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PostAnarchy
19th November 2008, 23:42
While I don't believe in making any individual appear greater than they actually are nor do I believe in hero-worship like many Stalinists do. I do believe that certain individuals have made a or are representative of major step forward for humanitiy. One of these people I believe is Rosa Luxemburg. Whose profile and biography I post here:



German revolutionary leader, journalist, and socialist theorist, who was killed in Berlin in 1919 during the German revolution. Rosa Luxemburg saw herself as a citizen of the proletariat. She lived the international life of a Socialist 'pilgrim', believing that only socialism could bring true freedom and social justice. Luxemburg was the advocate of mass action, spontaneity, and workers democracy, but her criticism of the "revisionists" and their ideological leader Edward Bernstein is considered her most important legacy to European political thought.

"Bourgeois class domination is undoubtedly an historical necessity, but, so too, the rising of the working class against it. Capital is an historical necessity, but, so too, its grave digger, the socialist proletariat." (from 'The Junius Pamphlet', 1916) Rosa Luxemburg was born in Zamosc, in Russian Poland, into a Jewish middle-class family. At the age of five she became seriously ill. After recovering she walked with a limp; sciatic pain caused her much trouble for her whole life. Luxemburg was educated at the Warsaw Gimnazium. From the age of 16 she participated in revolutionary activities. during these years her favorite writer was the Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz (http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/mickie.htm), whose patriotism and life in political exile influenced her deeply. In 1889 Luxemburg moved to Switzerland to continue her studies. But she was also partly forced to flee from her home country because of her political activities.
Luxemburg entered the University of Zürich, where she studied natural sciences and political economy. In 1892 she changed to the faculty of law. Two years later she researched at the major Polish library in Paris. She started her career as a journalist and became one of the leaders of the Social Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania. In 1898 Luxemburg completed her doctorate. The dissertation was entitled The Industrial Development of Poland. Between the years 1892 and 1919 Luxemburg produced almost 700 articles, pamphlets, speeches, and books.
In 1899 appeared Luxemburg's Reform or Revolution, her defense of Marxism. It opposed Edward Bernstein's reformist position and criticized Bernstein's revisionist theories in Evolutionary Socialism (1898). Bernstein had published also in Neue Zeit a series of articles, in which he had attempted to disprove some of the basic doctrines of Marxism. He rejected Marx's theories of class struggle and concluded that revolution was unnecessary. Luxemburg believed that her work would make the "old guard" of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) to view her as a serious political thinker and leader. "Since the final goal of socialism constitutes the only decisive factor distinguishing the social democratic movement from bourgeois democracy and from bourgeois radicalism, the only factor transforming the entire labor movement from a vain effort to repair the capitalist order into a class struggle against this order, for the suppression of this order - the question: "Reform or revolution?" as it is posed by Bernstein, equals for the social democracy the question: "The be or not to be?" In the controversy with Bernstein and his followers, everybody in the party ought to understand clearly it is not a question of this or that method of struggle, or the use of this or that set of tactics, but the of the very existence of the social democratic movement." (from Reform or Revolution)
To obtain German citizen, Luxemburg married Gustav Lübeck, the youngest son of her friend. Luxemburg became in 1898 a leader of the left wing of the SPD and participated in the second International and in the 1905 revolution in Russian Poland. After insulting the Kaiser, she spend in 1904 a short period in prison in Zwickau. In the same year Luxemburg also drafted SDKPL (Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania) party programe What Do We Want?
During the 1905 Russian Revolution she developed the idea that socialism is a revolutionary process which transforms political and economic relations towards ever greater democratic control by the workers themselves. In 1906 she was arrested in Warsaw but released finally on health grounds. She returned to Germany where she taught at SPD party school in Berlin until 1914 and developed ideas about general strike as a political weapon. In 1912 appeared her major theoretical work, The Accumulation of Capital, in which she tried to prove that capitalism was doomed and would inevitably collapse on economic grounds. After differences with moderate German socialists, she founded with Karl Liebknecht the radical Spartacus League in 1916. She also drafted the Spartacists programme Leitsätze. Two years later the organization became the German Communist Party.
During World War I Luxemburg spent long times in prison, writing her Spartakusbriefe and Die Russisce Revolution, where she welcomed the October Revolution as a precursor of world revolution. In 'The Junius Pamphlet' (1916), written under the pseudonym of Junius, she argued that the choice of Socialism or Barbarism is a world-historical turning point which demands resolute action by the proletariat.
However, Luxemburg participated reluctantly in the Spartacist uprising in Berlin against the government. The uprising, which failed, was a defining moment among others for Adolf Hitler. Luxemburg and Liebknecht were arrested in 1919. While being transported to prison, she and Liebknecht were murdered on the night of 15/16 on January 1919 by German Freikorps soldiers. Luxemburg's body was thrown into the Landwehr canal and found on May. She was buried on June 13 in Friedrichsfeld cemetery, where the graves of Liebknecht and the other killed revolutionaries situated. Her burial became a mass demonstration, witnessed by a number of correspondents, including the American screenwriter Ben Hecht (http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/BHECHT.HTM).
Luxemburg's lover Leo Jogiches was murdered in 1919. However, their affair had already ended in 1906 - Leo had gone too far in his infidelity. Just before his death, he had decided with Clara Zetkin and Mathild Jacob to publish Luxemburg's collected works. The project proceeded slowly because at that time Lenin's critical opinions of Luxemburg's thought were not easy to ignore. Lenin saw that she underestimated nationalist ideology, underrated the role of the Communist party, and emphasized to much the power of the mass action. Luxemburg was critical about Lenin's acceptance of the idea of national self-determination. In 'Organisationsfragen der russischen Sozialdemokraten' (1904) she criticized his theory of revolutionary vanguard centralism. Luxemburg argued that there could be no real socialism without democracy. Later Stalinist study was not very happy about her - her unorthodoxy was nearly as dangerous as Trotsky (http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/trotsky.htm)'s. Luxemburg's collected works did not appear until 1970-75 in DDR.

