I noticed in the Socialist Action thread that people criticized the minority tendency of the USFI for being "uber-Leninist." I think the thing that makes everyone denounce Lenin's ideas as outdated or dogmatic is the big mistake of believing that Lenin's only contribution to Marxist theory was the vanguard party. Now, while I still believe we do need a vanguard party, that is far from the only or primary contribution of Lenin. Read this.... http://www.marxists.org/archive/jame...n-vanguard.htm I think James really sums up Leninism perfectly and we should read this just to get back to what Leninism is really all about.
But if people have a disagreement with Lenin's conception of the vanguard party, no matter how much they agree with him or recognizes other contribution to Marxism, they possess a fundamental disagreement with Leninism. What do you mean by Vanguardism? What do other people mean when they call the USFI (who I don't think can be called a Leninist vanguard organization) "uber-Leninst"? I take these things as criticism's of democratic-centralism, basic component of Leninism, and Trotskyism.
I noticed in the Socialist Action thread that people criticized the minority tendency of the USFI for being "uber-Leninist." "People" was me. What I was referring to is a pattern of invoking Lenin, and sometimes Cannon, to defend silly sectarian behaviour. The folks I know to have done so, have been been putting themselves, their clique, their faction or their proteges as being The Only True Inheritors Of The Revolutionary Tradition. That's not just within FI circles, but a regular feature of the revolutionary Marxist left. When our small FI group joined a split from the IS, the programatic issues we pushed were basically two: 1) Support for feminism and 2) support for Quebec independence. Practical division over the precise nature of what the USSR had stopped making sense. I think the remark was cast too wide and inaccurate. I'm just being exposed to more thoughtful minority supporters than I'm used to. My experience in Canada has been of the very Orthodox and very ineffective. Times change. I had very high hopes for the PT and total hostility to Chavez. A lot happens in a decade. BTW, not so sure about the James piece. I think he's just wrong on the question of the vanguard.
I'd recommend Marcel Liebman "Leninism Under Lenin" above reading CLR James'. Let's not forget that James was essentially making an anti-party argument, against the construction of "sects" and in favour of open "discussion groups", using the line that a party could only be such on the basis of mass support - convenitenly forgetting the history of the Bolshevik party which for much of its history was proportionally smaller, the same size or not much bigger than many "sects" today, and certainly at the time James was writing this would be even more true. For example the dismissal of Lenin's quote that marxism could only be brought to the working class from without, as purely some "left over" Kautskyism, is pretty facile. In fact it was a fair observation to make regarding the Russian proletariat at the time which had no experience of Marxism and was a tiny minority of the population. Lenin never renounced this position as it was based on concrete fact not "Kautskyism" as James conveniently tries to claim, because it served his "post-Leninist" agenda.
[quote=Lenny Nista]I'd recommend Marcel Liebman "Leninism Under Lenin" above reading CLR James'. Liebman's book is really good. I would also recommend: Paul LeBlanc's book, Lenin and the Revolutionary Party and Alan Woods' book Bolshevism. Both give a good account of Bolshevism in action. Years ago, I read Cliff's multi volume biography of Lenin. IMO it's ok, but not great, not to mention the very real political weaknesses of the IST tradition. Below I'm pasting an outline from LeBlanc. It was a handout he gave for a class based on the book at the Socialist Scholars Conference in 1990. [FONT=Times New Roman]************************************************** **[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]NOTES ON THE LENINIST PARTY (Paul L.)[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]THE LENINIST PARTY IS BASED ON A POLITICAL PROGRAM~[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]A program involves an analysis of the realities one faces, a conception of what changes are desirable, and a perspective on how to change those realities. For Marxists, program involves utilizing theory, (the accumulation of analyses of history and society, especially accumulated lessons from the class struggle) in order to work out general strategies leading to the socialist goal, and specific tactics that will advance those strategies.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]What follows are some fundamental and essential aspects of that program, but Lenin insisted that this must be a guide to action, subject to change and creative revision, assuming final shape only in close connection with the practical activity of a truly mass and truly revolutionary movement.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]PROGRAMMATIC FUNDAMENTALS:[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]1) Socialism must become rooted in the struggles and consciousness of the working class in order to be relevant.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]2) The working class must win its own freedom through its own efforts.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]3) The working class must become socialist if it is to bring about its own liberation and the forward movement of all society.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]ADDITIONAL PROGRAMMATIC POINTS ESSENTIAL TO LENIN’S PERSPECTIVE:[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]* The working class must form its own perspectives on all major issues and problems of society.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]* The more “privileged” workers must concern themselves with the interests and needs of the more oppressed workers.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]* The working class must concern itself with the plight of all oppressed groups in society -- forging alliances and linking their struggles to the general struggle for the triumph of the working class.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]* International solidarity of the working class is crucial, and socialism can only advance and be won as a worldwide process. This is especially true given the global (imperialist) character of capitalist production and economic organization.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]* Practical struggles for democratic and economic reforms, to defend the interests of working people and the oppressed, are essential, BUT such struggles must be integrated into a strategic orientation which advances the political independence and hegemony. [predominance] of the working class.