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PRC-UTE
14th June 2008, 00:50
Irish Republican Socialist Bulletin
(Number 3)

Seamus Costello House
392 Falls Road Belfast
BT76DH Ireland
Phone: 028-9032=1024
e-mail: [email protected] (https://webmail3.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=bulletin%40irsm.org)

Date Friday June 13th 2008
IRSB

In this issue:



1) Coming Events for Republican Socialists

2) More Sectarian Attacks

3) Harassment by Irish Political Police

4) Did You Know?

5) Rights For new Mothers

6) Gay Pride

7) A Right Wing Dog¹s Dinner

8) Working Class Communities Under Threat in Inner City Belfast

9) Say No to Interface Violence







Coming Events for Republican Socialists

1) Public debate on the ŒRising Cost of Living¹ in the Landsdowne Court
Hotel Antrim Rd. Starts 7.00pm, on Thursday 19th June. Present will be
invited guests such as Junior Minister Gerry Kelly [SF]. Eleanor Gill ­ N.I.
Consumer Council. Prof. Paddy Hillyard ­Former Independent Chair of the
Water Tax Review; the above invited guests will be contributing to the
debate.



2) Ceartais ­ Public Meeting re- use of CF gas in Long Kesh 1974 and the
Health effects in later life for those affected; Tuesday 17th off June,
7.00pm in the GlenPark ­ Ardoyne Ave. [This would apply to some of our
ex-prisoners¹ who were present during this event,)



3) Sunday 15th June ­ evening. As part of the 'Say No To Bush' Campaign,
artist Christoff Gillen plans to write 'NO TO BUSH' in 50ft white letters on
the Black Mountain. This will make the campaign visible to the whole of
Belfast and complement the rally at City Hall on 16th June.



4) This Monday there is a protest out side the City Hall re- the planned
visits¹ later on off George Bush. This is a must. We have to be there with
Banner and a few Starry Plough flags, although comrades may be working each
Cumann could sent at least 2 there is a large crowd expected, so Media
coverage will a cert, hope to see you there!!

5/ Bodenstown Commemoration; Sallins Sunday the 29th off June; all expected
to attend and show support for comrades in the 26, who are under constant
threat and intimidation from the ŒBranch¹.


And they say nothing happening !!!




More Sectarian Attacks


Lime Court is Sheltered Dwelling for old people, situated at the bottom of
the loyalist Peter's Hill/Shankill and sandwiched between there and the
Catholic/Republican Carrickhill. The dwellings are totally occupied by
senior citizens from both communities who are mostly aged between 70-80
years old.

At the weekend the grounds were invaded by a number of men who set about
smashing windows of 4 dwellings with hammers and cudgels. The elderly
residents were terrified and rightly so.
The PSNI have not highlighted this attack on the elderly but have agreed
that it was sectarian. This comes after recent attacks on elderly peoples
homes in the nearby Stanhope Street which were also sectarian. Some of those
residents have asked to be moved away from the interface because they are
frightened, and now it is being suggested in some circles that there is
going to be a long hot summer campaign to force the catholic/Republican
families out.

Next year 2nd August 2009 is the 40th anniversary of one of the worse days
of the early troubles, when thousands of loyalists tried to storm the then
Unity Flats. Not everyone is aware that on that day an elderly man Patrick
Corry was beaten and stabbed by both loyalists and RUC men. When he was
eventually conveyed to hospital, he was to remain there until he died 4
months later from his injuries This is still fresh in many of our minds and
we will never forget how many battles were fought to keep this small enclave
at the bottom of the Shankill Catholic/Republican. The first time that it
was muted to bring the British Army on to the streets was during the 2nd-3rd
of August 1969 and it was because of the pressure the RUC were under. But
that's another story. During one of the many attempts to burn flats in Unity
in 1969 the attackers were met with a hail of gunfire. Unity Flats never
fell into loyalist hands and neither will Carrickhill.










Harrassment by Irish Political Police

The Seamus Costello Memorial Flute Band condemns the harassment at the John
Morris Commemoration in Dublin on Sunday 8th June.

On arrival at the venue for the march the bus carrying the band was
surrounded by Free State Special Branch.

Band members were mobbed on arrival by these people in suits and not allowed
to leave the the bus until everyone gave their names one at a time.

There are band members as young as 12 years of age and these young people,
who have committed no crime, were treated no differently to the adults by
these bullies. Names and addresses were taken. Even the bus drivers name was
taken.

We would like to point out that this harrassment has been ongoing for some
time now whenever the band travels to the 26 counties.we will remain
resolute. They will not, indeed they can not deter us from remembering the
dead volunteers of the IRSM.
The harassment by the special branch at this commemoration was outrageous.
Both members of the IRSP and non-members who came to pay respects were
harassed. Over eight special branch cars were present, and at least twenty
members of the special branch. Attendees were approached and asked
repeatedly throughout the day for their details, three times or more.

During the commemoration itself with the speeches and laying of the wreaths,
members of the special branch surrounded the graveyard in an intimidating
fashion.

When the speaker equipment was being carried back to be put away in the
nearby car park after the commemoration was finished, up to ten special
branch men and women quick marched through the grave aisles and over to
Dublin IRSP members and non-members and proceeded to surround and harass.

They accused those with cameras and phone camera¹s of taking photo¹s of
them, despite the near impossibility of Œnot¹ including them in any images
of the commemoration seeing as they surrounded the periphery of the crowd.
They proceeded to harass one lad who was a non-member of the IRSP and
accused him of photographing them, which in itself is not illegal being in a
public place. They took the camera off of him and then they demanded he show
them how to turn the camera on, which he eventually did as they couldn¹t
figure it out. They then asked him to delete the images off the camera, all
the while being surrounded by the special branch. In a change of mind, the
special branch man removed and confiscated the memory card from the camera.
One special branch man suggested his arrest. Later, a member of the special
branch believed him to be a member of eirigi, while another asked his
nationality. They also commented on his appearance and said he had changed
his hair. All of which was of no business to them, and was naked
intimidation.

This was a scandalous act, to confiscate the property of a member of the
public who committed no crime and was not a member of any political
organisation, but was simply an attendee.

After this, they then proceeded to harass members of Dublin IRSP. In one
instance of harassment, special branch men circled a members vehicle looking
to point out faults with the tyres or other components of the car. Finding
nothing, they asked whether he was a fully licensed driver and whether he
had a licensed driver in the car with him. Again, things were in order. They
then checked the vehicles tax and insurance discs and claimed that they were
possible forgeries. Unfounded claims.

During this time, again they asked for names and addresses of all who were
present, despite already giving such details numerous times already. They
asked for Ids and even took driving license numbers.

As some members walked back to the pub ­ three special branch cars drove
past and tauntingly beeped their horn and made hand gestures out the window
and laughed.

The commemoration was organised as a public event to commemorate a socialist
volunteer who was murdered by this very same ilk. No members of the IRSP,
and especially ordinary members of the public who attend should be harassed
in such a way.

The political police force of the freestate showed their true colours yet
again, and stooped to a new low, disrupting peaceful assembly, the
confiscation of a persons private property, and with the accusing of members
of the public not affiliated to any political organisation what-so-ever of
membership of an Œillegal¹ organisation unless their property were handed
over and details given.

They incriminated what was not criminal and confiscated what was not theirs.




Did You Know

Working people today have to work more than 50hrs a week to reach the same
earnings power of those working less than 40hrs during the 1960s and 1970s.
New technology has not give more leisure time to workers but rather more
profit for the Bosses.

The last Act of Parliament of the old Stormont the Social Needs Act 1971
(the same legislation which created Local Authority Leisure Services and
leisure centres) estimated that those employed had 30hours a week available
to spend in leisure centres. That figure today combined with poor working
conditions and long hours leaves 10 leisure hours.
However, only one person in four can afford to use the leisure centres more
than one session a week.



Rights for new mothers

In un-organised non union work places, more often than not, employers fail
to inform Women that since the April last year all employed women who are
expecting a baby will benefit from new rights to maternity pay and leave.
Many women are still only claiming maternity pay based on 26 weeks. The new
rights are:

* *an increased period of Statutory Maternity Pay or Maternity
Allowance*, paid for 39 weeks instead of 26. Statutory Maternity
Pay is paid at 90% of her average weekly earnings for the first
six weeks of her leave. After that, she will receive a flat rate
or 90% of her average weekly earnings (whichever is lower) for 33
weeks. Maternity Allowance is paid by the Government at a flat
rate or 90% of a woman¹s average weekly earnings for all 39 weeks;

There¹s no change to the amount of notice employees have to give their
employer about when they want to start maternity leave or when they¹ll be
coming back to work. However, *if an employee changes her mind about the
date she intends to come back* to work from leave, she must give her
employer at least 8 weeks¹ notice before the new date (or before the date
she originally planned to return, if this is earlier).







GAY PRIDE
The IRSP in North Belfast condemn totally the homophobic comments of
Strangford MLA Iris Robinson on the Nolan show on Radio Ulster. Her comments
included the biblical description of the homosexual act as an Œabomination¹,
are totally inappropriate in a climate where gay people are regularly
attacked because of their sexual orientation.
An IRSP spokesperson commented that gay people are due the same respect and
protection of all other sectors within society. That an elected
representative behaves in such a fashion and holds extreme views that Iris
Robinson holds and espouses is in fact the real abomination.

A RIGHT DOGS DINNER

The promotion of DUP¹s dynamic duo, the Dick Dasterdly and Muttley of
Unionism, Sammy Wilson and Gregory Campbell to the Stormont executive has
been described by the IRSP in Belfast as another strike against anything
Œgreen¹ and Gaelic. The fact that Sammy Wilson doesn¹t believe in Global
warming and Gregory Campbell makes a joke of the Irish Language in Stormont,
does not bode well for the notion of consensual politics up at the big house
on the hill. Watch this space!


