Discussion on Stalin.

  1. Communist Theory
    Communist Theory
    This is why we are to ignore people that listen to the Capitalist propaganda.
    We should be trying to teach them, not cast them to the side because they don't understand Communism.
  2. LOLseph Stalin
    LOLseph Stalin
    We should be trying to teach them, not cast them to the side because they don't understand Communism.
    I agree. In order to build a successful vanguard we need to raise class-conciousness by educating others about our ideas. Obviously if a worker is buried in Capitalist propaganda their whole life they're not really going to think twice about oppression. They're just doing what they need to survive. We need to give them that push and then they may decide "hey, i'm being oppressed. I need to fix this".
  3. Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    We should be trying to teach them, not cast them to the side because they don't understand Communism.
    I came to late to teach him the Real Marxism-Leninism and not the propaganized thing he has read. but for him to understand Communism he has to read Communist literacy or talk to a Communist. But then agian comrade saying it is more easier then actually doing it.
  4. marxistcritic
    Marxism-Leninism is not communism.
    1. Because it replaced the beutiful philosophy of Marx with that of the state-capitalist dictator Lenin.
    2. Because it is hypocritical[calling people revisionists even though they themselves are revisionists]
    3.Because it is needlessly murderious[all the purges against " facsists " were just the paranoid lash-outs of an insane dictator]
    4.Because it causes dictators to be revered as gods
    5.Because it reqiures the control of every aspect of life by an all powerful state
    I am NOT a trotskyist. Join real Marxism and free the workers
    Besides, you keep asking people for proof even though you never present any proof.
  5. Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    1. Because it replaced the beutiful philosophy of Marx with that of the state-capitalist dictator Lenin.
    So apperently you think Lenin was a dictator? Lenin was mostly on the losing side of the voting within the Bolshevik party.

    In turn the Central Committee operated on a democratic basis with measures passing by majority vote. Given the importance typically given to the Bolshevik's unity its worth noting that even at this highest level the party leadership was often hopelessly divided. Lenin was certainly not without influence but from April to July it was Kamenev's moderate faction that comprised the majority of the Central Committee. Furthermore, following the July Days Lenin's geographic isolation significantly weakened his input into the party's direction.

    Marxism-Leninism is not communism.
    Its a leftist ideology under the theory of Communism. It isnt exactly Communism but it creatd Socialist states.


    5.Because it reqiures the control of every aspect of life by an all powerful state
    The state, in the USSR or china, never controled every aspect of life. They Vanguard party was implementing and developing industry in the 3rd world countries it had obtained.


    I am NOT a trotskyist. Join real Marxism and free the workers
    Marx never predicted Revolutions in 3rd World countris, such as Russia and China,and only foucsed on 1st world countries in Europe that had massive indsutries that if the Revolutions succeded in them would help the cause.

    • Main points on Comradeom's The Russian Revolution (Bolshevik)
Rather than being a rigidly structured organisation, the Bolshevik party was instead comprised of myriad regional and auxiliary committees over which the party's centre had little control. Nor was policy exclusively determined by the Central Committee, there was significant and dynamic interplay of views between the different party levels and organisations. The Bolshevik party was also a highly democratic organisation with policy decisions at all levels decided by vote


  • As befitting such an organisation, there were many conflicts of opinion within the party. More often than not Lenin was on the losing side of such arguments as the Central Committee was dominated by the Kamenev faction throughout the summer months of 1917. Such disagreements occasionally went public, most notably with the joint Zinoviev/Kamenev letter in October, but were not punished
  • In numerical terms the Bolsheviks experienced explosive growth throughout the year and by October 1917 was unquestionably the party of the Russian proletariat. In turn this swamped the party structures with an influx of new members, the vast majority of whom had little grasp of Marxist theory, and placed the party's veterans in a distinct minority. In some areas (particularly the Military Organisation) this had a very real impact on the conduct and methodology of the party
  • Such growth in the party's membership was due in large part to the Bolshevik's revolutionary programme (particularly with respect to transferring power to the soviets) and the activity of the party's lower branches in the district soviets, trade unions, and other grassroots bodies. The democratic nature of the party, together with its impressive propaganda efforts, served to attract many of the militant and active workers and soldiers
  • Success at grassroots level translated into dominance of the larger city soviets and eventually the Second Congress of Soviets. In this they were aided by the increasing isolation of the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary leaders from the revolutionary proletariat. In contrast Bolshevik policies proved attractive and flexible enough to increasingly control soviet bodies. When the garrison crisis gave rise to the Military Revolutionary Committee it was little surprise that its leadership was largely, though not exclusively, Bolshevik
  • Far from being a quick coup, the October Revolution was a prolonged struggle with the Kerensky regime that unfolded over a series of days. Thousands of armed workers, soldiers, and sailors were coordinated by the Military Revolutionary Committee which was a body elected by the Petrograd Soviet and endorsed by the Petrograd garrisons. Bolshevik contributions to the Revolution were almost uniformly channelled through soviet institutions such as the MRC
  • While the Bolsheviks were easily the largest party present at the Second All-Russian Congress of the Soviets, they endorsed Martov's resolution calling for an all-soviet government. However the decision of the Mensheviks and Right SRs to walk out of the Congress and align themselves with counter-revolutionary forces ended any possibility compromise with the moderate socialists. The Congress endorsed the actions of the MRC and elected a new Council of People's Commissars. Any doubts about the legitimacy of this government were dispelled when the Bolsheviks received the overwhelming backing of the proletariat in the elections to the Constituent Assembly
Can be read here: http://www.revleft.com/vb/russian-re...275/index.html


2. Because it is hypocritical[calling people revisionists even though they themselves are revisionists]
You Mainly taking it from a not so real stand point. We are against Revisionism concerning what happened in the Soviet Union from 1956-1991 and its Restoridatio of Capitalism within the state for the concerning years.