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]* If the political independence and hegemony of the working class is achieved on a significant scale, the result can be socialist revolution.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]The programmatic orientation sketched above will not be realized automatically or[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]spontaneously, but only through a lot of serious work. Under normal circumstances, most[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]people won’t do that work. Those who are prepared to do the work must organize themselves as effectively as possible--in a democratic, cohesive, coherent political[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]collective: a revolutionary activist organization.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]Obviously, to the extent that more and more people can be drawn into doing such work, it[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]will become more effective. But the creation of a revolutionary socialist majority in society is a process which can only be advanced if the present-day revolutionary minority[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]organizes itself to bring this about.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]THE STRUCTURE OF LENIN’S PARTY[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]While the revolutionary party must be historically and culturally specific, there is a general nature, structure and mode of functioning which Lenin viewed as more or less desirable and applicable in diverse contexts. As a Marxist, most fundamentally, he believed that the revolutionary organization must be a working-class party Beyond this, Lenin’s organizational perspectives can be summarized in the following eight points.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]1. The workers’ party must, first of all, be based on a revolutionary Marxist program and must exist to apply that program to reality in a way that will advance the struggle for socialism.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]2. The members of that party must be activists who agree with the basic program, who are committed to collectively developing and implementing the program, and who collectively control the organization as a whole.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]3. To the extent that it is possible (given tsarist repression, for example), the party should function openly and democratically, with the elective principle operating from top to bottom.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]4. The highest decision-making body of the party is the party congress or convention, made up of delegates democratically elected by each party unit. The congress should meet at least every two years and should be preceded by a full discussion throughout the party of all questions that party members deem[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]5. Between congresses, a central committee -- elected by and answerable to the congress--should ensure the cohesion and coordinate the work of the party on the basis of the party program and the decisions of the congress. (It may set up subordinate, interim bodies to help oversee the daily functioning of the organization.) In addition, the central committee has a responsibility to keep all local units of the party informed of their individual experiences and activities. Under conditions of severe political repression and in[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]the midst of major struggles, the authority of the central party leadership may assume much greater weight than at other times; yet that leadership is always bound by the revolutionary Marxist program of the party, by the decisions of the party congress, and by a responsibility (and accountability) to the membership as a whole.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]6. It is assumed that within the general framework of the revolutionary program there will be shades of difference on various programmatic, tactical, and practical questions. These should be openly discussed and debated, particularly (but not necessarily exclusively) before party congresses. Within limits—which vary depending on time, place, and circumstance-such differences can be aired publicly. All members should be[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]encouraged to participate in this discussion process and should have an opportunity to make their views known to the party as a whole. It is assumed that, at times, groupings will form around one or another viewpoint or even around a full-fledged platform that certain members believe the party should adopt. This (as opposed to groupings based on personal likes and dislikes, and ill-defined moods and biases) provides a basis for ongoing political clarity and programmatic development, which are essential to the health and growth of the party.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]7. All questions should be decided on the basis of democratic vote (majority rule), after which the minority is expected to function loyally in the party, and particularly, to in no way undermine the specific actions decided on. The organization as a whole learns through the success, partial success, or failure of policies that are adopted and tested in practice.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]8. Local units of the party must operate within the framework of the party program and of the defense of the party as a whole, but within that framework they must operate under the autonomous and democratic control of the local membership.[/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman][/FONT] [FONT=Times New Roman]These eight points describe a revolutionary vanguard organization functioning according to the principle of democratic centralism. They also describe the way in which Lenin thought an organization should function, and --more or less -- describe the way that the Bolsheviks functioned from 1903 to 1921. For more information, see Paul Le Blanc, Lenin and the Revolutionary Party (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1990).[/FONT]
As far as I can see, James advances several assertions about Leninism and the vanguard party, but contains not one quote supporting his main contention: To believe that Bolshevism, or to be more precise, Leninism, would under the circumstances advocate or preach the theory of the vanguard party is to continue slander of Leninism, Finally, anyone who thinks that Leinin believed that socialism can only be brought to the working class 'from without' should read Lars Lih's book: Lenin Rediscovered. What is To Be Done? In Context (EJ Brill, 2006), and then think again.