Working class communities under threat in inner city Belfast

The decision to go ahead with a high rise apartment block in Donegal Street
whilst a nearby social housing scheme faces further delays is a damning
indictment on both the planning authority and the department of social
development.
The IRSP fully support the sterling effort of St. Patrick¹s and St Joseph¹s
housing action group in its campaign to achieve the required amount of
social housing across North Belfast. The building of the social housing is
being held up by red tape from the North West quarter regeneration. Private
developers do not seem to attract the same planning delays as those for
social housing. The long term effect of such decisions is housing waiting
lists getting longer, more homelessness or further exploitation from private
landlords. The IRSP are clear that there is no private housing solution to
the long term need for social housing, if the present trend continues
traditional working class areas in the inner city are under a very real
threat.





North Belfast Interface Monitoring Group Poster Launch 2008
The North Belfast Interface Monitoring Group in partnership with youth
providers from across North Belfast will be launching their interface poster
initiative for 2008 on Wednesday 18th June at 4:30pm in Groundwork NI on
Duncairn Gardens.

Pioneered by the North Belfast Interface Monitoring Group the initiative
will distribute 20,000 leaflets and posters across schools, youth clubs and
local communities to highlight the dangers and risks, particularly among
young people, associated with summer rioting at interfaces. The initiative
is calling on all with influence with our young people to exercise positive
leadership at this time.
The message that young people are sending out that interface violence is not
acceptable is highly significant and brings a new dimension to the poster
campaign that is now in its third year.
Youth providers held focus groups of young people from the north of the city
to consult with them on how they wanted to shape the image, content and
message of the campaign.
This poster launch is the formal launch of a process which will leave
everyone in no doubt of the dangers, risks and harm associated with
sectarian conflict at interfaces. The poster launch will also aim to
generate dialogue among communities around the role and responsibility of
children, parents, church leaders, politicians and teachers to ensure that
this summer passes off peacefully.
The poster will be launched this year primarily by young people who will be
sending out the message ³North Belfast Youth say no to interface violence²
Local schools and youth clubs and organisations will be invited to help
deliver the message and to launch the initiative alongside local politicians
and community representatives.
The poster will also be carried in a high visibility advertising campaign
carried on Translink buses servicing North Belfast routes throughout the
summer sponsored by OFM/dFM.
Project promoter Rab McCallum stated: ³It is also of concern that 11 and 12
year olds are now routinely engaged in interface conflict within and between
communities. People living on interfaces live in constant stress over the
summer months. Irresponsible and reckless actions by young people or those
consumed with alcohol often compounds the misery that residents must live
with over the summer months.²
Michael Atcheson contributed: ³The consequences of interface violence are
seldom understood by young people who see this pursuit as fun. The poster
initiative will raise awareness among young people that rioting at
interfaces could damage their future prospects of employment, travel while
also rewarding them with a criminal record or custodial sentence.²
Anyone wishing further detail on the interface poster initiative or the
launch should contact;
Breandán Clarke [email protected] (https://webmail3.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=brendan%40nbin.info) Tel: 07877874893
Or
John Loughran [email protected] (https://webmail3.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=john%40intercommbelfast.com) Tel:

1. The NBCTF is actively supported by groups reflective of the diversity of
North Belfast to include:North Belfast Interface Network, LINC Resource
Centre, North Belfast Developing Leadership CEP, Teach na Failte, Concerned
Residents of Upper Ardoyne (CRUA), EPIC, Mid Skegoneil Community
Association, , Lower Shankill Community Association, The Corrymeela
Community, Greencastle CEP, 174 Trust, Upper Ardoyne Community Partnership,
Tar Isteach, North Belfast Alternatives, Intercomm, Ardoyne Focus Group,
Cavehill/ Antrim Road Regeneration (CARR) and the Fellowship of Messines
Association Project.

1. The Interface Poster that outlines the dangers of engaging in conflict at
the interfaces is being promoted by the North Belfast Interface Monitoring
Network. This is a sub group of the North Belfast Conflict Transformation
Forum. This group enjoys membership from across all communities.

1. On the day of the launch there will be a symbolic distribution of the
poster across interface communities and schools.

1. The poster will be displayed in all West Belfast Taxi Association cabs
and Shankill Road Black Taxi Association.

1. This programme is being supported by the Office of the First Minister and
Deputy First Minister and the Department of Social Development.

1. This programme is also being supported by the Network Reference Group, a
coalition of all North Belfast Community Empowerment Partnerships.

1. For information or to arrange interviews please contact:


Breandán Clarke on 07877 874893 or at [email protected] (https://webmail3.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=brendan%40nbin.info)

Or

John Loughran on 02890 352 165 or at [email protected] (https://webmail3.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=john%40intercommbelfast.com)



This bulletin produced by the Collective Editorial Staff of the IRSP
Bulletin


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Anarch_Mesa
14th June 2008, 06:46
I've checked out there myspace page... ehh

PRC-UTE
14th June 2008, 18:55
the IRSM doesn't have an official myspace page.

PRC-UTE
20th June 2008, 21:49
Irish Republican Socialist Bulletin
(Number 4)
Seamus Costello House
392 Falls Road Belfast
BT76DH Ireland
Phone: 028-9032=1024
e-mail: [email protected] (https://webmail5.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=bulletin%40irsm.org)

Date Friday June 20th 2008


1) Photos of IRSP at Bush Protest

2) USA Foreign policy

3) Facts on Housing

4) Fair tips campaign

5) Maximum weekly working time.

6) What If You Are Dismissed Unfairly?

7) Appeal

8) National Draw

9) Bodenstown









IRSP comrades protesting against war criminal Bush







Below Paul Little, IRSP telling Bush where to go!







U S Foreign Policy

U S Foreign has historically been a catalogue of mass murder, invasion
and exploitation. U S Adventurism has wreaked havoc through Korea,
Vietnam, and throughout Asia and Latin America.

The current Neo-Conservative Administration is now intent on complete
world domination, cornering the market on the declining energy
sources. The Iraq invasion and occupation is for them just another
step towards this aim.

It was with this history and this background that Bush breezed into
Belfast last Monday and told the world with a straight face how much
he admired the Irish Peace process.

It was with an equally straight face the British Deputy First Minister
Martin Mc Guinness warmly welcomed the Arch-Imperialist. Ironically
outside the City Hall Provisional Sinn Fein members joined the IRSP
and Trade Union and other political Activists in protesting against
the Bush visit.

It is tragically ironic that not so long ago we begged the world for
support while Irish citizens were tortured and murdered by British
Imperialists and their allies. It cannot be right that while Iraqis
are suffering the same fate at the hands of the U S, Martin Mc
Guinness welcomed this oppressor in the name of the Irish people.

Only Provisional Sinn Fein can explain the contradictions in their
policies.

There can be no confusion where the IRSP and all other genuine
progressives stand in relation to USA Imperialism. We stand totally
opposed.

Quote,

The demagogues and the professional politicians who manage to perform
the magic of being right about everything and of pleasing everyone are
necessarily deceiving everyone about everything. The revolutionaries
must claim their ideas courageously despite their principles and
express their intentions so that no one is deceived neither friend or foe.
Fidel Castro
(Sean Hanna)


The following is some useful facts taken from a leaflet produced by NIPSA.

The future ability of the Housing Executive to deliver housing
provision is in danger as a result of the totally inadequate budget
settlement and the marginalization of the role of the Housing
Executive. The FACTS ARE AS FOLLOWS;

· General Improvements.. ….. down 750 from 2007/08.

· Disabled persons adaptations. …….. 1,000 less adaptations.

· Cyclical Maintenance and special revenue. .. . . 6,300 less
NIHE tenants to have their homes repaired.

· There will be a reduction in Renovation, Replacement and
Disabled Facilities Grants.

· The number of Kitchen replacements will be reduced.

· There are in the region of 40,000 applicants on the Housing
Waiting lists.

· Receipts from sales off NIHE property have plummeted as a
result of inflated housing prices.


· The Housing Sales policy itself has resulted in around
100,000 less publicly owned housing which in turn impacts on waiting
lists.

The above restricted programme for Housing is reliant on the NIHE
receiving additional funding from Government in the June public
expenditure round. If it does not receive in the region of an
additional £60/70m in addition to added resources for new build, then
the above programmes will be effectively devastated. This could have a
devastating consequence for jobs and the long term future of the
Housing Executive.

Coupled with the forthcoming changes to the welfare system being
introduced on the 1st of October which will see the biggest reforms
since the inception of the welfare state, the working class once again
is being forced deeper and deeper below the bread line. With the
rising prices of basic essentials, such as Food, and Fuel, coupled
with expected rises in interest rates, it is time that elected
politicians’ i.e. the Good Folks on the Hill are challenged and
challenged vigorously about these issues which are having a
devastating effect on the most disadvantaged.

(Fra Halligan)




Fair tips campaign


Unite campaign on tips and service charges - beware the deadly scams

Waiting staff in Unite want to eradicate some of the scams regularly
applied by employers in restaurants and hotels when it comes to
distributing tips left by customers. Join the Unite campaign to
support restaurant and hotel workers get the tips they have rightfully
earned.

What you can do:

Going to a restaurant, then look out for the following:

Employers taking a cut

Money left as a tip on a credit card or paid as service change on a
menu is legally the property of the employer to dispose of as they
wish. Bad employers use this as an opportunity to take a cut of
waiting staff tips and only pass on a proportion back to them.

Unite says just because this is allowed it does not mean employers
have to do it. Waiting staff should be entitled to all the tips left
for them.

Charging a fee

As above, but in this case employers justify their actions by charging
a so called administration fee for processing staff tips. This can be
anything from 8 per cent to 15 per cent of the money received.
Unite says there is no justification whatsoever for admin fees.

Weighting tips on a points system

Some employers pool tips and distribute them on a points system.
Unfortunately in many schemes managers award themselves the highest
points and receive the lion's share of tips while those doing the hard
work lose out. Unite says employers should pay managers a decent
salary so they don't have to muscle in on staff tips.

Widening the pool

A growing number of employers are widening the number of staff
receiving a share in the tips. Many restaurants have included low paid
kitchen staff and bartenders. This is an attempt to lessen the impact
of increases in the minimum wage. So every time the rate goes up
waiting staff suffers a cut in income as their employer 'robs Peter to
pay Paul'. This can engineer resentment and friction between waiting
staff and their work colleagues.

