synthesis
9th December 2008, 14:46
This is an essay I'm in the process of writing. It's bullshit, at least as defined by Harry Frankfurt, but if anyone has any suggestions as to how I can make it less bullshit, my ears are wide open. I make some pretty broad claims that could probably be disproved if anyone wants to - let me hear what you have to say.
In order to properly examine police discrimination against immigrants, it is useful to understand the underlying psychological mechanisms of discrimination itself. Speaking generally, discrimination is a natural human trait. Almost everyone does it to some degree or another, whether they recognize it or not. Humans have a hard-wired tendency to make generalizations. We evolved this trait because our lives were not as complex a hundred thousand years ago when our primary foes were not other people; for example, there was not much of a point in trying to identify and sympathize with individual wolves, bears, and cheetahs.
However, the naturalistic fallacy – that something isn’t “right,” “ethical” or “moral” just because it is “natural” – has long been an established philosophical principle. Given the complexities of modern human society, the practice of discrimination is an excellent example of psychological vestigiality. In other words, discrimination can be reasonably likened to wisdom teeth or the appendix: it may have served a purpose in the distant past, but today it mostly just creates problems and tends to make life hard for people. On the other hand, discrimination isn’t always bad; for example, a professional sports team would be well-served to discriminate against those who are physically unfit to play, and most people discriminate in some way when looking for partners, sexual or otherwise. In the context of this paper, however, the term “discrimination” is used to refer exclusively to the act of discrimination against minorities in America.
In that context, discrimination can become an especially serious social problem when it is practiced by those in positions of social authority, such as politicians, employers, and law enforcement. For many immigrants and other minorities, the police are the most visible example of discriminatory authority, and therefore police discrimination is the one of the primary obstacles to social harmony in America. Police discrimination against minorities can be distinguished from other forms of social discrimination in several ways; by and large, it is fueled by an assumption of criminal intent due to race and culture, and also has the unique capacity to exploit the latent alienation between a particular minority community and the law enforcement which is supposed to serve them.
In a broader sense, discrimination against any particular group is often a function of tensions between that minority and the social majority. In order to properly determine the causes and cures for discrimination, it is useful to examine historical incidents of police discrimination against minorities in America; one example lies around the turn of the century, when Italian-Americans were constantly arrested without just cause for a variety of reasons, including religion, race, ideology, and class status. Oftentimes, these arrests were provoked by a single criminal act for which Italian-Americans provided a scapegoat. Italian-Americans’ Catholicism rendered them heathens to the Protestant majority. The association of some Italian-Americans with organized crime on the one hand, and radical labor unions on the other, tended to alienate the entire group from mainstream political discourse. Finally, their “swarthy skin” led some to believe that they were the “missing link” between blacks and whites, which had all the implications one could imagine in a deeply racist society such as America.[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn1) In 1900, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge publicly spoke against Italian immigrants:
Every day we read in the newspapers of savage murders by members of secret societies composed of alien immigrants. Can we doubt, in light of such horrible facts as these, the need of stringent laws and rigid enforcement, to exclude the criminals and anarchists of foreign countries from the United States?[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn2)
“Exclusion” in theory often translated to “repression” in practice, and all too often, repression was either at the hands of the police or the lynch mobs allowed to murder immigrants without reproach.
The history of police discrimination against Italians is important for present-day efforts to curb the practice of police discrimination against immigrants for two reasons. The first is that the available historical evidence strongly indicates that Italian-Americans were disproportionately targeted by police discrimination compared to any other European immigrants in American history. The second reason for examining police discrimination against Italian immigrants is that the practice has largely disappeared over the last century, owing to the assimilation of Italian-Americans into mainstream American society.