"The list of people with whom Simone Weil (http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/weil.htm) was politically associated reads like an almanac of the French Left. Thévenon, Guérin, Battaille, Serret. Simone saw in Rosa Luxemburg (d. 1919) a kindred soul. 'Her life, her work, her letters affirm life and not death,' wrote Simone. 'Rosa aspired to action, not to sacrifice. In this sense, there is nothing Christian in her temperament.'" (from The Left Hand of God by Adolf Holl, 1997) Thoroughful reevaluation of Luxemburg's work started in Germany in the 1970s. Her theories were considered as an alternative to Communism or Social Democracy. When Marxist study lost its attraction in the 1980s, Luxemburg arose still interest among feminist theorist. Luxemburg herself did not participate into women's rights movement; women's liberation was for her part of the liberation from the oppression of capitalism. However, she saw that socialist emancipation is incomplete without women's emancipation. Raya Dunayevskaya argues in her study Rosa Luxemburg, Women's Liberation, and Marx's Philosophy of Revolution (1981) that Luxemburg's years after the break-up with her lover Leo Jogiches were not "lost years," as J.P. Nettl presents in his large biography (1966). Dunayevskaya documents Luxemburg's myriad activities and theoretical work including Mass Strike. In the 1980s Margareta von Trotta's film Rosa Luxemburg (1986), starring Barbara Sukowa, gained commercial success. The film was partly based on Annelies Laschitza's studies. However, feminist critic objected Trotta's conventional (melo)dramatic narration.

Herman
19th November 2008, 23:52
One of the best marxists to have lived. A pity her life was cut short by treachery and deceit.

PostAnarchy
20th November 2008, 17:52
One of the best marxists to have lived. A pity her life was cut short by treachery and deceit.

Agreed. Far superior to the likes of Lenin and Trotsky and incomporable to the farce that was Stalin.

Hit The North
20th November 2008, 18:04
Rosa had the good fortune to never have to deal with holding power - it stains the reputation like no other.

To say she was "far superior" to Lenin is pushing it a bit far, PostAnarchy. What evidence would you produce to substantiate that claim?

zimmerwald1915
20th November 2008, 18:13
Agreed. Far superior to the likes of Lenin and Trotsky and incomporable to the farce that was Stalin.
Rather a better theoretician than Trotsky or Stalin. Her polemics with Lenin (and his with her) remain instructive; personally I consider her positions on imperialism and the national question to be rather more evolved and historically validated than his.