Unite says all restaurant workers deserve a decent living wage paid
directly by their employer and should not be manipulated into
squabbling about who gets a share of customer tips.

Paying the price

On a busy shift all sorts of incidents can happen. Plates and glasses
can get broken. Customers can walk out without paying the bill. Money
in the till might not add at the end of the night.

Many employers expect waiting staff to pay for these shortages out of
their tips. Unite says such deductions are immoral and should never be
allowed to happen.

Unite's Fair Tips' charter

Pay all employees at least the minimum wage with 100 per cent of tips
added on top as a bonus with no hidden charges
Reach agreement on how tips are shared with those staff directly affected
Make no deductions from tips or salaries to cover breakages, till
shortages or customer walk-outs
Make all rules for the distribution of tips and service charges
available in writing for staff and customers on request
(Peter Black)




Maximum weekly working time.


The maximum working week applies

The maximum average working week is 48 hours.. The provision relating
to the 48 hour week operates as follows:

48 hour net maximum working week can be averaged according to the
following rules:-
For employees generally - 4 months
For employees where work is subject to seasonality, a foreseeable
surge in activity or where employees are directly involved in ensuring
continuity of service or production - 6 months
For all employees who enter into a collective agreement with their
bosses which is approved by the Labour Court - 12 months.

Rest

Every employee has a general entitlement to:
11 hours daily rest per 24 hour period
one period of 24 hours rest per week preceded by a daily rest period
(11 hours)
Rest breaks - 15 minutes where up to 4½ hours have been worked; 30
minutes where up to 6 hours have been worked which may include the
first break.

These rest breaks and intervals may be varied if there is a collective
agreement in place approved by the Labour Court or if a regulation has
been made for your sector. If there are variations in rest times and
rest intervals under agreements or in the permitted sectors,
equivalent compensatory rest must be available to the employe

Night workers

Night time is the period between midnight and 7 am the following day.

Night workers are employees who normally work at least 3 hours of
their daily working time during night time and the annual number of
hours worked at night equals or exceeds 50% of annual working time.

Maximum night working time:
for night-workers generally - 48 hours per week averaged over 2 months
or a longer period specified in a collective agreement which must be
approved by the Labour Court
for night-workers whose work involves special hazards or heavy
physical or mental strain - an absolute limit of 8 hours in a 24 hour
period during which they perform night work
(Peter Black)



What if you Dismissed Unfairly?


Every day Workers are still dismissed summarily.
The Unfair Dismissals Acts, 1977 -1993 set out to ensure that workers
are not unfairly or unreasonably dismissed. In general the law
provides that each dismissal will be deemed unfair unless an employer
can show substantial grounds to justify the dismissal.
In order to make a claim under the Unfair Dismissals Act workers would
normally have to be over the age of 16 and have worked for the same
employer for more than one year. However in some circumstances these
restrictions do not apply, for instance if you are sacked for being a
member of a union you are covered by the terms of the legislation
regardless of your period of service.
If for any reason you think you have been unfairly dismissed you
should contact a trade union for advice or get in touch with the
Labour Relations Commission.




Appeal
The RSYM are in the process of producing a pamphlet in memory of all
of the movements fallen Comrades. Could anyone that knew any of our
fallen comrades, send us a bit about their experiences with them or
pictures etc, to [email protected] (https://webmail5.pair.com/src/compose.php?send_to=info%40rsym.org).






NATIONAL DRAW.

TICKETS ARE NOW AVAILABLE AT LOCAL CUMANN OFFICES FOR THE NATIONAL DRAW.
PRIZES:

1ST. FRAMED SIGNED CELTIC SHIRT.
2ND.PORTLAOISE BODHRAN.
3RD.SIGNED CELTIC FOOTBALL.

ALL PROCEEDS GO TO THE REPUBLICAN SOCIALISTS PRISONERS FUND.

DRAW WILL TAKE PLACE ON THE 10TH AUGUST AT THE BRENDAN CONVERY/GERARD
MALLON COMMEMORATION MAGHERA
.

Wolfe Tone Commemoration Sunday June 29th Sallins
County Kildare

All welcome

This bulletin produced by the Collective Editorial Staff of the IRSP
Bulletin

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Die Neue Zeit
24th June 2008, 02:59
Since, comrade, you're mentioning UNITE, it's good that you do not approve of the ultra-leftism so prevalent in this thread:

http://www.revleft.com/vb/uk-unite-union-t79728/index.html

coda
24th June 2008, 14:03
<<ultra-leftism so prevalent in this thread>>

it's just community organizing

PRC-UTE
4th July 2008, 15:54
The Plough
Web Site http://www.the (http://www.the/) <http://www.the (http://www.the/)> plough.netfirms.com/
Vol 5-No 8

Thursday 3rd July 2008

E-mail newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party


1) Editorial

2) Clear Class Divisions

3) Oration for Crip

4) Unionist quotes

5) Letters




Editorial

This edition of the Plough carries two important articles, which are
complementary. One is a detailed analysis of the current class divisions
within Irish society North and South. It basically outlines why Republican
Socialists want to change Irish society. The current Provisional Sinn Fein
leadership, (now bitterly divided into pro-McGuinesss and pro-Adams
factions) years ago dropped the slogan for a united Ireland and settled for
an Ireland of Equals. Nearly every speech made references to equality. Such
was the emphasis on equality that Adams during the last Free State elections
prattled on about equality on TV when questioned about economic affairs.
However his equality was only a slogan and was not about economic equality.
Such was his performance that not only did the political pundits look on
bemused but so did the electorate. The (P) Sinn Fein went down.
That equality meant nothing to the (P) Sinn Fein leadership has been proved
by their performance in the local British administration at Stormont.
Pledges against a water tax have been dropped and (P) Sinn Fein activists
have secretly taken down their anti water tax posters and banners. They now
accept another tax on the working class. Indeed they now accept the status
quo which Liam’s article exposes for its inequalities. No doubt many (P)
Sinn Fein activist will argue they want to make major changes. Maybe but
they will not do that by tinkering with a basically unjust system. Trying to
reform capitalism from within, history has proved, does not work. Minor
changes may be made but the system that leads to wars famine starvation
world wide continues.
The second article is the full text of Willie Gallaghers’ oration a the
grave side of comrade Crip Mc Williams on a hillside above the town of
Newry. Crip was a loyal comrade of the Republican Socialist movement. He
chose to take up arms against the British occupation forces when young, a
choice many others made believing they had no alternative. Crip grew up in a
war zone where riots were common gunfire persistent and death no stranger.
The British army was an oppressive occupation force which despised the
natives of Ballymurphy, Turf Lodge and other mainly nationalist estates of
West Belfast. Working class nationalists were treated like shit. Many were
beaten up tortured framed and jailed. Others openly shot dead without
provocation. That same British Army along with its masters, give the green
light to loyalist murder gangs to unleash naked sectarian murder on the
nationalist population. Collusion between loyalists and the British
establishment meant that guns were imported for loyalist use, intelligence
files leaked to the murder gangs , routes to and from the homes of
nationalists cleared by the army to allow murder gangs to do their dirty
deeds, forensic evidence destroyed, charges dropped against leading
loyalists, and names given from on high for loyalists to kill. All of this
to block the right to self-determination.
Crip along with many other young men and women saw the connection between
imperialist oppression and class oppression.. In his early teens while going
through the city cemetery with his brother, Paul the British army opened
fire killing Paul in front of Crip’s eyes. From then on he was an implacable
opponent of Imperialism. That is why he joined the INLA.
As Willie’s speech points out Crip’s life is not determined by his actions
against chief loyalist mass murder, Billy Wright. He was a rounded
individual with a great sense of humour who bore his eventual fatal illness
with courage and fortitude. He supported the INLA decision to call a
ceasefire in 1998 and loyally supported the politicisation of the movement
since then. Crip was an ordinary guy who lived in extraordinary times. As we
bid farewell to a comrades it is appropriate to quote the words of the 18th
century republican, Thomas Paine.
“These are the times that try men’s souls. The summer soldier and the
sunshine patriot will in this crisis shrink from the service of their
country; but he that stands it now deserves the love and thanks of men and
women”
Farewell comrade.



Clear Class Divisions

For Republican Socialists, there is a fundamental division within society;
that between the "working class" and the "capitalist class". But what is the
exact nature of this division? Many would answer that it is one between
"rich" and "poor", the "have" and the "have not". Statistical evidence
clearly points to a sharp division between the have and the have not.

In 2007 Bank of Ireland Private Banking Limited published a report entitled
The Wealth of the Nation. It disclosed that net wealth per head in the 26
counties had increased from 148 000 to 196 000 Euro from 2004 to 2006. It
stated the top 1 per cent of the population held 20 per cent of the wealth,
and the top 2 per cent held 30 per cent of the wealth, with the top 5 per
cent holding 40 per cent of the wealth, leaving the remaining 60 per cent of
the wealth to be shared among 95 per cent of the population.
But if the value of housing were left out, then the top 1 per cent held over
a third of all wealth (34 per cent). It said 3000 millionaires were created
in 2006 and that there were 33 000 millionaires in the country in 2007. Of
these 30 000 had wealth of up to 5 million Euro. Nearly 3000 had wealth of
between 5 million and 30 million Euro and 330 had wealth in excess of 30
million Euro.

Meanwhile almost 7 per cent of the population of the 26 counties are living
in consistent poverty, that is almost 300 000 people living on incomes of
less than the equivalent of about 11 000 Euro for a single person and being
unable to afford two pairs of strong shoes, or unable to afford a meal with
meat or chicken or fish every second day, or unable to afford a waterproof
coat. Aside from that, 17 per cent are at risk of poverty (over 700 000
people), that is, living on equivalent incomes of less than 60 per cent of
the average. That is about 11 000 Euro for a single person or 27 000 Euro
for a household of two adults and two children. (1)

However, class is not simply about dividing people into rich and poor. Being
rich or poor is an effect of class divisions, not its cause. A class refers
to a group of people who share a similar relation to the way they earn their
living.
Those who rely on wages, pensions or social security benefits to live, who
are compelled to sell their labour to survive constitute the working class.