These facts indicate that modern-day police discrimination is fundamentally racist in origin, directly or indirectly. Non-white people tend to have a much more difficult time assimilating into mainstream American society owing to prejudice against physical differences such as skin color, which creates vulnerability to police discrimination. In terms of a direct relationship between race and discrimination, it is obviously far easier for police to single out people who are not white. However, the cultural aspect of police discrimination cannot be ignored; for example, in this day and age, the Asian-American population is commonly perceived, rightly or wrongly, as being “more assimilated” than blacks and Latinos, and although discrimination against Asian-Americans certainly exists, overt harassment and racial profiling are generally secondary to police inaction due to the language barrier or other factors.[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn3)
Police discrimination against immigrants in present-day America generally targets immigrants from predominately Spanish-speaking or Muslim countries. Discrimination against the latter group has spiked in recent years owing to global politics and the conflation of “Muslim” with “Middle Eastern descent.” Although two-thirds of Arab-Americans are Christian[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn4), many police assume that they either practice or sympathize with “Islamic terrorism.” A study by the Vera Institute of Justice in 2006 found that while Arab-Americans “reported increases in hate victimization, they expressed greater concern about being victimized by federal policies and practices than by individual acts of harassment or violence.”[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn5) Discrimination against immigrants from Muslim countries was codified by the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System in 2002, where over 160,000 males from Muslim countries were registered, fingerprinted, photographed, and interrogated based on their country of origin, resulting in the deportation of more than 14,000 immigrants. Recently, students from Yale Law School forced the Department of Homeland Security to admit the existence of Operation Front Line, a secret initiative of the 2004 presidential campaign, which was essentially a crack-down on immigrants from Muslim countries – a demographic which composes only one percent of the undocumented immigrants in America.[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn6) Studies also report discrimination at the local level of law enforcement, with more and more Muslims reporting racial profiling by police in their daily lives.[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn7)
Discrimination against Hispanic immigrants by law enforcement has a much longer and more brutal track record in American history. From the lynchings of Mexicans by the Texas Rangers[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn8) to the involuntary “Mexican Repatriation” of the Great Depression[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn9), it could be posited that this is the first era in America where discrimination against Hispanic people has not been an explicit mandate of law enforcement. However, police discrimination against Hispanic immigrants is still prevalent. In the small town of Gaylord, Minnesota, 46% of tickets are issued to Latinos, who comprise only 13% of the population.[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn10) In Mamaroneck, New York, a federal judge determined that local police practices were un-Constitutional; for example, Hispanic immigrants were constantly ticketed for not wearing a seatbelt while white drivers merely got the “buckle-up” gesture, and day laborers were harassed while parents dropping their kids off at a nearby day-care could block traffic unimpeded.[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn11) Even Hispanic policemen are not immune to discrimination from other officers; lawsuits have been filed in Minneapolis[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn12) and Denver[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn13) alleging that discriminatory practices have been institutionalized by local law enforcement.
The point of examining the history of police discrimination against immigrants in America is not to condemn American law enforcement as an irredeemably racist institution, but to identify the contextual characteristics, causes, and potential solutions of each particular manifestation of discrimination so that remedies can be ascertained. Most importantly, police discrimination against Hispanic immigrants is fundamentally different in nature from discrimination against immigrants from predominately Muslim countries. Again, there are two prime factors in police discrimination which are by no means mutually exclusive; the assumption of criminal intent is often the basis of racial profiling, yet such assumptions often coincide with broader cultural tensions which exist between immigrants and the dominant social majority.
Police discrimination against immigrants from Muslim countries cannot be entirely reduced to the assumption of terrorist activities or sympathies, yet its underlying substance is mostly political in motivation or intent. Codified discrimination such as Special Registration can be combated through legal means; unfortunately, individual discrimination will likely climb and fall in response to political developments which are beyond the control of anyone seeking to find a solution to discriminatory practices.