In
8. Freedom to Hire and Fire:THE RESTORATION OF CAPITALISM
IN THE SOVIET UNION.

By W. B. Bland.


In introducing the "economic reform" in September 1965, Prime Minister Aleksei Kosygin drew attention to a slowdown in the rate of growth of the productivity of labour, which had occurred in recent years:
"It should be said that in recent years the volume of the national income and industrial output per ruble of fixed assets has declined somewhat. The rates of growth of labour productivity in industry... have slowed down somewhat in recent years".
(A.N. Kosygin: "On Improving Industrial Management, Perfecting Planning and Enhancing Economic Incentives in Industrial Production", in: "Izvestia" (News), September 28th., 1965, in; M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): Planning, Profit and Incentives in the USSR", Volume 2; New York; 1966; p. 7).
In fact, statistics of national income - defined by Soviet economists as
".. the value newly created in a given period, usually a year".
(D.A. Allakhverdyan: "National Income and Income Distribution in the USSR", in: "The Soviet Planned Economy"; Moscow; 1974; p. 76).
expressed as a percentage of the total value of production assets, showed a consistent decline in the years prior to 1965:
1959: 62.6%
1960: 61.6%
1961: 60.5%
1962: 58.2%
1963: 55.0%
1964: 54.7%
1965: 53.2%
(T.S. Khachaturov: "The Economic Reform and Efficiency of Investments", in: "Soviet Economic Reform: Progress and Problems"; Moscow; 1972; p. 158).


Tigran Khachaturov, a specialist in investment efficiency, describing this ratio as
"...the main indicator of efficiency for the national economy",
(T.S. Khachaturov: ibid.; p. 158)
commented:
"A decline of this indicator during the seven -year period (1959-65) speaks about the existence of unfavourable phenomena in the Soviet economy".
(T.S. Khachaturov: ibid.; p. 158).
The significance of these "unfavourable phenomena" is more striking when the rate of increase in the output per industrial worker is compared with the rate of increase in the amount of capital per industrial worker:
1950-55 1955-60 1960-65
Capital per worker (rate of increase): 50% 44% 43%
Capital per worker Output per worker
(rate of increase): 49% 37% 26%
Difference: -1% -7% -17%
(T.S. Khachaturov: "Improving the Methods of Determining the Effectiveness of Capital Investments", in: "Voprosy ekonomiki" (Problems of Economics), No. 3, 1973, in: "Problems of Economics", Volume 16, No. 5; September 1973; p. 21).
These last figures reveal that the rate of increase in output per worker declined much faster than the rate of increase in capital per worker in the fifteen years prior to 1965. In other words, the Soviet workers, during this period, were being supplied with more and more means of production but were producing proportionately less and less!
It is clear that the mass of the Soviet workers had responded to the social changes introduced under the Khrushchev regime by an attitude of passive resistance to increasing production, by a "go-slow". One is reminded of Marx's remark on the attitude of workers to production under a system where the means of production are seen as "another man's property":
"Since, in this mode of production, the workman finds the instruments of labour existing independently of him as another man's property, economy in their use appears.. to be a distinct operation, one that does not concern him".
(K. Marx: "Capital", Volume 1; London; 1974; p. 308).
This situation contrasted markedly with that which had existed in the period when a socialist society existed in the Soviet Union, and it was a cardinal aim of the "economic reform" to reverse this trend of economic decline.
Under the socialist system which formerly existed in the Soviet Union, a worker could be dismissed only for grave misconduct (usually involving a criminal offence in connection with his work) and then only with the consent of the enterprise trade union committee:
"Soviet labour legislation... permits the dismissal of a worker by management only with the agreement of the factory and local trade union committee and on grounds stipulated by law".
(Trudovoe pravo: Entsiklopedichesky slovar" (Labour Law: An Encyclopaedic Dictionary); Moscow; 1959, in: R. Conquest (Ed.): "Industrial Workers in the USSR"; London; 1967; p. 19).
An important aim of "economic reform", therefore, was to increase the productivity of labour, not only by giving the workers more effective economic incentives to do so, but also by giving the managements of enterprises relatively unhindered powers to dismiss workers, partly as a disciplinary measure against workers not "pulling their weight", partly as an essential element in a rationalisation programme.
In the propaganda campaign preceding and associated with the "economic reform", the demand was accordingly put forward that the economic independence of the enterprise should embrace the right of management to determine at all times the size of its labour force. Since it was agreed that wage levels should continue to be fixed by the state, this demand was sometimes put forwards in the form that the management of an enterprise should have the right to determine the size of the wage fund (i.e., the total sum paid out in wages):
"It would be advisable gradually to abolish control over the number of people to be employed and the wage fund".
(V. Belkin & I. Berman: "The Independence of the Enterprise and Economic Stimuli", in: "Izvestia" (News), December 4th., 1964, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 1. p. 229).
Under the "economic reform" this right was given to the managements of enterprises -- a right which was, in fact, the relatively unhindered right to engage and dismiss workers:
"The firms (transferred to the "reformed" system -- WBB) determine.. the wage fund".
(V. Sokolov, M. Nazarov & N. Kozlov: "The Firm and the Customer", in: "Ekonomicheskaya gazeta" (Economic gazette), No. 1, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 1; p. 251).
"The size of the wage fund will also be determined by the entrprise".
("Direct Contracts are Expanding", in: "Ekonomicheskaya gazeta" (Economic gazette), No. 3, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 1; p. 279).
"The economic independence of those enterprises (transferred to the "reformed" system --WBB) was expanded; .. they were granted major rights as regards... savings in the wage fund".
(A.N. Kosygin: ibid.; p. 28).
"From now on the enterprises will not be assigned the number of people they are to employ. The introduction of comprehensive cost accounting... will, naturally, reveal surplus labour at some of the enterprises".
(L. Gatovsky: "Unity of Plan and Cost Accounting", in: "Kommunist" (Communist), No. 15, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 83).
"The director.. will hire and dismiss personnel".
(Statute on the Socialist State Production Enterprise", in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.) op. cit., Volume 2; p. 311).
"Shop heads have the right to hire and fire".
(S. Kamenitser: "The Experience of Industrial Management in the Soviet Union"; Moscow; 1975; p. 40).