Those who live on profit, rent and interest constitute the capitalist class.
To live the workers have to work for an employer otherwise they would have
no source of income. The capitalists own companies and products on whose
profits they live; the same for landlords and speculators who live on rents
generated by the properties and land they own. They employ (or ‘exploit’)
the labour of workers, from which they will derive their profits.

A recent report estimated that capitalists in Ireland made an average 45 800
Euro of profit per worker. (2) This is what Marx and Engels meant by
‘proletariat’ and ‘bourgeoisie’:
"By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of the
means of social production and employers of wage labour.
By proletariat, the class of modern wage labourers who, having no means of
production of their own, are reduced to sell selling their labour power in
order to live." (3)
In terms of statistical measurement; the bourgeoisie can be defined as
Socio-Economic Groups (SEGs) 1-4 and 13 in the Northern Ireland Registrar
General’s classification and Social Classes I-III in the 26 counties’ Labour
Force Survey.
The proletariat comprises all other SEGs in the Registrar General’s
classification and Social Classes in the Labour Force Surveys together with
the unemployed. (4) The 45 800 Euro of profit per worker made by capitalists
are what scientific socialists call ‘surplus value’.
Why do Republican Socialist campaign for the abolition of the class system?
The effects of class society can be summed up by a single shocking statistic
that is defiantly ignored by the political class and by most of the media:
that 5 400 people die prematurely in the 26 counties every year because of
the inequality they suffer from being on the wrong side of the class divide.
Thousands more live miserable lives because of broken health, also arising
from inequality. The proportion of people who die in the 26 counties because
of inequality is significantly higher than in other European countries. (5)
It is the capitalist class which has benefited the most from the economic
growth in recent years; both in absolute terms and in relative terms.
Overall, the disposable weekly income of households in the 26 counties rose
by 54 percent between 1995 and 2000, or in absolute terms from 281 pounds to
434 pounds. But whereas the top ten percent of households saw their incomes
increasing by 62 percent, the bottom ten percent increased their incomes by
33 percent. (6) Apologists for the current economic system will point that
the fact that the bottom ten percent increased their income shows that it
works.
However, as professor Robert Erikson of the Swedish Institute of Social
Research wrote last year:
"The general increase in income does not seem to have been matched by a
general change in income inequality, except for a possible but uncertain
increase of the relative share of the very highest incomes." (7) More
significantly, the evidence suggests that workers lost out relatively, with
wages falling as a proportion of the various incomes generated within the 26
counties economy, whereas capitalists increased their share.

Until 1987, the share of wages, pensions and social security in the 26
counties stood at 69.2 percent, with profits, rents and self-employed
earnings taking the other 30.7 percent. By 1997, the share of wages;
pensions and social security fell to 56.3 percent and mostly the share going
to profits had risen to 43.7 percent. In 2004 the first category had again
fallen to 52.1 and the second risen to 48.1 (8) As Whelan argued already in
1995,
"The nature of Irish industrialisation has been such that the degree of
disadvantage suffered by the working classes has been greater than
conventional…analysis would suggest." (9)
As Garrett FitzGerald notes:
"during the Celtic Tiger period the incomes of many better-off people rose
quite disproportionately vis-a-vis those of the less well-off". (10)
By the end of the 1990s, the share of total income enjoyed by the top 1% of
26 counties earners was more than twice the level prevailing throughout the
1970s and 1980s. The top 5% of the population holds 40% of the wealth. (11)
This reflects US trends: In the United States in 1970, chief executives
earned 25 times the average worker’s wage. In 2007 chief executives earned
360 times the average worker’s wage. (12)

In the Six Counties, things are no better. The material well-being of the
working classes has been eroded between 1971 and 1995: a 42.7 per cent
growth in non-earner families, a three fold increase in poverty, a 32.2 per
cent decline in income, a rise in unemployment from 4.3 percent to 14.2 per
cent all attest to social dislocation. Conversely, the evolution of the
economy has significantly benefited the middle and upper classes. In the
period 1971-1995 they have enjoyed a 28.1 per cent rise in their share of
total income and by 1995 possessed the highest levels of personal savings as
a percentage of disposable income within the United Kingdom. (13)
Has the ‘peace dividend’ changed things?
"It has become increasingly evident, however; that insofar as there can
actually be said to have been a peace dividend its benefits have not been
evenly distributed." (14)
For the upper and middle classes, life has never been better. (15) But a
2006 report showed that the poorest members of society in the six counties
were worse off than ten years before. (16) The UN Human Development Reports
rank the 26 counties among the most unequal developed countries in the
world. Yet the Poverty and Social Exclusion NI survey revealed that
inequality in the North is greater -a Gini coefficient of 0.42 compared to
0.36 in the 26 counties -the Gini coefficient is a measure of inequality
ranging from zero (complete equality) to one (complete inequality). (17)
When looking at who has benefited the most of the economic growth, things
are also made more complex due to a number of unique characteristics that
set off the Irish economy from others within the EU, including others on the
EU periphery.
The 26 counties are unique in Europe in the degree that its Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) exceeds its Gross National Product (GNP) because of the
profits that are removed by transnational corporations (TNCs) operating
there. In very broad terms, GDP measures the value of what is produced in
the 26 county economy, by indigenous and foreign enterprises alike. It
represents the net output or added value generated in the economy during any
given period. GNP, on the other hand, identifies that portion of the income
generated in Ireland that is retained in this country in any time period. In
sum, where GDP measures the value of output produced, GNP represents what
the 26 counties gets to keep from what is produced here. As the economics
editor of the Irish Times explains:
"For most advanced countries, GDP and GNP are interchangeable but Ireland
is a special case because of the scale and importance of foreign direct
investment in the Irish economy. Foreign industrial investment provided the
platform for the Irish boom and foreign-owned enterprises continue to
dominate production and exports in Irish manufacturing industry. They
contribute substantially to the amount of output produced and income
generated in Ireland. That contribution is reflected fully in the GDP
statistics. However, foreign companies did not invest in Ireland for the
good of their health. They came to Ireland because it was a highly
profitable location that allowed free profit repatriation. A major slice of
the profits, dividends, interest and other income earned by foreign-owned
enterprises operating in Ireland is exported abroad. Such repatriations
comprise a substantial element of the outflow of net factor income from the
country. This net outflow of factor income is a large number. In 2007, it
exceeded €29 billion, equivalent to more than 15 per cent of GDP."(18)
In other words up to one fifth of the value generated within the 26 counties
economy each year is spirited out of the country, principally in the guise
of the repatriated profits of transnational corporations.
The 26 counties are not unique in that TNCs have a leading role in their
economy. However:
"By the turn of the century, Ireland had by far the highest level of direct
US investment per manufacturing worker of any country in Europe, with the
capital deployed per worker being a full seven times higher than the EU
average. … In the process, the Republic of Ireland became more dependent on
US investment than many countries in Latin America, which has often been
described as ‘America’s backyard’." (19)
At the end of 2005, there were 473 US TNCs operating in the 26 counties,
accounting for 47 per cent of companies supported by the IDA and employed 70
percent of the employment provided by IDA sponsored companies in Ireland.
(20)
In the 26 counties, imperialist transnational corporations are more
important to the accumulation of capital than the internally generated
process of accumulation. Imperialist capital is the motor of industrial
development, and Irish capital has a generally weak and subordinated role to
it. Inward stocks of foreign direct investment as a percentage of GDP grew
from 71.5% in 1990 to 129.7% in 2003 while the average for the EU15 was
10.9% in 1990 and 32.8% in 2003. (21)
TNCs were directly responsible for 45 percent of economic growth in the 26
counties during the first half of the 1990s and between 1995 and 1999
directly accounted for 85 percent of economic growth in terms of their value
added. Their rising profits alone accounted for 53 percent of economic
growth! Between 1990 and 1999, output in the three main TNC sectors grew by
375 percent and employment by 73 percent. Thus output per employee grew by
215 percent during that period.
In comparison, in Irish companies output rose by 55 percent and employment
by 40 percent. Output per employee grew by about one percent annually, which
is quite low by international standards. By 1999, the average worker in the
foreign sector produced nearly eight times more output by value than did the
average worker in the rest of the economy. (22)

The consequence of this is that the 26 counties bourgeoisie is in a position
of relative weakness and that its representatives are not in a position of
equality with imperialist capital. They are not a strong and independent
fraction of the global capitalist class and are not in position to challenge
of compete with imperialism. It is thus significant that in a recent article
on the Irish bourgeoisie, the Ireland correspondent of the Financial Times
could write:
"The ranks of the super-rich include few manufacturers, partly because
foreign-owned companies have dominated that sector –about 70 percent of
Irish manufacturing exports came from US-owned companies."
He also adds regarding the people who became millionaires thanks to the
Celtic Tiger:
"Some commentators complain that… the new moneyed class are just property
speculators. One measure of this is the dearth of new listings on the Irish
stock exchange. And the Irish boom has certainly been heavily concentrated
in the property sector. About a third of the 80 000 individuals setting up
businesses between January 2003 and June 2006 were in construction." (23)
It is thus wrong to think that capitalism in the 26 counties is no
different from that in any other EU country. The strategic sector of the 26
counties are dominated by imperialist capital.
For Republican Socialists, the current model of economic development being
pursued in Ireland is a failed and unjust system. The fact that 700, 000
people still live in poverty despite more than a decade of prosperity and
growth shows that economic growth is at best not linked to social
development. (24) And at worse, the current model of development has
increased social and economic inequality, whose effects results in at least
5400 people dying needlessly in the 26 counties. Also, another major
contradiction is that despite a decade of growth putting them in the league
of the richest states, the 26 counties still have infrastructures and
collective equipment reminiscent of poor countries. (25)