On the other hand, discrimination against Hispanic immigrants can be more adequately and fully understood with the group-position theory of sociology, which argues that discrimination is “rooted in a collective sense of group position, and [that] group interest is the driving force underlying contentious inter-group relations.”[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn14) Although discrimination against black people by the police is well-documented and has been academically dissected many times over, there are relatively few statistics and very little research done regarding police discrimination against Hispanic immigrants.[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn15)
While there have been successful solutions to discrimination against immigrants from Muslim countries which involve investing resources to promote cooperation and rapport between law enforcement and Arab communities[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn16) a similar initiative for Hispanic immigrants would be significantly more difficult to finance, owing largely to their greater numbers relative to immigrants from Muslim countries. Discrimination against Hispanic immigrants is also much more complex in its origins; for example, while a policeman who discriminates against immigrants from Muslim country is usually basing his actions on his assumptions of their terrorist sympathies, a policeman discriminating against Hispanic immigrants might be operating on the assumption that they are involved in drug trafficking or gang activity, or he might simply be bitter because of the common assumption that “immigrants are taking American jobs.” Obviously, when the causes of discrimination are more complex, then the solutions must adapt to those circumstances.
One indirect solution would be to fund free English classes without regard for citizenship, as the language barrier makes it easier to discriminate against Hispanic immigrants given the inherent difficulties in reporting discrimination. A direct method could cut funding to police departments which target minorities disproportionately. However, it is also important to recognize that punitive policies often fuel resentment among the dominant majority, which can be counter-productive to addressing social problems involving discrimination. Some activists have recommended cultural sensitivity classes for those involved in policing Hispanic communities, and while these efforts are doubtlessly helping to improve relations to some degree, a single mandatory course cannot reliably change the minds of the people in discriminatory police institutions.[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn17)
Ultimately, police discrimination against any group tends to dissipate with the assimilation of that group into mainstream society. Generalization is the bedrock of discrimination, and generalizations are fostered by perceived differences between groups. Although immigrants’ rights organizations are certainly vital to promoting justice and equality in American society today, discrimination will persist as long as groups do not co-exist and subsequently come to understand their similarities and differences, as cliché as that sounds. For better or worse, assimilation seems to be the only universal approach to solving the social problem of police discrimination against immigrants.
[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref1) Gambino, Richard. Blood of My Blood (Picas Series No.7). Guernica Editions Inc., 2002. 107-108.
[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref2) Ibid.
[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref3) Dugger, Celia W. "U.S. Study Says Asian-Americans Face Widespread Discrimination." New York Times 29 Feb. 1992.
[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref4) Shaheen, Yasmeen. "Arab-American Demographics." The Arab American Institute. 2002.
[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref5) Nicole J. Henderson, Christopher W. Ortiz, Naomi F. Sugie, and Joel Miller. Law
Enforcement & Arab American Community Relations After September 11, 2001:
Engagement in a Time of Uncertainty. New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2006.
[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref6) Bromage, Andy. "The Usual Suspects." Fairfield Weekly 20 Nov. 2008.
[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref7) Kerr, Jennifer C. "Anti-Muslim Discrimination On Rise." CBS News 16 July 2003 [Washington] .
[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref8) Tyler-Mountain, Chandra, and Vincent Woodward. "Lynching and Violence in American Culture." Mexican Migrant Workers and Lynch Culture. Carnegie Corporation of New York.
[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref9) Prieto, Rosa, Veronica Smith, Rosa Moreno, Jonatán Jaimes, Adri Alatorre and Ruth Vise. "Mexican Repatriation in 1930s is Little Known Story." Borderlands 24 (2005-2006): 12-13. Borderlands. EPCC Libraries.
[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref10) Stachura, Sea. "Latinos in Gaylord claim police discrimination." Minnesota Public Radio. 24 Oct. 2008.
[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref11) Silberstein, Judy. "Ruling Finds Mamaroneck Village Discriminated Against Hispanics ." Larchmont Gazette 22 Nov. 2006.
[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref12) Chanen, David. "Police officer, department go to court over discrimination." Star Tribune 15 Oct. 2008 [Minneapolis/St. Paul] .
[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref13) "Latino Organization Claims Discrimination In DPD." CBS4Denver. 16 July 2008. CBS News. 9 Dec. 2008
[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref14) Weitzer, Ronald, and Steven Tuch. "Race and Perception of Police Misconduct." Social Problems 51, no. 3 (2004): 306.
[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref15) Ibid, 307.
[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref16) Henderson et al.