6: Ownership of the Means of Production
Contemporary Soviet propagandists claimed that since the "economic reform" the principal means of production remain in public ownership" -- either in that of producers' cooperatives or, for the most part, in that of the state:
"Public ownership of the means of production does unite the labour of individual producers on a scale embracing the entire national economy. The overwhelming proportion of the means of production is concentrated in the hands of one owner - the state".
(S. Khavina: "In the Crooked Mirror of Bourgeois Theories", in: "Ekonomicheskaya gazeta" (Economic gazette), No. 44, 1965, in: "The Soviet Economic Reform: Main Features and Aims"; Moscow; 1967; p. 139).
They claim that even when means of production are held and used by industrial enterprises, their ownership remains vested in the state:
"The state is the owner of all production assets in state enterprises. The collectives (i.e., the personnel of enterprises -- WBB) use these assets, but they do not own them".
(P. Bunich: "Economic Stimuli to Increase the Effectiveness of Capital Investments and the Output-to-Capital Ratio", in: "Voprosy ekonomiki" (Problems of Economics), No. 12, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): "Planning, Profit and Incentives in the USSR", Volume 2; New York; 1966; p. 195).
This was undoubtedly the position under the socialist system which formerly existed in the Soviet Union:
"A commodity is a product which may be sold to any purchaser, and when its owner sells it he loses ownership of it and the purchaser becomes the owner of the commodity, which he may resell, pledge or allow to rot. Do means of production come within this category? They obviously do not. In the first place, means of production are not 'sold' to any purchaser;.. they are only allocated by the state to its enterprises. In the second place, when transferring the means of production to any enterprise, the owner -- the state -- does not at all lose the ownership of them; on the contrary, it retains it fully. In the third place, directors of enterprises who receive means of production from the Soviet state, far from becoming their owners, are deemed to be agents of the state in the utilisation of the means of production in accordance with the plans established by the state.
It will be seen, then, that under our system means of production can certainly not be classed in the category of commodities".
(J. V. Stalin: "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR"; Moscow; 1952; p. 58).
Since the "economic reform", however, means of production in the Soviet Union are classed as commodities:
"Under socialism the market is a sphere of planned commodity circulation, a sphere for the marketing of products -- means of production and consumer goods manufactured by state and cooperative enterprises".
(L. Gatovsky: "Unity of Plan and Cost Accounting", in: "Kommunist" (Communist), No. 15, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 88).
Even where an enterprise pays for the use of its production assets (other than natural resources) by annual sums, it is regarded legally as the owner of these assets.
The Statute on the Socialist State Production Enterprise, adopted by the USSR Council of Ministers on October 4th., 1965, gives an enterprise "rights of possession" over the production assets which it holds:
"The enterprise will exercise the rights of possession.. of the property under its operational control".
(Statute on the Socialist State Production Enterprise, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.); op. cit., Volume 2; p. 291).
The acquisition of production assets (other than natural resources) by an enterprise is therefore described as "purchase":
"Credits for the purchase of heavy technological and power equipment of Soviet manufacture... are issued".
(S, Ginzburg: "New Developments in Construction Financing", in: "Ekonomicheskaya gazeta" (Economic Gazette), No. 43, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 65).
"The single approach to managing the economy is displayed.. in granting enterprises equal rights.. to buy means of production...
Society furnishes enterprises with money for the purchase of the means of production... Only the purchase of the means of production by enterprises with the income received as a result of improving their work.. can be regarded as a form of spending 'their own resources' "
(P.G. Bunich: "Methods of Planning and Stimulation", in: Soviet Economic Reform: Progress and Problems", Moscow; 1972; p. 36, 44).
That the terms "rights of possession" and "purchase" are not here being used in-exactly is shown by the fact that the Statute gives the enterprise the right to lease or sell the means of production it "possesses" -- a right which involves clear proof of effective ownership by the enterprise:
"The enterprise will exercise the rights of .. disposal of the property under its operational control...
The enterprise may lease to other enterprises and organisations, at rents fixed for the given locality, buildings and structures, as well as production, warehouses and other facilities assigned to it...