Republican Socialists also argue that the current model of economic
development leaves Ireland in a highly vulnerable position. First due to the
dominance of imperialist capital, shocks to US economic growth would have 'a
much stronger effect' on the pace of Irish economic activity than economic
shocks of a similar magnitude in the Euro area or Britain, the IMF has
found. A one percent drop in US economic growth translates into a 1.75
percent drop in the 26 counties. This is because the US is the 26 counties'
main source of foreign direct investment and largest single export market.
(26) Second, the 26 counties ratio of housing investment to GDP at 13.3
percent is more than twice as high as the average 6.5 per cent for OECD
countries, leaving the 26 counties highly vulnerable to depression in that
sector. On top of that residential investment had increased its share of GDP
in the 26 counties from 7.8 per cent in 2000 to 13.3 per cent in 2006. (27)
Added to the slow down in the US economy, it means that the 26 counties will
be left in an even worse position.
Liam O RUAIRC
NOTES
(1) Vincent Browne, A nation divided by weatlh, The Irish Times, 13 February
2008
(2) Martin Wall, Irish firms make profit of €45,800 per worker, report says,
The Irish Times, 2 July 2008
(3) Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848
(4) Peter Shirlow, Class, Materialism and the Fracturing of Traditional
Alignments, in Brian Graham (ed) In Search of Ireland: A Cultural Geography,
London and New York: Routledge, 1997, 90
(5) Vincent Browne, Political class defiantly ignores massive inequality,
The Irish Times, 14 May 2008
(6) Ronaldo Munck, Social class and inequality, in Sara O'Sullivan (ed),
Contemporary Ireland: A Sociological Map, Dublin: University College Dublin
Press, 2007, 307
(7) Tony Fahey, Helen Russell, Christopher T Whelan (eds), Best of Times?,
Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, 2007, 271
(8) Kieran Allen, Globalisation, the state and Ireland's miracle economy,
Sara O'Sullivan (ed), Contemporary Ireland: A Sociological Map, Dublin:
University College Dublin Press, 2007, 244-245
(9) Christopher Whelan, Class transformation and social mobility in the
Republic of Ireland, in P Clancy, S Drudy, K Lynch and L O Dowd (eds) Irish
Society: Sociological Perspectives, Dublin: Institute of Public
Administration, 1995, 351
(10) Garret FitzGerald, Growth should be used to build an equitable society,
The Irish Times, 2 December 2006
(11) Fintan O Toole, Inequality now official policy, The Irish Times, 15
January 2008
(12) Kathy Sheridan, Mind the Gap: wage disparity spreads from private to
public, The Irish Times, 12 January 2008
(13) Peter Shirlow, op.cit, 100-101
(14) Colin Coulter and Peter Shirlow, The Peace Process in Northern Ireland,
in Sara O'Sullivan (ed), Contemporary Ireland: A Sociological Map, Dublin:
University College Dublin Press, 2007, 191
(15) Jim Smyth and Andreas Cebulla, The Glacier Moves? Economic change and
class structures in Northern Ireland, in Colin Couler and Michael Murray
(eds), Northern Ireland After The Troubles? A Society in Transition,
Macmillan, 2008
(16) BBC webpage, Poor 'worse off now than in 1996', 14 September 2006
(17) Goretti Horgan, Class in Northern Ireland, in Sara O'Sullivan (ed),
Contemporary Ireland: A Sociological Map, Dublin: University College Dublin
Press, 2007, 322
(18) Paul Tansey, Riddle of the economy shrinking and growing at the same
time, The Irish Times, 1 July 2008
(19) Kieran Allen, Neither Boston or Berlin: Class Polarisation and
Neo-Liberalism in the Irish Republic, in Colin Coulter and Steve Coleman
(eds), The End of Irish History? Critical Approached to the Celtic Tiger,
Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, 57
(20) Paul Tansey, Recession in US would seriously affect Irish economy, IMF
warns, The Irish Times, 31 January 2008
(21) European Commission, European Economy No. 6 2005, p. 399. (Figures
supplied by Joe Craig)
(22) Denis O'Hearn, Macroeconomic policy in the Celtic Tiger: A critical
reassessment, in Colin Coulter and Steve Coleman (eds), The End of Irish
History? Critical Approached to the Celtic Tiger, Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 2003, 38 and 45
(23) John Murray Brown, Lucre of the Irish, Prospect, January 2008
(24) Carl O Brien, Country following flawed economic model, says CORI, The
Irish Times, 19 June 2008
(25) Marion Van Renterghem, L'Irlande, enrichie, a conserve les
infrastructures d'un Etat pauvre, Le Monde, 21 Septembre 2007
(26) Paul Tansey, Recession in US would seriously affect Irish economy, IMF
warns, The Irish Times, 31 January 2008
(27) Paul Tansey, 'Growth Recession' only game in town, The Irish Times, 11
April 2008


Oration for Crip
Volunteer Christopher 'Crip' McWilliams

“Comrades, we stand here today in memory of and in solemn salute to the life
of an Irish revolutionary, Irish National Liberation Army Volunteer
Christopher McWilliams.

The Republican Socialist Movement stand in grief beside his family, acutely
aware that they have lost a husband, a father, a son, a brother and an
uncle and whilst we are saying our last farewell to a brave and valued
comrade who has came to the end of his long journey, we recognise that their
loss is deep and profound. We respect them in this time of grief.

I have spoken over the past number of weeks to many of Crip's comrades, many
of whom are here today, and all are in a state of disbelief. One comrade
said, and I make no apology for repeating it here today,

''since hearing the news of Crip's deteriorating condition I had the same
gut-wrenching feeling as I had in 1981 as we waited for the hunger strikers
to die one by one in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh''.

Crip of course was no stranger to British prisons having spent most of his
adult life incarcerated by the British occupation forces. Indeed for many
who only knew Crip by reputation may believe that his only contribution to
the struggle was the execution of Billy Wright in Long Kesh. Nothing could
be further from the truth: Crip was a well rounded and experienced
Volunteer, highly respected by his peers, courageous and determined to play
his part in the struggle. Though there were many attempts to vilify and
demonise him by the media, and others, he never sought or countenanced
notoriety. Crip was not a man of letters or of endless theoretical
speculation, however this did not mean that he was unthinking or did not
posses the ability to look forward and plan and execute revolution in
Ireland.

Crip had energy and intelligence, he was accurate and thorough, known for
his sense of humour and tenacity and as a human being displayed great
concern and humanity for his fellow people. He was both a thinker and a man
of action with an outstanding mind and personality, respected by his fellow
volunteers and this generation of republican socialists.

He was a Belfast man born and bred and grew up in a republican neighbourhood
in West Belfast. His brother Paul was murdered by the British army when he
was just 16 years old. Crip joined the INLA when just a teenager and in 1984
was imprisoned after being captured after a gun battle in a Lenadoon flat in
which his friend and comrade Paul 'Bonanza' McCann was killed. He was
sentenced to 14 years and served half of it in the H-Blocks.

In 1991, a few short months after his release, he was arrested and convicted
for the IPLO killing of a bar manger in Belfast. Charges he passionately
contested and spoke often about and remained consistent right up to his
death about his innocence. Whilst in prison Crip once again re-joined the
INLA and was involved in a number of operations in Maghaberry prison before
rejoining his comrades in May 1997 in Long Kesh.

For a time in the 80s along with his friends and comrades Gino Gallagher and
Bonanza McCann and others who must remain anonymous at this time took the
war against the British war machine in their native Belfast to new heights
of determination and execution. In short, they had the enemy on the run for
long periods of time. Indeed the very mention of their names had the Brits
running for cover.

It is true that the life of an Irish revolutionary is often a short one with
generations of freedom fighters either dying in a hail of bullets whilst on
active service, by stealth of assassination from British death squads, or
languishing in British prisons and dying on hunger strike or exile from the
land of their birth. That Crip endured imprisonment and oppression all his
life is undeniable, however, it was a very different type of struggle he had
to undertake when he was diagnosed with a rare form of cancer shortly after
his release from the H-Blocks.

He faced this struggle against cancer with the same courage, tenacity and
philosophy as when waging war against the British and it was these qualities
, along with treatment, I believe, which brought his cancer into remission
and allowed him to enjoy his last few years in the bosom of his loving
family, enjoying the normality that so many take for granted. We, his
comrades, are thankful that he enjoyed those few short years surrounded by
those he loved and cared for.

During these past few weeks Crip and I had many long and deep conversations
on a wide range of subjects. He spoke of his deep love for Julie and Carla
and how much happiness and peace they brought him since his release. He
spoke of his love for his son and the rest of his family in Belfast and how
proud he was of all of them who supported him through thick and thin. He
spoke about how touched he was during a visit in the hospital a few weeks
ago with the relatives of some of Billy Wright's victims. One of them asked
him if he had any regrets about his part in the operation in removing this
mass murderer. He said

''As an INLA volunteer I have absolutely no regrets whatsoever in my part
in the operation against Billy Wright. I take no pleasure in his death and
done what I had to do and I will take that to the grave with me''.

This man then shook his hand and thanked him for bringing him justice and a
sense of closure to the family's suffering.

He spoke too about the public Inquiry into Wright's death and that he was
looking forward to taking part in it. The Inquiry were in contact with
Crip's solicitor a number of months back stating that they would be
summonsing him and they supplied a number of written questions which they
demanded answered. They stated that failure to answer all the questions
would result in a term of imprisonment. Some of the questions were
''how were the weapons smuggled in. Who was involved in the smuggling. Who
else outside the prison was involved?

Crip made it quite clear that whilst he would cooperate he would not
incriminate any Volunteer nor would he compromise the methods used in
smuggling weapons into prisons and that he was prepared to spend the rest of
his life in prison protecting those secrets. He believed that the Inquiry
was just a sop to the DUP and scorned at the notion of collusion and
regretted that the Inquiry's remit did not cover Wright's murder campaign as
a British agent.

Crip, quite rightly, was proud of what he described as his 'small
contribution' to the noble struggle for freedom and of his first involvement
as a teenager with the Irish National Liberation Army. After his release
from prison Crip once again offered his services to the INLA and remained a
valued and committed Volunteer right up to his death.

