920. From 5 per cent in January 1919, its vote rose to nearly 18 per cent in June 1920, by which time its membership was over half a million. But, along with the growth, went a massive radicalisation of the mass of ordinary Party members. Eighteen months of mass strikes and repeated spells of civil war changed the attitude of workers who had shared the supposedly moderate left-wing ideas of Hilferding in November and December 1918. For them, the ‘Centre’ was a bridge over which they moved from a belief in changing society by parliamentary means to acceptance of the revolutionary message of the recently formed Communist International.
    ..
    But when the edges of the theory are blurred, there can be a slow, barely visibly but cumulative shift in the practice. And they were blurred in Hilferding’s case. Even Finance Capital, one of the major pieces of Marxist analysis of the twentieth century, was imprecise when it came to examining the impact of what he called ‘finance capital’ on the dynamic of the system, so opening the door to the transmutation of the term into ‘organised capitalism’.

    Equally blurred were the notions of the state and the revolution Hilferding adopted during and immediately after World War I. He tried to insist that the old argument between reform and revolution no longer mattered. In doing so, he opted to urge people to put their faith in the reform of a system that was, in its essence, not amenable to serious reform and which would take its eventual vengeance on those who tried to undertake it.
    This is an argument we have met many times since Hilferding’s days. It characterised the left Eurocommunists of the 1970s and helps explain why so many of them ended up in the camp of Blairism in Britain, of PSOE in Spain and of the Democratic Left in Italy. It is an argument we face again in sections of the anticapitalist movement today. They should all ponder the lessons of Hilferding’s life and see how dangerous is the position they have been adopting. Both these books provide a good starting point, despite the interpretation of events often provided by their authors."
  23. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    'The Theoretical Knights of Opportunism' In The Communist, part 1:
    http://www.unz.org/Pub/Communist-1929dec-00659
    and part 2: http://www.unz.org/Pub/Communist-1930jan-00056
    (conclusion not online)

    It's from the third period stalinism (with its critique of Hilferding/SD), which I think also has to be taken into account. If not, later with the emergence of the eurocommunists, basically we'd be just subscribing to a stalinist response to them, or otherwise side with the eurocommunists (eg Roger Garaudy "discovering" that democratic centralism isn't part of bolshevik tradition)

    The question of 'organized capitalism' was pretty central in Ticktin's talk at the CPGB university and in Macnair's (I also caught John Bridge using the phrase).

    (additional link to random article; The Banking Crisis in the United States (1933):
    http://www.unz.org/Pub/Communist-1933apr-00337)
  24. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    Hilferding's letters to Kautsky are available in one document (D XII 577-670. 1902-1937. 95 Briefe) in the now online Kautsky Papers:
    http://search.socialhistory.org/Reco...12/Description

    From page 168 onward they are typewritten. This is when Hilferding was editor of Die Gesellschaft (the journal that succeeded DNZ as the marxist theoretical organ of SPD). It's the most inside view you can get of the Marxist center in post-war Social Democracy.

    We also learn such things as how Hilferding's vacation went in Brazil.
  25. Noa Rodman
    Noa Rodman
    https://libcom.org/library/class-col...olf-hilferding

    Here's a jstor article about this German finance minister (you can freely view 3 articles every forthnight if you sign up): Rudolf Hilferding and the Application of the Political Economy of the Second International
    http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.230...=3737592&uid=4

    Ernst Hamburger Collection has 300 p. of notes on Hilferding; full bibliography, newspaper clippings, scholarly articles eg "On German Social Democracy and General Schleicher 1932-33" and "Helfferich contra Hilferding : Konservative Geldpolitik und die sozialen Folgen der deutschen Inflation 1918-1923."
    http://www.archive.org/stream/ernsth...e/n94/mode/1up

    (starts from about page 100)