Surplus equipment.. may be sold by the enterprise to other enterprises and organisations...
Sums obtained from the sale of material values representing fixed assets will remain at the disposal of the enterprise".
(Statute on the Socialist State Production Enterprise, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 291, 293, 295).
The sale of means of production by enterprises is frequently referred to by contemporary Soviet economists and politicians:
"The enterprises will enjoy broader powers in the use of... the money from the sale of surplus equipment and other material values".
(A.N. Kosygin: "On Improving Industrial Management, Perfecting Planning and Enhancing Economic Incentives and Industrial Production" in: "Izvestia" (News), September 28th., 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.) op. cit., Volume 2; p. 38).
"The enterprise will enjoy greater economic rights.. in disposing of property, productive assets".
(L. Gatovsky: ibid.; p. 74).
"The system of stimulating enterprises through their level of profitability in relation to assets.. will also interest them in the quickest possible sale of superfluous machines, the receipts from the sale of which will go into the development fund and will enable them to buy equipment needed to create the conditions for an increase in profits....
The sale of superfluous fixed assets will be done by enterprises on the basis of their residual values..
The enterprises have been given relatively extensive rights with respect to the sale of superfluous assets, the receipts from which go into their fund for development".
(P. Bunich: "Economic Stimuli to Increase the Effectiveness of Capital Investments and the Output-to-Capital Ratio", in: "Voprosy ekonomiki" (Problems of Economics), No. 12, 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 194, 199, 202).
"The socialist market for the means of production is the sphere... where the economic relations operate directly as the relations of supply and demand, and are realised in the act of buying and selling the means of production".
(V. Budaragin: "The Price Mechanism and Circulation of the Means of Production", in: "Nauchnye doklady vysshei shkoly: Ekonomicheskie nauki" (Scientific Reports of Higher Schools; Economic Science),No, 11, 1971, in: "Problems of Economics", Volume 15, No. 3; July 1972; p. 74).
Already in September 1965 Prime Minister Aleksei Kosygin was bestowing special praise on five transport organisations for having:
"...sold superfluous trucks and equipment".
(A.N. Kosygin: ibid.; p. 28).
In fact, following the "economic reform", the purchase and sale of means of production was gradually transferred to wholesale trading organisations:
"A new aspect of the activity of marketing and supply agencies will be the gradual transfer to them of wholesale.. trade in the articles and means of production".
(V. Dymshits: "Production: Plan: Supply, in: "Pravda" (Truth), December 15th., 1965, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2 p. 221-2).
"Long-term and stable relations between supplier enterprises and consumers.. are a primary condition for the planned distribution of means of production through wholesale trade".
(N.Y. Drogichinsky: "The Economic Refom in Action", in: "Soviet Econoic Reform: Progress and Problems"; Moscow; 1972; p. 216).
Already by 1971 the market in means of production constituted some two-thirds of the country's total trade turnover (V. Budagarin: ibid.; p. 74), and by 1974 70 %of the market in means of production consisted of
"A large-lot wholesale trade... conducted directly between supplier and consumer".
(N.Y. Drogichinsky: "On Wholesale Trade in the Means of Production", in: "Voprosy ekonomiki" (Problems of Economics), No. 4, 1974, in: "Problems of Economics", Volume 17, No. 6; October 1974; p. 96, 98).
Furthermore, the transfer of ownership of means of production from the state to an enterprise by the act of purchase can in no way be regarded as transfer to and "agency" of the central state. For, although the enterprise is officially called a:
"socialist state production enterprise",
(Statute on the Socialist State Production Enterprise, in: M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 289).
It is described as an:
"independent enterprise"
(ibid.; p. 291).
and
"The state is not responsible for the obligations of the enterprise, and the enterprise is not responsible for the obligations of the state".
(ibid.; p. 291).
Contemporary Soviet propagandists, in fact, are at pains to stress that allegations that the enterprises are not really independent are nothing but "groundless bourgeois slander":
"Another bourgeois concept... denies the economic independence of socialist enterprises...It is not difficult to prove the utter groundlessness of this argument".
(S. Khavina: ibid.; p. 139).
Furthermore, the property rights of the enterprise are vested in its director:
"The enterprise is headed by a director...The director of the enterprise may, without power of attorney, act in its name...dispose of the property and funds of the enterprise". (Statute on the Socialist State Production Enterprise, in M.E. Sharpe (Ed.): op. cit., Volume 2; p. 310-1).