It is fitting today when we lay our gallant comrade to rest in his adopted
home of Newry, that we recall past Irish republicans revolutionaries from
this area, the Young Irelanders, John Mitchel buried at Old Meeting House
Green on the High Street and John Martin buried in Donaghmore.

In February1848 John Mitchel founded a newspaper the United Irishman as an
organ for revolution, its overriding principle is a fitting epitaph for INLA
Volunteer Christopher 'Crip' McWilliams :

''The Irish people have a just and indefeasible right to Ireland and to all
the moral and material wealth and resources thereof, to posses and govern
the same for their own use, maintenance, comfort and honour as a distinct
sovereign state.''

We lay you to rest safe in the knowledge that you are lying among friends.
We salute you comrade, rest in peace with the other brave soldiers of the
INLA and IRA.”

Oration delivered by IRSP member Willie Gallagher




Unionist quotes
Delivered by Willie Gallagher on behalf of the Irish Republican Here are
some quote and facts which indicate just how sectarian the Northern Ireland
state was. (Quotes taken mainly from CAIN site, which is run by the
University of Ulster. The post is long, but informative):
1) Quotes by the Prime Ministers of Northern Ireland from 1921-1969:
"I have always said I am an Orangeman first and a politician and Member of
this Parliament afterwards. ... The Hon. Member must remember that in the
South they boasted of a Catholic State. They still boast of Southern Ireland
being a Catholic State. All I boast is that we are a Protestant Parliament
and Protestant State."

Sir James Craig Northern Ireland Prime Minister1921-1940
"Another allegation made against the Government and which was untrue, was
that, of 31 porters at Stormont, 28 were Roman Catholics. I have
investigated the matter, and I find that there are 30 Protestants and only
one Roman Catholic there temporarily."

J. M. Andrews Northern Ireland Prime Minister 1940-1943
"When I made that declaration last 'twelfth' I did so after careful
consideration. What I said was justified. I recommended people not to employ
Roman Catholics, who were 99 per cent disloyal."

Sir Basil Brooke Northern Ireland Prime Minister 1943-1963
"It is frightfully hard to explain to Protestants that if you give Roman
Catholics a good job and a good house they will live like Protestants
because they will see neighbours with cars and television sets; they will
refuse to have eighteen children. But if a Roman Catholic is jobless, and
lives in the most ghastly hovel, he will rear eighteen children on National
Assistance. If you treat Roman Catholics with due consider and kindness,
they will live like Protestants in spite of the authoritative nature of
their Church ... "

Captain Terence O'Neil Northern Ireland Prime Minister 1963-1969
2) Discrimination in Public employment
"When it is remembered that the first Minister [of Home Affairs], Sir Dawson
Bates, held that post for 22 years and had such a prejudice against
Catholics that he made it clear to his Permanent Secretary that he did not
want his most juvenile clerk, or typist, if a Papist, assigned for duty to
his Ministry, what could one expect when it came to filling posts in the
Judiciary, Clerkships of the Crown and Peace and Crown Solicitors?"
Mr. G.C.
Duggan, Comptroller and Auditor-General in Northern Ireland (1967)
"Clear instances of discrimination against well qualified Catholics occurred
from the beginning . . . At the Ministry of Home Affairs, Bates refused to
allow Catholic appointments. . . . While Unionist politicians were included
on civil service appointment boards, nationalist requests for this privilege
were ignored.
As the years passed, evidence emerged of Orange Order
surveillance of Catholic civil servants and even civil servants married to
Catholics. Prominent and respectable Unionists like Sir Robert Lynn (editor
of the Northern Whig) and Sir Charles Blackmore (Cabinet secretary) were the
messenger-boys for the Order in these matters. Craig's attitude was at best
ambiguous. Predictably, the number of Catholics in the higher ranks of the
NICS dropped consistently throughout the late '20s and early '30s"
From Bew,
Gibbon and Patterson "The State in Northern Ireland, 1921-72" (Note: Paul
Bew, now a member of the House of Lords, is a unionist historian, and, to
use his own words, an 'informal advisor' to David Trimble)
"We are satisfied that all these Unionist controlled councils have used and
use their power to make appointments in a way which benefited Protestants.
In the figures available for October 1968 only thirty per cent of
Londonderry Corporation's administrative, clerical and technical employees
were Catholic. In Dungannon Urban District none of the Council's
administrative, clerical and technical employees was a Catholic. In County
Fermanagh no senior council posts (and relatively few others) were held by
Catholics. . . Armagh Urban District employed very few Catholics in salaried
posts, but did not appear to discriminate at lower levels. Omagh Urban
District showed no clearcut pattern of discrimination, though we have seen
what would appear to be undoubted evidence of employment discrimination by
Tyrone County Council"
The conclusion of the Cameron report (1969)
(Commission appointed by 
the Governor of Northern Ireland)
It is also worth mentioning that Terence O'Neill states that when he was
Minister of Finance in the 1950s he had to face a campaign against him in
the Cabinet because it was believed that since he had taken up office
Catholics were being encouraged to join the civil service.
3) Discrimination in Private employment
'At a meeting in Derry to select candidates for the Corporation Mr. H.
McLaughlin said that for the past forty-eight years since the foundation of
his firm there had been only one Roman Catholic employed - and that was a
case of mistaken identity'
Derry People 26 September 1946.
"[Our three candidates] employ over 70 people, and have NEVER employed a
ROMAN CATHOLIC"
Pamphlet issued by the St George's Ward Unionist Association
during the 1961 Belfast municipal elections.
At the end of the 1960's, Harland and wolf employed about 10,000 workers. Of
these, less than 500 were catholic. Roughly the same proportion was found at
Shorts and other big employers. Moreover, many of the Catholics employed
there were subject to sectarian abuse. This situation was brought to the
attention of the American authorities by members of the nationalist
community. The result was the Macbride principles, a code of conduct for US
companies operating in Northern Ireland, which ensures that there is no
discrimination in selection and other areas. These principles have now been
passed in sixteen states in the US. It is quite remarkable that a foreign
country has to introduce such a code in its dealings with a modern European
"democracy".
4) Discrimination in Local elections
"The Nationalist majority in the county, i.e., Fermanagh, notwithstanding a
reduction of 336 in the year, stands at 3,684. We must ultimately reduce and
liquidate that majority. This county, I think it can be safely said, is a
Unionist county. The atmosphere is Unionist. The Boards and properties are
nearly all controlled by Unionists. But there is still this millstone [the
Nationalist majority] around our necks."
E.C. Ferguson, Unionist Party, then
Stormont MP, April 1948
" I need hardly point out to you that in Derry , unless something is done
now , it is only a matter of time until Derry passes into the hands of the
Nationalist and Sinn Fein parties for all time . On the other hand, if
proper steps are taken now, I believe Derry can be saved for years to
come... "
Sir Dawson Bates to Lord Craigavon 1934
In 1920's, against strong opposition from the British Government, the
Northern Ireland Parliament abolished proportional representation and redrew
the electoral boundaries, with the result that they gained fifteen more
seats, leaving the nationalists, who made up roughly a third of the
population, with eleven seats out of seventy-three. For this reason,
nationalists have since that time been consistently under-represented.
The city of Derry is perhaps the best case. Since the formation of the
Northern Ireland state the population ratio of Derry has been more or less
60:40 catholic to protestant, but the structure of the council has always
been roughly 40:60 nationalist to unionist, simply because the boundaries
were changed in order to produce a unionist majority.

For reasons of space I have said nothing in regard to policing, or parades,
or housing. I have included quotes to show not merely that the Northern
Ireland state was unjust from top to bottom, but also that the
discrimination which occurred was more or less policy and was often openly
expressed.
The standard unionist explanation is that Catholics were discriminated
against not because of their religion, but because it was thought that they
might be people who might work within the system to bring about a United
Ireland. This does seem odd, for, first, part of the South's hostility to
the north was a result of the discrimination, and, second, it is generally
the case that giving people equality makes them less, not more, likely to
want to change the status quo. Yet it does appear that this was part of the
reason. Nonetheless, it can hardly be without significance that the Orange
Order is found in Scotland, the USA, Canada, and New Zealand, and in all
these places its members have invariably been fiercely, and sometimes
violently, anti-catholic.
Source JColtrane in politics blog-Henry McDonald May 25th 2008





Letters
The Turkish government has jailed a woman trade unionist, Meryem Özsögüt,
and has kept her in detention for nearly six months.

Meryem is a leader of the public sector union SES, and we've been asked by
Public Services International (PSI) to launch a big online campaign
demanding her release.

For more details and to add your signature, please click here now.

This campaign will not take off, and we will not secure Meryem's release,
unless we can mobilize thousands of our members around the world.

Please do what you can to help this campaign go viral -- forward it to your
email lists, post information on your union websites, pass out flyers at
events, use new tools like Twitter, Facebook and blogs to spread the word.
Meryem needs our help. I know that I can count on all of you.

Eric Lee

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PRC-UTE
4th July 2008, 18:09
On July 21st 2008 the French President Nicholas Sarkozy will be visitingIreland. The Campaign Against European Union Constitution are organizingan organized and dignified opposition Protest. The meeting point for thiscounter protest is Dame Street Plaza, opposite the Olympia on Dublin'sSouth Side at 12.30 on that date. The CAEUC would urge all those on theleft of politics, along with affiliated groups to the campaign, whoopposed the Lisbon Treaty to attend. It would be very encouraging to havea large turnout on the day and show the French President the level ofopposition to Lisbon on the Streets of Ireland as well as at the ballotbox.

PRC-UTE
6th July 2008, 14:51
On July 21st 2008 the French President Nicholas Sarkozy will be visitingIreland. The Campaign Against European Union Constitution are organizingan organized and dignified opposition Protest. The meeting point for thiscounter protest is Dame Street Plaza, opposite the Olympia on Dublin'sSouth Side at 12.30 on that date. The CAEUC would urge all those on theleft of politics, along with affiliated groups to the campaign, whoopposed the Lisbon Treaty to attend. It would be very encouraging to havea large turnout on the day and show the French President the level ofopposition to Lisbon on the Streets of Ireland as well as at the ballotbox.