For all that, she wasn't much of a party builder, and her decision (along with that of Jogiches, Levi, and other Spartacusbund Zentrale members) to cleave to the USPD instead of trying to build a communist party was disastrous.

Then again, we're really not in the business of ranking historical figures, are we?:tt2:

Tower of Bebel
20th November 2008, 18:44
I love her style: she knows how to formulate a dialectical approach :tt1:. Just read The Russian Revolution or The Junius Pamphlet.

ComradeOm
21st November 2008, 20:48
For all that, she wasn't much of a party builder, and her decision (along with that of Jogiches, Levi, and other Spartacusbund Zentrale members) to cleave to the USPD instead of trying to build a communist party was disastrousIndeed, it was just as disastrous as her insistence on remaining in the SPD until they finally threw her out

zimmerwald1915
21st November 2008, 20:52
Indeed, it was just as disastrous as her insistence on remaining in the SPD until they finally threw her out
I wouldn't say that remaining a fraction within the SPD was necessarily a mistake until the opportunism and degeneration became not only apparent, but irreversable. That is, it was appropriate for the left fraction to stay until the SPD passed into the capitalist camp. IMHO, that time and the time that the left fraction was expelled by the majority conincided pretty closely.

Oneironaut
21st November 2008, 21:13
For all that, she wasn't much of a party builder, and her decision (along with that of Jogiches, Levi, and other Spartacusbund Zentrale members) to cleave to the USPD instead of trying to build a communist party was disastrous.

Was party building emphasized by Rosa or did she advocate other methods of struggle? The USPD was heading down a road that she was against.

Tower of Bebel
21st November 2008, 21:19
Was party building emphasized by Rosa or did she advocate other methods of struggle? The USPD was heading down a road that she was against.
When still a member of the SPD she hoped for the mass struggle (strike) to break the party's conservatism to pieces and control its opportunism:
"Opportunism is in any case a swamp plant, which develops rapidly and luxuriously in the stagnant waters of the movement; in a swift running stream it will die of itself. Here in Germany a forward motion is an urgent, burning need! And only the fewest realize it. Some fritter away their energy in petty disputes with the opportunists, others believe that the automatic, mechanical increase in numbers (at elections and in the organizations) is progress in itself!"
—quoted in Carl E. Schorske, German Social Democracy 1905-1917 (1955)
Lenin and the vanguard party (http://www.bolshevik.org/Pamphlets/LeninVanguard/LVP%202.htm)

zimmerwald1915
21st November 2008, 21:33
Was party building emphasized by Rosa or did she advocate other methods of struggle? The USPD was heading down a road that she was against.
All I meant was that she wasn't a particularly good party builder nor did she devote much energy to party building personally.

Oneironaut
21st November 2008, 23:26
All I meant was that she wasn't a particularly good party builder nor did she devote much energy to party building personally.

Agreed. But I thought this was because she advocated other methods of proletarian struggle, mainly the mass strike. But I could be wrong, I haven't studied too many of her works.

zimmerwald1915
21st November 2008, 23:51
Agreed. But I thought this was because she advocated other methods of proletarian struggle, mainly the mass strike. But I could be wrong, I haven't studied too many of her works.
IIRC she recognized the need for a party, and I seem to recall a thread on this forum not too long ago (entitled "Rosa Luxemburg: sectarian?", I believe) that compared her statements on the role of the party with Lenin and found similarity rather more common that difference. It's true she placed a lot of emphasis on the mass strike, but this was due to the aversion of the center and right of the SPD to this tactic and thus the necessity of the left to advocate it more strongly.

Oneironaut
22nd November 2008, 00:23
Now its making some sense to me. Thanks for the clarification!

Die Neue Zeit
22nd November 2008, 04:42
Indeed, it was just as disastrous as her insistence on remaining in the SPD until they finally threw her out

Tsk, tsk, she forgot's Kautsky's long-forgotten advocacy of a split with any emerging trend (as opposed to sentiment) towards opportunism at the turn of the 20th century. :D