4.Because it causes dictators to be revered as gods
Thats Juche and Stalin wasnt revered as a god. Neither was Lenin or Stalin or anyother of the leaders after them who, in everyones oppion, were horrible but still not reserved as a god.

  • marxistcritic
    So, according to what you said, elections were by the party members and not the people. How is that democracy? Just because you are against a kind of revisionism does not mean that you are not a revisionist yourself. I know that Lenin and others were not revered as gods, but Stalin was. Not ALL aspects of life were controled by the state, I ment to say almost all, but it was very late when I posted and very tired. I did not say that Marxism-Leninism wasn't socialist, I said it wasn't COMMUNIST. It did create socialism, but it's values were not communistic. Now many third-world countrys[and almost the whole world] are industrialized, making marx's theory more relevent today than it ever was.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    So, according to what you said, elections were by the party members and not the people.
    The Bolhshevik party memebers voted on actions and Lenin, apart of the party, was mostly always on the losing side. The Bolsheivks party committies had the power and the people as did the Soviets. You need to Read the article on it and not just blindly critize something.

    Just because you are against a kind of revisionism does not mean that you are not a revisionist yourself.

    In the Marxist-Leninist movement, an anti-revisionist is one who favors the line of theory and practice associated with Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin, usually stated in this way so as to show direct opposition to the path of Trotskyism, Ultra-Leftism and Revisionist trends of Socialism. Anti-revisionists claim that the Soviet Union under Stalin's leadership represented a correct and successful practical implementation of the ideas of the scientific socialist ideas of Marx, Engels and Lenin in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). That does not mean; however, that Marxist-Leninists are completely uncritical of Stalin.

    Marxism-Leninism is seen by its followers as a healthy, solid, scientific ideological road, devoid of both the alleged corruption and elitism of Trotskyism, and the perceived idealism of Left Communism.

    Anti-revisionism is based on the view that the Soviet Union successfully implemented Marxism-Leninism during approximately the first thirty years of its existence — from the time of the October Revolution until the Secret Speech and peaceful coexistence of 1956. Anti-revisionists point out that Stalin's policies not only achieved impressive rates of economic growth and argue that such growth could have been sustained and a prosperous communism could have been achieved if the Soviet Union had remained on this same course (see also the article Theory of Productive Forces); they also typically further allege that the worldwide ideological impact and leadership of the Soviet Union in the 1930s and 1940s world labor movement represent a superior ideological and social model of real "workers' power" that was first ruined by the Secret Speech and some anti-revisionist claim it was later to reemerge within Enver Hoxha's Albania and/or China's Cultural Revolution, only to be ruined again by the capture and deposition of the Gang of Four by China's "state capitalists" (or according to others, the denunciation of the Cultural Revolution at the third session of the Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China,by Deng Xiao Ping).

    According to anti-revisionists, these later attempts to 'fix' or revise the socialist system represented a shift onto the road to capitalism and ultimately led to the downfall of the Soviet Union and the betrayal of communist principles in all self-proclaimed communist countries. Thus, revisionism is seen as the cause of the fall of the Soviet Union and the East European socialist republics.

    For more reading this is a great source of information on an anti-revisionist outlook on the Soviet Union:

    http://www.northstarcompass.org/nsc9912/lies.htm


    Now many third-world countrys[and almost the whole world] are industrialized
    Thats becuase we, Marxist-Leninists and Maoists, industrilized it trying to fully develop our Socialist states.
    Plus I wouldnt say Africa/Asia are well developed. Eastern Europe can be classifed as a 3rd world country but still following original Marxism that is about 160 years old and focused on mainly 1st world countries in Western europe doesnt mean that this "othradox" Marxism may/may not be sucessful. Marxism-Leninism allows a vanguard party which helps the Revolution abd by Marxism-Leninism what do you mean exactly? since Trots consider themselfs "Marxist-Leninists" and theres Marxist-Leninists who dont care about Trotsky or Stalin and theres Marxist-Leninists who defend Stalin.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    on Reference to Stalin being protrayed as a "god."


    In 1927 the political defeat of the opposition and expulsion from the Soviet Union of its most prominent leader, Leon Trotsky, forced the remaining members of the opposition to the view that open political challenge to the policies of the leadership around Stalin was unlikely to achieve success in the near future. They therefore ceased open opposition, condemned their "former errors" and promised to cease all factional activity. For the first time in its history there appeared to be political unanimity within the Communist Party.
    In reality, however, the struggle of the oppositionists had merely entered a new, third phase, in which they worked to secure the appointment of their members to influential positions, while at the same time plotting the elimination of those whom they regarded as their irreconcilable political opponents by methods of terrorism. The opposition had become, as Stalin expressed it, "a conspiratorial and terrorist organisation".
    This incontrovertible historical fact has been concealed by the almost universally accepted myth that, at least from this time on, Stalin functioned as a "dictator" with "absolute powers", and this myth was itself the product of the "cult of personality" built up around Stalin by the concealed opposition from 1934.
    Roy Medvedev, whose "history" of this period is virulently hostile towards Stalin, points out that the founder of the "cult" was Karl Radek, who admitted to treason against the Soviet state at his public trial in 1937:
    "The first issue of 'Pravda' for 1934 carried a huge two page article by Radek, heaping orgiastic praise on Stalin. The former Trotskyite, who had led active opposition to Stalin for many years, now called him 'Lenin's best pupil, the model of the Leninist Party...' This seems to have been the first large article in the press specifically devoted to adulation of Stalin, and it was quickly reissued as a pamphlet in 225,000 copies, an enormous figure for the time". (R. A. Medvedev: "Let History Judge"; London; 1972; p. 148).