Anyone on this forum attendng this? Planning on being there myself.

Hessian Peel
26th July 2008, 23:20
Anyone on this forum attendng this? Planning on being there myself.

I was there. Standing behind and holding up the éirígí banner. :)

Wasn't fantastic, but fairplay to everyone who came out on a working day.

PRC-UTE
13th November 2008, 23:04
The Plough
Web Site http://theploughblog.blogspot.com/
Vol 5-No 13

Tuesday 11th November 2008

E-mail newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party


1) Editorial

2) Belfast Agreement Revisited-Ten Years On

3) Capitalism, The Curse of the Working Class

4) From the media

5) Letters

6) What¹s On



Editorial
Sunday November 2nd saw a march past by a British Army regiment through the
centre of Belfast supported by cheering crowds of unionists and loyalists.
The overwhelming impression created was of triumphalism. Union jacks waved,
the unionist city councillors took the salute and the army band played its
music. Truly this march marked the defeat of republican armed struggle, the
consolidation of British rule in a part of Ireland and a slap in the face to
those nationalists and republicans who backed the Good Friday Agreement.
The huge turnout could be partially explained by the decision of provisional
Sinn Fein to organise a protest march in opposition to the parade. Many
unionists and indeed many nationalists could not understand their decision.
After all they, provisional Sinn Fein, supported the British police force,
the PSNI, accepted MI5 having control of political policing, sit on policing
boards and local partnerships with the police and in the words of one of the
leading figures, Francie Molloy
³Republicans are prepared to work an executive. We are really prepared
administer British rule in Ireland for the foreseeable future. The very
principle of partition is accepted, and if the Unionists had that in the
1920¹s they would have been laughing² (Sunday Times [Irish Edition] March 28
1999)
I
In truth provisional Sinn Fein only called their rally when other
republicans announced that they would protest. Fearing too be outflanked on
their Œrepublican¹ side PSF forgot about reaching out to Unionists and went
for confrontational politics. This resulted in a huge rise in sectarian
tensions in Belfast.
There were three other protests held. The smallest was that held by the
Workers Solidarity Movement (Anarchists) who hoped for a cross community
protest against the militarist celebrations.
³We ask anyone who opposes sectarianism, nationalism (either British or
Irish) and imperialism, to join us in opposition to the parade this Sunday
2nd November at 11am sharp²
At least, unlike the anti war movement controlled by the Socialist Workers
party the WSM were prepared to organise on the day. Unforunately for them
they lost the run of themselves before the demonstrations by attacking those
others who were also preparing to demonstrate against the RIR parade in
Belfast.
³WSM have nothing in common with rival republican organisations seeking to
Œoutgun¹ each other over the reactionary mantle of nationalism².

There is a clear distinction between the nationalism of an oppressed nation
and the nationalism of an Imperialist nation. Do the WSM really believe
there is no difference between the nationalism of the BNF and republicans in
Ireland? To even pose that question brings out the lack of theoretical
understanding the WSM spokesperson has of Irish Republicanism. The IRSP
sees itself as an internationalist organisation based firmly not only on the
internationalism of James Connolly but also the universal principles of the
United Irishmen based on the revolutionary ideals of the French Revolution.
W e are not nationalists but we very firmly support the struggle for
national liberation from imperialism. That struggle is essentially
progressive despite errors and mistakes in its pursuit. The nationalism
associated with British imperialism is reactionary. The WSM may say a plague
on all your houses but the essence of this position is to end up in the camp
of the reactionaries.

The protest organised by éirígí
<http://www.irishrepublican.net/forum/forumdisplay.php?f=60> was hampered
by the fact that they would not allow any other banners but their own on the
protest. (Shades of their origins in the PSF-ourselves alone or *should it
be we are in control?) In a direct challenge to PSF they organised a march
but refused to apply for permission to march. This no doubt was to appeal to
the more macho of the Provisional support base.

The IRSP leadership met coming up to the parade to discuss our options. One
strongly favoured was to organise a separate protest the day before the RIR
march thus avoiding any sectarian clashes. However in the end as part of our
commitment to the Republican Forum we decided to support the picket
organised by the Network for Republican Unity in the Markets area where
about 150+activist gathered for a peaceful picket.

The irony of so many protests involving republicans only indicates the
divisions and differences. That of course is the inevitable consequences of
the defeat of the armed struggle. It took many republicans a long time to
realise that the Adams /McGuiness leadership had caved in to the British
establishment. Disillusionment demoralization set in. The mass of the
people remained indifferent. So it is good that many now recognize that a
new direction is needed. We believe that direction has to be socialist.

The IRSP supports the Republican Forum for Unity. It is a political forum
to discuss republican ideas and options and to try to place back on the
political agenda republican objectives. The IRSP recognises that there are
strong differences within the Forum but we see no problem in putting forward
our arguments, our ideas, our positions, to other republicans. We will
continue to put forward our class analysis in each and every forum we
participate in.





Belfast Agreement Revisited-Ten Years On.



The IRSP position is very clear. In 1998 the I. R. S. P. opposed that
Agreement mainly on the basis that it institutionalised sectarianism in the
political institutions of the North.

³After thirty years of conflict, civil rights agitation and death
destruction and mayhem the end result is that we have now got a more
sophisticated head counting exercise. There is now no incentive for people
to move away from entrenched sectarian positions²(Political Secretary¹s
Report to Ard-Feis 1998)

We also pointed out that the issue of sovereignty was so ringed around with
pre-conditions and confusions that unionists and nationalists could
interpret the issue of sovereignty in the agreement to suit their own
political stance. We pointed out clearly that

"Northern Ireland in its entirety remains part of the United Kingdom"
(Article one of Annnex A of the agreement)

We queried whether the so- called equality agenda would in fact be
implemented.
10 years there is still no Bill of Rights, no Irish Language Act and the DUP
resisting anything that smacks of a nationalist agenda.
We also pointed out that
³The cross border bodies are not moves towards unity. They are simply
pragmatic responses towards the need for capitalist economic efficiency
within the context of the European Union. Does any one here think that
improved co-operation on issues such as
¹animal and plant health.. teachers qualifications and exchanges, waste
management social security fraud control, aqua culture accident and
emergency services¹ (GFA)
was what the last thirty years was all about.?² (ibid)

We also did not believe that the RUC would be abolished or essentially
reformed. The RUC became the PSNI and many young catholics are now joining
the PSNI with the strong encouragement of provisional Sinn Fein.

At that time we tried to tell the strong republican base that existed in
1998, that in essence the GFA was a defeat for republicanism and that rather
than try to work the new institutions by jointly running the north with
unionists, (in effect administering British rule,) republicans should form a
legitimate opposition within the new assembly and oppose from both a
republican and socialist positions the right wing policies being implemented
under British direction whilst upholding the republican base positions.

Unfortunately few were prepared to listen to us. They were prepared to put
their trust in the Œrepublican leadership¹. In the intervening 10 years many
who once scorned our arguments have since come to realise that they were
fooled by that same republican leadership and that our initial position was
correct. There have been at least two splits from Provisional Sinn Fein
since then and a fracturing of republicanism.

From a Republican perspective the republican position has suffered a serious
defeat.
Ø MI5 now have a strong physical presence in North Down,

Ø British regiments are still stationed in the North of Ireland at the
level they were in 1968,

Ø British troops can march through the streets of Belfast

Ø a regime still operates from Stormont administrating British rule

Ø and the British Treasury dictates the economic policies that regime
implements

Supporters of the Good Friday point out the gains they claim made since the
GFA. They point out that it covers a wide range of areas from

³constitutional issues, political matters, institutional arrangements, human
rights, equality, policing, justice, language and culture issues.² (Gerry
Adams Irish Times April 2nd 2008)

and that progress has been made on these fronts.
Yes. There have been changes. Now we have a vibrant catholic/ nationalist
middle class now on an equal basis with protestant/unionist middle classes.
In Adam¹s own words there is now a ³level playing field² (ibid)
The mantra of ³equality² is rarely away from the lips of Provisional Sinn
Fein leaders. But what kind of equality? Is it equality for the middle
classes? Is it the equality of poverty? Is it economic equality?

In the early days of the Civil Rights movement those of us on the left
pointed out that one of the consequences of calling for equal rights on
issues such as housing and jobs, under the current economic system would be
to create less job and housing opportunities for protestants thus further
feeding sectarianism within those thus disadvantaged.

Equality under capitalism meant taking from one group and giving to the
other. That simply facilitated the old Imperialist tactic of divide and
rule.

The Unionist Aristocracy and bourgeoisise in collaboration with sections of
the British ruling class argued forcefully against Home Rule at the turn of
the 20th century on the grounds of religion, the economy, the interests of
the British Empire, strategic military grounds and racism.

They created an all class alliance that linked the protestant proletariat to
their industrial masters. Despite the fact that the unionist bourgeoisie was
extracting as much surplus value from the protestant proletariat as they
could possibly exploit, the protestant masses identified with their
exploiters and with the reactionary British Empire fearing a loss of, in
many cases, imaginary privileges they had, compared to the catholic masses.


When the first Northern Government was set up in 1921 the first Cabinet
looked
³ -like an executive committee of Northern industry and commerce²
(page 68² Northern Ireland ; the Orange State² Michael Farrell Pluto Press
1990)

Protestant workers who either opposed partition or preached socialism were
described as ³rotten prods² and driven out of their workplaces.
Thus was created an enormous block to Irish independence, a block it must be
said, greatly underestimated and misunderstood by republicanism

As the 20th century progressed many Protestant workers formerly
Œprivileged¹ by easy access to jobs in heavy industry, found their sector in
decline. Resentment, hatred, bitterness based on years of indoctrination
about the privileges of being British made many easy prey to bigotry and
sectarianism. It took courage to stand up to sectarian hatred and there were
many trade unionists workers and socialists who did so.