[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref17) "Police and Latinos." Latino USA. 16 July 1999. <http://www.latinousa.org/learning/police.pdf>.
In order to properly examine police discrimination against immigrants, it is useful to understand the underlying psychological mechanisms of discrimination itself. Speaking generally, discrimination is a natural human trait. Almost everyone does it to some degree or another, whether they recognize it or not. Humans have a hard-wired tendency to make generalizations. We evolved this trait because our lives were not as complex a hundred thousand years ago when our primary foes were not other people; for example, there was not much of a point in trying to identify and sympathize with individual wolves, bears, and cheetahs.
However, the naturalistic fallacy – that something isn’t “right,” “ethical” or “moral” just because it is “natural” – has long been an established philosophical principle. Given the complexities of modern human society, the practice of discrimination is an excellent example of psychological vestigiality. In other words, discrimination can be reasonably likened to wisdom teeth or the appendix: it may have served a purpose in the distant past, but today it mostly just creates problems and tends to make life hard for people. On the other hand, discrimination isn’t always bad; for example, a professional sports team would be well-served to discriminate against those who are physically unfit to play, and most people discriminate in some way when looking for partners, sexual or otherwise. In the context of this paper, however, the term “discrimination” is used to refer exclusively to the act of discrimination against minorities in America.
In that context, discrimination can become an especially serious social problem when it is practiced by those in positions of social authority, such as politicians, employers, and law enforcement. For many immigrants and other minorities, the police are the most visible example of discriminatory authority, and therefore police discrimination is the one of the primary obstacles to social harmony in America. Police discrimination against minorities can be distinguished from other forms of social discrimination in several ways; by and large, it is fueled by an assumption of criminal intent due to race and culture, and also has the unique capacity to exploit the latent alienation between a particular minority community and the law enforcement which is supposed to serve them.
In a broader sense, discrimination against any particular group is often a function of tensions between that minority and the social majority. In order to properly determine the causes and cures for discrimination, it is useful to examine historical incidents of police discrimination against minorities in America; one example lies around the turn of the century, when Italian-Americans were constantly arrested without just cause for a variety of reasons, including religion, race, ideology, and class status. Oftentimes, these arrests were provoked by a single criminal act for which Italian-Americans provided a scapegoat. Italian-Americans’ Catholicism rendered them heathens to the Protestant majority. The association of some Italian-Americans with organized crime on the one hand, and radical labor unions on the other, tended to alienate the entire group from mainstream political discourse. Finally, their “swarthy skin” led some to believe that they were the “missing link” between blacks and whites, which had all the implications one could imagine in a deeply racist society such as America.[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn1) In 1900, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge publicly spoke against Italian immigrants:
Every day we read in the newspapers of savage murders by members of secret societies composed of alien immigrants. Can we doubt, in light of such horrible facts as these, the need of stringent laws and rigid enforcement, to exclude the criminals and anarchists of foreign countries from the United States?[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn2)
“Exclusion” in theory often translated to “repression” in practice, and all too often, repression was either at the hands of the police or the lynch mobs allowed to murder immigrants without reproach.
The history of police discrimination against Italians is important for present-day efforts to curb the practice of police discrimination against immigrants for two reasons. The first is that the available historical evidence strongly indicates that Italian-Americans were disproportionately targeted by police discrimination compared to any other European immigrants in American history. The second reason for examining police discrimination against Italian immigrants is that the practice has largely disappeared over the last century, owing to the assimilation of Italian-Americans into mainstream American society.