    And one of the most fervent and sickening exponents of the "cult" was none other than
    Nikita Khrushchev who was in 1956 allotted the main role in denouncing it:

    "Comrades, we have heard at our Eighteenth Party Congress a report of struggle....led by our Party and its Stalinist Central Committee, directed by the genius of our great guide and leader, Comrade Stalin...
    Our victory in defeating the fascist agents - all these despicable Trotskyite, Bukharinites and bourgeois nationalists - we owe above all to the personal efforts of our great leader Comrade Stalin..
    The Communist Party of the Ukrainian Bolsheviks...stand solid like a wall of steel around the Stalinist Central Committe around its beloved leader -- our great Stalin.
    The devotion of the Bolsheviks of the Ukraine to Comrade Stalin reflects the boundless confidence and devotion which he enjoys among the whole Ukrainian people...
    The Ukrainian people has...rallied closer than ever around the Bolshevik Party and around our great leader, Comrade Stalin...
    Under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, the Bolsheviks of the Ukraine have achieved great successes...
    Only as a result..of the special attention paid by Comrade Stalin to the development of Ukrainian culture, have we achieved such momentous victories in the development of culture.
    That is why the Ukrainian people proclaim with all their heart and soul, with the utmost affection and devotion: ..'Long live our beloved Stalin!'...
    Throughout the Soviet Union the Bolshevik ranks are now more firmly welded than ever.. in their loyalty to...their leader and teacher, the friend of the Ukrainian people, Comrade Stalin...
    Long live the towering genius of all humanity, the teacher and guide who is leading us victoriously to communism our beloved Comrade Stalin!"
    (N. S. Khrushchev: Speech at 18th. Congress CPSU, March 1939, in: "The Land of Socialism Today and Tomorrow"; Moscow; 1939; p.381, 382, 383, 389, 390).
    That Stalin's frequently expressed scorn for the
    "cult of personality" was perfectly genuine -- even though, as a prisoner of the concealed opposition majority, he was unable to stop it -- is illustrated by his shrewd observation to the German author Lion Feuchtwanger in 1937:
    "I spoke frankly to him (Stalin - WBB) about the vulgar and excessive cult made of him, and he replied with equal candour ... He thinks it is possible...that the 'wreckers' may be behind it in an attempt to discredit him".
    (L. Feuchtwanger: "Moscow 1937"; London; 1937;p.93, 94-5).

    It was the dissatisfaction openly expressed by Stalin at the inactivity of the state security organs in relation to acts of terrorism which led him to allot to his personal Secretariat, headed by
    Alexandr Poskrebyshevspecial investigative functions. And it was the evidence uncovered by this body and passed on to the state security organs which forced the latter to put on trial a number of leading opposition elements in 1936-38, including the former head of state security, Genrikh Yagoda. Following a preconceived plan, the defendants admitted to treason in open court, while their as yet undiscovered fellow conspirators heaped abuse on their heads.
    Under their new chief,
    Nikolai Yezhov, who was also a member of the opposition conspiracy, from the autumn of 1936 the state security organs became extremely "active" instituting a reign of terror which resulted in the arrest of many honest Communists and their imprisonment or execution without trial.
    Although the "cult of personality" enabled the blame for the crimes of the
    "Yezhovshchina" to be laid upon Stalin's "psychopathological suspiciousness", when historical fact is dissected from propaganda it reveals that Stalin carried on a long struggle against the conduct of the state security organs under Yezhov which resulted in the latter's dismissal in late 1938 (and later arrest) together with his replacement by a trusted colleague of Stalin's, Lavrenti Beria. Contrary to the allegations later made by Khrushchov and others, during the whole period in which Beria was People's Commissar for Internal Affairs and in charge of state security -- from December 1938 to January 1946 -- not one Communist of any prominence was arrested by the NKVD. On the contrary, under Beria the NKVD was purged of the officials responsible for the "Yezhovshchina", was reorganised, and carried out a review of the cases of political prisoners sentenced under Yezhov, as a result of which large numbers were rehabilitated and released:
    "Beria soon made almost a clean sweep of the old NKVD. The few who had survived from Yagoda's time...now followed their colleagues to execution...
    By March 1939 Beria's men were everywhere in power; his own Georgian following held many of the major posts....
    The appointment of Beria is usually taken as a convenient date to mark the end of the Great Purge....
    The gross result of Beria's assumption of the NKVD was that a proportion of those in prison awaiting trial were released....
    In the towns and villages of the Soviet Union, the pressure of haphazard mass arrests greatly eased."
    (R. Conquest: "The Great Terror"; Harmondsworth; 1971; p.623-4, 626, 627).
    "The purge is really ended at last, as has already been indicated by the replacement of Yezhov by Beria at the Ministry of Internal Affairs, by the execution of five GPU officials at Kiev for gross abuse of power..., by the present trial in a mid-Siberian town of four GPU officials for arresting over 150 children, some under 12, as terrorists, etc., under Article 58, by a play now on in Moscow exposing the abuses of the purge to enthusiastic audiences, and, finally, by the return of political prisoners in hundreds, if not in thousands".
    ("The Times", February 27th., 1939; p.11).