Thanks, rp, for the LeBlanc notes. The 8 points are quite good -- I think it's gotta be based on the concrete situation. The critical remarks I'd made were in the context of teensy tiny "parties" (branches of 3 or 4 people etc) with little sense of the whole. An anarchist friend was who got me into What Is To Be Done? His interest in it was Lenin's ideas about communication. Finally, anyone who thinks that Leinin believed that socialism can only be brought to the working class 'from without' should read Lars Lih's book: Lenin Rediscovered. What is To Be Done? In Context (EJ Brill, 2006), and then think again. Could you make the basic argument? I have spent years being told that in the course of struggle the exploited and oppressed will just figure it out. An over arching analysis of capitalism, imperialism, and oppression doesn't just - happen - I was fortunate to meet revolutionary socialists in an ultraleft milieu during a period where a social democratic government had come to power. Trotskyism was able to explain both and able to carry on.
The argument is summarised here: http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=218&issue=111 and here: http://johnmolyneux.blogspot.com/200...lih-lenin.html
lol
Blake3:17: Could you make the basic argument? I have spent years being told that in the course of struggle the exploited and oppressed will just figure it out. An over arching analysis of capitalism, imperialism, and oppression doesn't just - happen - Well, there are several things here: 1) Revolutionaries like Marx, Engels and Lenin learnt from workers struggles, and self-organisation. 2) What the revolutionary party aims to be is the party of the advanced section of the class. 3) In that case, revolutionary socialism is brought to the rest of the class by workers themselves.
RL, couldn't agree more. I tried reading the first link and was jiving with it and it then it went on and on. I was going to suggest Lenin Reloaded, then just came across the Chris Harman review of it on a quick google. Depressing.
You could post a link to the review.
Well here;s the link http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=382&issue=116 Wish Harman had spent his final days in more worthwhile tasks.
I also recommend Lenin Rediscovered, one of the most important studies on Lenin and the "Erfurtian model" in recent years in my opinion.
for the record, my view on this subject has changed. Although, I still think that there was more to Lenin and Leninist thought than just the vanguard party
I'm reading this book right now. Quite good I think. I've had to shelve it temporarily in favor of reading the truly horrible new book by Jack Barnes , Malcolm X, Black Liberation and the road to workers power, with an eye to helping research for a review in Socialist Action. Once I've had a chance to get further in to the book (Barnes') and had a chance to make some notes it may be worthy of a discussion here. I also recommend Lenin Rediscovered, one of the most important studies on Lenin and the "Erfurtian model" in recent years in my opinion.
Good god, comrade, who gives a flying fuck what Jack Barnes thinks? No one outside the SWP will even know the book exists. Why be a cold moon orbiting a dead planet? Go back to reading Lih. Let the SWP go.
Which Troskyist believes in state-capitalism and world revolution with a vanguard party other then CLR James?
I've heard the neo-marxist Frankfurt School created Council Communism in place of the Vanguard. Is this an attempt of the Frankfurt School to agree with Lenin so they can keep all their own theories not in Marxist-Leninism tendency?
Few really give two shits about Jack - but the way they are flogging their book and the new "improved" line on Black Liberation (that Malcolm had become a socialist leader of the working class or some such rubbish) deserves to be refuted. They've supposedly made a turn to workplaces with majority Black workforces. Read the review from SA http://www.socialistaction.org/wadena-auciello1.htm Sometimes it's necessary to confront and refute the political positions of opponents. From what I hear the SWP is on the way out - they are less than 100 members now and only surviving on the trust fund creted by the donations of past and present members and the profits from Pathfinder. Good god, comrade, who gives a flying fuck what Jack Barnes thinks? No one outside the SWP will even know the book exists. Why be a cold moon orbiting a dead planet? Go back to reading Lih. Let the SWP go.