These facts indicate that modern-day police discrimination is fundamentally racist in origin, directly or indirectly. Non-white people tend to have a much more difficult time assimilating into mainstream American society owing to prejudice against physical differences such as skin color, which creates vulnerability to police discrimination. In terms of a direct relationship between race and discrimination, it is obviously far easier for police to single out people who are not white. However, the cultural aspect of police discrimination cannot be ignored; for example, in this day and age, the Asian-American population is commonly perceived, rightly or wrongly, as being “more assimilated” than blacks and Latinos, and although discrimination against Asian-Americans certainly exists, overt harassment and racial profiling are generally secondary to police inaction due to the language barrier or other factors.[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn3)
Police discrimination against immigrants in present-day America generally targets immigrants from predominately Spanish-speaking or Muslim countries. Discrimination against the latter group has spiked in recent years owing to global politics and the conflation of “Muslim” with “Middle Eastern descent.” Although two-thirds of Arab-Americans are Christian[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn4), many police assume that they either practice or sympathize with “Islamic terrorism.” A study by the Vera Institute of Justice in 2006 found that while Arab-Americans “reported increases in hate victimization, they expressed greater concern about being victimized by federal policies and practices than by individual acts of harassment or violence.”[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn5) Discrimination against immigrants from Muslim countries was codified by the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System in 2002, where over 160,000 males from Muslim countries were registered, fingerprinted, photographed, and interrogated based on their country of origin, resulting in the deportation of more than 14,000 immigrants. Recently, students from Yale Law School forced the Department of Homeland Security to admit the existence of Operation Front Line, a secret initiative of the 2004 presidential campaign, which was essentially a crack-down on immigrants from Muslim countries – a demographic which composes only one percent of the undocumented immigrants in America.[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn6) Studies also report discrimination at the local level of law enforcement, with more and more Muslims reporting racial profiling by police in their daily lives.[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn7)
Discrimination against Hispanic immigrants by law enforcement has a much longer and more brutal track record in American history. From the lynchings of Mexicans by the Texas Rangers[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn8) to the involuntary “Mexican Repatriation” of the Great Depression[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn9), it could be posited that this is the first era in America where discrimination against Hispanic people has not been an explicit mandate of law enforcement. However, police discrimination against Hispanic immigrants is still prevalent. In the small town of Gaylord, Minnesota, 46% of tickets are issued to Latinos, who comprise only 13% of the population.[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn10) In Mamaroneck, New York, a federal judge determined that local police practices were un-Constitutional; for example, Hispanic immigrants were constantly ticketed for not wearing a seatbelt while white drivers merely got the “buckle-up” gesture, and day laborers were harassed while parents dropping their kids off at a nearby day-care could block traffic unimpeded.[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn11) Even Hispanic policemen are not immune to discrimination from other officers; lawsuits have been filed in Minneapolis[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn12) and Denver[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn13) alleging that discriminatory practices have been institutionalized by local law enforcement.
The point of examining the history of police discrimination against immigrants in America is not to condemn American law enforcement as an irredeemably racist institution, but to identify the contextual characteristics, causes, and potential solutions of each particular manifestation of discrimination so that remedies can be ascertained. Most importantly, police discrimination against Hispanic immigrants is fundamentally different in nature from discrimination against immigrants from predominately Muslim countries. Again, there are two prime factors in police discrimination which are by no means mutually exclusive; the assumption of criminal intent is often the basis of racial profiling, yet such assumptions often coincide with broader cultural tensions which exist between immigrants and the dominant social majority.
Police discrimination against immigrants from Muslim countries cannot be entirely reduced to the assumption of terrorist activities or sympathies, yet its underlying substance is mostly political in motivation or intent. Codified discrimination such as Special Registration can be combated through legal means; unfortunately, individual discrimination will likely climb and fall in response to political developments which are beyond the control of anyone seeking to find a solution to discriminatory practices.
On the other hand, discrimination against Hispanic immigrants can be more adequately and fully understood with the group-position theory of sociology, which argues that discrimination is “rooted in a collective sense of group position, and [that] group interest is the driving force underlying contentious inter-group relations.”[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn14) Although discrimination against black people by the police is well-documented and has been academically dissected many times over, there are relatively few statistics and very little research done regarding police discrimination against Hispanic immigrants.[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn15)
While there have been successful solutions to discrimination against immigrants from Muslim countries which involve investing resources to promote cooperation and rapport between law enforcement and Arab communities[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn16) a similar initiative for Hispanic immigrants would be significantly more difficult to finance, owing largely to their greater numbers relative to immigrants from Muslim countries. Discrimination against Hispanic immigrants is also much more complex in its origins; for example, while a policeman who discriminates against immigrants from Muslim country is usually basing his actions on his assumptions of their terrorist sympathies, a policeman discriminating against Hispanic immigrants might be operating on the assumption that they are involved in drug trafficking or gang activity, or he might simply be bitter because of the common assumption that “immigrants are taking American jobs.” Obviously, when the causes of discrimination are more complex, then the solutions must adapt to those circumstances.