    Although the "cult of personality" which they had built up around Stalin had many advantages for the conspirators, it also had serious disadvantages. Although in a minority, Stalin and his political allies utilised every "harmless" task allotted to them by the majority to castigate any proposals for the modification of socialist society in what they regarded as a capitalist direction:
    "In proposing that the MTSs (Machine and Tractor Stations - WBB) should be sold to the collective farms as their property, Comrades Sanina and Venzher are suggesting a step in reversion to the old backwardness and are trying to turn back the wheel of history....
    The outcome would be, first, that the collective farms would become the owners of the basic instruments of production; that is, their status would be an exceptional one, such as is not shared by any other enterprise in our country, for, as we know, even the nationalised enterprises do not own their instruments of production... Such a status could only dig a deeper gulf between collective-farm property and public property, and would not bring us any nearer to communism, but, on the contrary, move us farther from it.
    The outcome would be, secondly, an extension of the sphere of commodity circulation, because a gigantic quantity of instruments of production would come within its orbit....Is the extension of the sphere of commodity circulation calculated to promote our advance towards communism? Would it not be truer to say that our advance towards communism would only be retarded by it?...
    Engels, in his 'Anti-Duhrung', convincingly shows that the existence of commodity circulation was inevitably bound to lead... to the regeneration of capitalism."
    (J. V. Stalin: "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR"; Moscow; 1952; p.100-2).

    And the existence of the "cult of personality" made it necessary for the oposition majority to give the fullest and most favourable publicity to such attacks on their programme!
    Furthermore, while the opposition majority could rely on the minority around Stalin adhering to the Communist Party principle that a decision of the majority was binding on the minority, who were prohibited from expressing public disagreement with it, this principle of "democratic centralism" is held by Marxist-Leninists to be valid only so long as they recognise the Communist Party as one based essentially on Marxism-Leninism, as one continuing to apply Marxist-Leninist principles to the construction of socialism. Had the opposition used, during Stalin's lifetime, their majority on the leading organs of the Communist Party to initiate measures which clearly undermined the basis of socialist society in the Soviet Union -- measures of the kind undertaken after Stalin's death, that is -- then the danger arose of the minority headed by Stalin saying: "The CPSU is no longer a Marxist-Leninist Party, but a revisionist party dominated by traitors to socialism; therefore, loyalty to Marxism-Leninism compels us to denouce publicly its majority leadership and to appeal to the rank-and-file of the Party and the working class to save socialism by repudiating these revisionist leaders". This danger to the opposition programme -- a danger greatly enhanced by the "cult of personality" around Stalin -- prevented them from using their majority, during Stalin's lifetime - to do much more to undermine the basis of socialism than to increase the economic and social differentials between management, official and intellectual workers on the one hand and the mass of workers on the other, so creating a privileged stratum which could provide in future a social basis of support for the restoration of capitalism.
    Despite the frustrations experienced by the opposition during Stalin's lifetime -- frustrations which were virulently expressed in Khrushchev's "secret speech" to the 20th. Congress of the CPSU in 1956 - the organisation of a terrorist attack upon Stalin was rendered extremely difficult by his loyal bodyguard. A carefully laid plan was elaborated in conjunction with the German intelligence service to take advantage of the German invasion of 1941 by removing Stalin from office on the grounds that the initial Soviet military reverses were due to his "incompetence"; but here again the opposition was out-manoevred and compelled to recognise Stalin, at least for the rest of his life, as "the architect of Soviet victory".

  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    I did not say that Marxism-Leninism wasn't socialist, I said it wasn't COMMUNIST.
    you can find us under the left wing so yes we are Communist. We put in a system that will, someday, get to Communism. It helps Socialism even in a under-developed country and it has worked. Then Revisionism/Reformism came along.
  • marxistcritic
    Listen, you. Do you actually expect a reasonable person to take Stalinist propoganda. I was not talking of anti-revisionism in the ml form, I was talking about the ACTUAL FORM. You need to stop thinking that people other than you and your buddys define everything by ml standards. And you keep using the word "socialism" when I am referring to COMMUNISM. You and I both know that socialism is not communism. You are a ignorant, naive little pig who spends thier life wasting away on the computer taking in stalinist propaganda, and until you can change that I will not take you seriously.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    Do you actually expect a reasonable person to take Stalinist propoganda.
    so I believe in "Stalinist propanganda" and apperently not a respectable person becuase I defend Joseph Stalin. The book I got this from was Marxist-Leninist and blaming Joseph V. Stalin for everything that happned in the USSR is idiotic. Sicne Joseph Stalin didnt make the collapse of the USSR.


    I
    was not talking of anti-revisionism in the ml form, I was talking about the ACTUAL FORM.
    Anti-Revisionism is Marxist-Leninist for its in the Marxist-Leninist movement.

    From the Marxist-Leninist group.


    In the Marxist-Leninist movement, an anti-revisionist is one who favors the line of theory and practice associated with Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin, usually stated in this way so as to show direct opposition to the path of Trotskyism, Ultra-Leftism and Revisionist trends of Socialism. Anti-revisionists claim that the Soviet Union under Stalin's leadership represented a correct and successful practical implementation of the ideas of the scientific socialist ideas of Marx, Engels and Lenin in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). That does not mean; however, that Marxist-Leninists are completely uncritical of Stalin.

    Marxism-Leninism is seen by its followers as a healthy, solid, scientific ideological road, devoid of both the alleged corruption and elitism of Trotskyism, and the perceived idealism of Left Communism.

    Anti-revisionism is based on the view that the Soviet Union successfully implemented Marxism-Leninism during approximately the first thirty years of its existence — from the time of the October Revolution until the Secret Speech and peaceful coexistence of 1956. Anti-revisionists point out that Stalin's policies not only achieved impressive rates of economic growth and argue that such growth could have been sustained and a prosperous communism could have been achieved if the Soviet Union had remained on this same course (see also the article Theory of Productive Forces); they also typically further allege that the worldwide ideological impact and leadership of the Soviet Union in the 1930s and 1940s world labor movement represent a superior ideological and social model of real "workers' power" that was first ruined by the Secret Speech and some anti-revisionist claim it was later to reemerge within Enver Hoxha's Albania and/or China's Cultural Revolution, only to be ruined again by the capture and deposition of the Gang of Four by China's "state capitalists" (or according to others, the denunciation of the Cultural Revolution at the third session of the Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China,by Deng Xiao Ping).

    According to anti-revisionists, these later attempts to 'fix' or revise the socialist system represented a shift onto the road to capitalism and ultimately led to the downfall of the Soviet Union and the betrayal of communist principles in all self-proclaimed communist countries. Thus, revisionism is seen as the cause of the fall of the Soviet Union and the East European socialist republics.


    You need to stop thinking that people other than you and your buddys define everything by ml standards.
    you Define me by your standards.

    Now your taking it that I "define everything" by ML standards.
  • marxistcritic
    You need to realize that almost everything told to you by ml propoganda is almost certainly a lie. I agree that not everything that happened in the ussr was the fault of Stalin, it was mainly the fault of gorbachev and others. However, the events from 1929-1953 were the fault of stalin.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    You need to realize that almost everything told to you by ml propoganda is almost certainly a lie.
    So kulaks didnt try to starve the population and didnt opress/expolit peasants in the 20s. So Stalin, even though I sent you his words on what he thought of it, was all Stalin's decison even though others in the CPSU created it and he didnt hate it.
    So the USSR didnt have Capitalist restoridartion after I sent you paragraphs on the subject from a book called "Capitalist restoridation in the Soviet union."

    However, the events from 1929-1953 were the fault of stalin.
    Even though, like Lenin and (in)famous the Centeral Committe, he didnt absoulte power?
  • marxistcritic
    I said ALMOST EVERYTHING. I agree on all points concerning kulaks. I know that the Holodomor was not stalin's fault, it was the kulaks fault. The ussr had a capitalist restoration, I never denied that.
  • LOLseph Stalin
    LOLseph Stalin
    Well actually the Kulaks did try to starve the population, but not directly. They destroyed their crops and livestock in protest of Stalin's forced collectivisation. This resulted in a lack of food which would have been easily avoidable if the collectivisation would have been done more gradually. This would have given more time for adjustment to the new system and such. So I partially blame Stalin and partially blame the Kulaks for the famine that happened.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    I said ALMOST EVERYTHING.
    You never did say what was "ML propaganda" and what wasnt.
  • Communist Theory
    Communist Theory
    The Kulaks were selfish fools...
  • marxistcritic
    Well, ml propaganda is from ml sources wich makes everyone look bad and glorifies the ml's.
  • LOLseph Stalin
    LOLseph Stalin
    The Kulaks were selfish fools...
    Of course they were, but I don't blame the whole thing entirely on them. If the collectivisation would have been more gradual they may have been more willing to contribute. With gradual collectivisation they would have still been able to keep much of their produce for a time. Of course, eventually they would have to give more and more of it up, but at least there would have been time to adapt to the new system. Well going back to the fact they're greedy, there still would have been conflict over collectivisation regardless of the methods used, but alot of lives would have been saved.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    Well, ml propaganda is from ml sources wich makes everyone look bad and glorifies the ml's.
    I can use this statement for anything you know that right?

    Last time I checked none of the sites I have read/looked at glorified ourselfs to be like "gods" but in those sites they dissmiss the propraganda placed on them by the Capitalists/Revisionists.
  • Communist Theory
    Communist Theory
    Well, ml propaganda is from ml sources wich makes everyone look bad and glorifies the ml's.
    That's going to come back and bite you in the ass.
    Also Trotskyist propaganda makes alpine climbers and their ice axes look bad...
  • marxistcritic
    I am not a trotskyist
  • LOLseph Stalin
    LOLseph Stalin
    I am not a trotskyist
    I'll admit it, I am. >.< I'm probably the only Trot in this group too.
  • Communist Theory
    Communist Theory
    I am not a trotskyist
    Only trots are allowed in this group.
    so either convert or be expelled.



  • LOLseph Stalin
    LOLseph Stalin
    Only trots are allowed in this group.
    so either convert or be expelled.



    You're the one to talk. Stalinist.
  • marxistcritic
    I'll admit it, I am. >.< I'm probably the only Trot in this group too.
    Trotskyism is'nt even it's own idealology. It is basicaly just Leninism with more internationalism
  • marxistcritic
    Oh-and using what someone calls themselves as a derogatory name to call them is not very smart.
  • Brother No. 1
    Brother No. 1
    Oh-and using what someone calls themselves as a derogatory name to call them is not very smart.
    She said it was a joke and #2: Trotskyists, i.e. thats her, always call us "Stalinists."
  • marxistcritic
    She did not say it was a joke!!!!!!!
  • LOLseph Stalin
    LOLseph Stalin
    She did not say it was a joke!!!!!!!
    It was intended as a joke. Stupid internet and not being able to tell! >.<
  • 1234