One indirect solution would be to fund free English classes without regard for citizenship, as the language barrier makes it easier to discriminate against Hispanic immigrants given the inherent difficulties in reporting discrimination. A direct method could cut funding to police departments which target minorities disproportionately. However, it is also important to recognize that punitive policies often fuel resentment among the dominant majority, which can be counter-productive to addressing social problems involving discrimination. Some activists have recommended cultural sensitivity classes for those involved in policing Hispanic communities, and while these efforts are doubtlessly helping to improve relations to some degree, a single mandatory course cannot reliably change the minds of the people in discriminatory police institutions.[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftn17)
Ultimately, police discrimination against any group tends to dissipate with the assimilation of that group into mainstream society. Generalization is the bedrock of discrimination, and generalizations are fostered by perceived differences between groups. Although immigrants’ rights organizations are certainly vital to promoting justice and equality in American society today, discrimination will persist as long as groups do not co-exist and subsequently come to understand their similarities and differences, as cliché as that sounds. For better or worse, assimilation seems to be the only universal approach to solving the social problem of police discrimination against immigrants.
[1] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref1) Gambino, Richard. Blood of My Blood (Picas Series No.7). Guernica Editions Inc., 2002. 107-108.
[2] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref2) Ibid.
[3] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref3) Dugger, Celia W. "U.S. Study Says Asian-Americans Face Widespread Discrimination." New York Times 29 Feb. 1992.
[4] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref4) Shaheen, Yasmeen. "Arab-American Demographics." The Arab American Institute. 2002.
[5] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref5) Nicole J. Henderson, Christopher W. Ortiz, Naomi F. Sugie, and Joel Miller. Law
Enforcement & Arab American Community Relations After September 11, 2001:
Engagement in a Time of Uncertainty. New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2006.
[6] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref6) Bromage, Andy. "The Usual Suspects." Fairfield Weekly 20 Nov. 2008.
[7] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref7) Kerr, Jennifer C. "Anti-Muslim Discrimination On Rise." CBS News 16 July 2003 [Washington] .
[8] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref8) Tyler-Mountain, Chandra, and Vincent Woodward. "Lynching and Violence in American Culture." Mexican Migrant Workers and Lynch Culture. Carnegie Corporation of New York.
[9] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref9) Prieto, Rosa, Veronica Smith, Rosa Moreno, Jonatán Jaimes, Adri Alatorre and Ruth Vise. "Mexican Repatriation in 1930s is Little Known Story." Borderlands 24 (2005-2006): 12-13. Borderlands. EPCC Libraries.
[10] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref10) Stachura, Sea. "Latinos in Gaylord claim police discrimination." Minnesota Public Radio. 24 Oct. 2008.
[11] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref11) Silberstein, Judy. "Ruling Finds Mamaroneck Village Discriminated Against Hispanics ." Larchmont Gazette 22 Nov. 2006.
[12] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref12) Chanen, David. "Police officer, department go to court over discrimination." Star Tribune 15 Oct. 2008 [Minneapolis/St. Paul] .
[13] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref13) "Latino Organization Claims Discrimination In DPD." CBS4Denver. 16 July 2008. CBS News. 9 Dec. 2008
[14] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref14) Weitzer, Ronald, and Steven Tuch. "Race and Perception of Police Misconduct." Social Problems 51, no. 3 (2004): 306.
[15] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref15) Ibid, 307.
[16] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref16) Henderson et al.
[17] (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#_ftnref17) "Police and Latinos." Latino USA. 16 July 1999. <http://www.latinousa.org/learning/police.pdf>.