James Connolly, Ireland¹s outstanding Marxist writer in the early part of
the 20th century had argued strongly against partition on the grounds that
it would create a reactionary bulwark against socialism. And so it has
proved.

The Good Friday Agreement, far from being but a stage on the road to a
united Ireland that its supporters argue, has in fact re-enforced the
sectarian nature of the 6-county state by pushing its inhabitants into being
either ³unionist² ³nationalist² or ³other² for the purposes of forming an
administration.

Adams has argued that
³The British policy in Ireland has changed dramaticallyŠ British policy was
about repressing republicanism; British policy in the last decade, or so,
has been about trying to find some accommodation with republicanism.² (1)

The price to be paid for the inclusion of republicans in talks was the
exclusion of republicanism. This means dialogue with Republican leaders and
organisations but on the basis of an agenda that excludes the political
objectives of Republicanism.

Central to the political objectives of Republicanism was

Ø that there would be no internal settlement,

Ø that the Irish people have a right to self-determination

Ø and it's not dependent on the agreement of a majority in the north.

The whole peace process may have included Republicans, but from the 1993
Downing Street Declaration to the final 1998 Belfast Agreement, was always
based on the British state¹s political alternative to Republicanism since
1972:

Ø an internal solution (a power sharing assembly in the North which
includes Nationalists)

Ø with the externality of an Irish dimension (cross border bodies) grafted
on it.

The longstanding Republican demands were never serious runners for all party
talks, and none of them appeared in the final Belfast Agreement.

Instead we now have political parties based on communal interests. It is in
the political interests of the mainstream political parties to maximise
their votes within the protestant or catholic sections of the population. So
it is in the direct interests of PSF, SDLP, DUP, and UUP to maximise the
turn out from their ³side of the house². Now as the administration is a
coalition there is absolutely no chance of radical measures, never mind
socialist measures, being introduced. After all the budget is allocated from
Westminster and must be allocated in accordance with the wishes of the
Westminster Government which means implementing neo -liberal economic
policies.

So when Gerry Adams of Provisional Sinn Fein argues that,

³The fierce opposition from within unionism and the British system to the
Belfast Agreement has stemmed from the recognition that the agreement is a
powerful instrument for change.² (Gerry Adams Irish Times April 2nd 2008)

he is being less than honest. The Agreement is an instrument of British
policy. It has stabilised the Northern state. And did not the most
formidable opponent of change and of opposition to nationalism and
Catholicism, Ian Paisley point out that Adams had revised every republican
position he ever had and that PSF were now administrating British rule?

ŒI did smash them [the Provos] because I took away their main plank. Their
main plank was that they would not recognise the British government [in
Ireland].
³ ŒNow they are in part of the British government. They can¹t be true
Republicans when they now accept the right of Britain to govern this country
and take part in that government.¹
(Interviewed on BBC radio One ³Andrew Marr Show² on March 9 2008)

When Paisley agreed to share limited power with Provisional Sinn Fein he
knew that the Union was safe.

The 1998 Belfast agreement amounts to the following:
1) The British state has repeated its 1973 Sunningdale declaration of
intent to remain in the North until a majority in it asks it to do
otherwise;

2) The British state has made it clear that the unionist veto shall
remain in place and has strengthened the partitionist ethos underlying that
veto by having it enshrined it in the revised Southern constitution;

3) The British state has ruled out any transition to a united Ireland by
refusing to state that by a certain date - no matter how far in the distant
future - it will no longer have a presence in Ireland.

4) The fact remains that the unionists will determine when the north will
join a united Ireland.


This represents the best deal unionists could possibly have won. In the
words of Anthony Blair, the British Prime Minister:


'This offers unionists every key demand they have made since partition
eighty years ago...
The principle of consent, no change to the constitutional status of Northern
Ireland without the consent of the majority of the people, is enshrined.
The Irish constitution has been changed.
.A devolved assembly and government for Northern Ireland is now there for
the taking.
When I first came to Northern Ireland as a Prime Minister, these demands
were pressed in me as what unionists really needed.
I have delivered them all.'
( Blair¹s Dawn Call kept the heat on Trimble, Sunday Times, 4 July 1999)


The IRSP has advanced the argument that in the current climate there is no
basis for republicans engaging in armed struggle. There is little or no
popular support, organisations may well be infiltrated with people hostile
to the national struggle and the prospects of any successful conclusion to
an armed campaign practically nil.

Republicans need to take a different direction and we have argued
consistently that that direction is the class struggle. Needless to say the
mere mention of class struggle has the politically sectarian jumping up and
down frantically shouting Œeconomists, ³reformists² ³anti republicans² and
whatever suitable insult they can think up without having to make up a
suitable sensible argument. Worst of all, in their eyes, are those who put
forward clear arguments based on a socialist understanding of modern Irish
society. They are accused of being trendy middle class intellectuals living
in theoretical ivory towers.

Such anti-intellectualism has no place in any revolutionary movement.

It is almost impossible to think of one revolutionary leader from the 20th
century who was not also simultaneously a writer and thinker; Lenin,
Trotsky, Gramsci, James Connolly, Padraigh Pearse, Liam Mellows, Mao tse
Tung, Ho Chi Minh, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara.

Also in the IRSP itself many of our own leaders including Seamus Costello,
Ronnie Bunting, Johnny White, Miriam Daly, Ta Power and Gino Gallagher were
critical thinkers, writers and doers, basing themselves on the class
struggle.

The IRSP has argued from its inception that without national liberation
there can be no socialism and without socialism there can be no national
liberation. So in deepening and developing the class struggle we are in
actual fact deepening and developing the struggle for national liberation.

Republicans need to remember some wonderful phrases of Wolfe Tone, a
founder of Irish Republicanism,


³To subvert the tyranny of our execrable government, to break the connection
with England, the never failing source of all our political evils, and to
assert the independence of my country--these were my objects.
To unite the whole people of Ireland, to abolish the memory of all past
dissentions, and to substitute the common name of Irishman, in the place of
the denominations of Protestant, Catholic, and Dissenter--these were my
means."
"To unite Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter under the common name of
Irishmen in order break the connection with England, the never failing
source of all our political evils, that was my aim".
"If the men of property will not support us, they must fall. Our strength
shall come from that great and respectable class, the men of no property".

We republican socialists need to remember that it is not ³our community² we
owe allegiance to but to our class.

The Northern economy is heavily dependant on the public sector, services and
retailing. Large numbers of people are economically inactive in the North
with nearly 40% of the working age population. The education system is
socially divisive class based and not fit for purpose. Every year over 1000
pupils leave school without basic qualifications and over 12000 without GCSE
passes in Maths and English.

Gas bills are going up. Electricity bills are going up. Water charges are
being introduced. Public sector jobs are being axed and replaced by the
private sector. Working class families can now not afford mortgages and the
state refuses to increase substantially the supply of social housing to meet
current needs. There is a slump in the building trade and energy prices are
rising dramatically.

In the South of Ireland the economy is now in recession and unemployment is
expected to rise to 5.5%or 6% this year. House prices are falling rapidly
and as in the North some working class families now find themselves with
negative equity. Many now face the prospect of either selling their homes or
having them dispossessed and moving into rented accommodation to be at the
mercy of landlords. The recent budget was a vicious attack on the living
standards of the working class but let the wealthy off almost scot free.

Capitalism worldwide has suffered its greatest shock since the great
depression in the1930¹s. That Depression aided the rise to power of fascism
with the subsequent world war. What happens in the world economy directly
affects workers in both parts of Ireland. Neither of the two administrations
can protect the working class from the effects of a recession even if they
were so inclined. Administrations that include the right wing PD party in
the South and the right wing DUP in the North will have as their first
priority defence of capitalism and their cronies in the business world. For
all Sinn Fein¹s professed ³radicalism² they are the party that introduced
Public Private Initiatives that essentially is privatising the educational
system.

For capitalism, that has been one of the outstanding successes of the
Belfast /Good Friday Agreement. Sinn Fein is now working the capitalist
system with a gusto and enthusiasm that would turn the stomachs of those who
once believed in their left wing posturing.

We say to those republicans shed away your illusions and work towards
republican aspirations by joining with growing sections of the working class
in taking up explicit anti-capitalist stances. There is now an opportunity
to rally working class forces in a fight back against the cuts now being
imposed. Are republicans prepared to join in that fight? And be under no
illusion when fighting for the working class in these day to day struggles
we are also pushing forward the anti-imperialist struggle.

Gerry Ruddy


CAPITALISM, THE CURSE OF THE WORKING CLASSES: IF THEY COULD ONLY SEE IT

³Capitalism is not intelligent, it is not beautiful, it is not just, it is
not virtuous and it does not deliver the goods² (John Maynard Keynes,
economist whose theories included a mixed economy which influenced the post
war labour government under Clement Atlee in the UK, far from a
revolutionary or Marxist).

There is a nasty rumour flying around telling people that the global
capitalist economic system is in some kind of crisis. Some irresponsible
people, masquerading as politicians and others as economic experts are
trying to claim that the wonderful capitalist system is in its worst state
for Œone hundred years¹. These so called people of wisdom must have
completely overlooked the events of Wall Street, 1929-30, and what led to
the ³Great Depression² of the 1930s because according to my maths and
political history the 1930s are less than a hundred years ago and the events
of Wall Street make what is happening now look little more than a blip.

There are however some people out there, not economists or would be
politicians, but ordinary every day people who can see a bright side to this
terrible abyss which we are supposed to believe is second only to the
bubonic plague. These are the people who for the first time in their lives
can actually afford goods and services without accumulating massive debts.
One young woman reportedly said ŒI hope this goes on for ever¹ for the first
time I can afford a house Œif this is recession bring it on¹. Of course this
woman will be in a minority because things are not so bad, or good, that
everybody can afford a house unless thy have won the pools or the lotto even
at reduced prices and those who may be able to are in constant fear of
redundancy.

The economic situation we are in merely means that the profits of the
capitalist class, bourgeoisie, are down on previous years, it does not mean
they are making no profit at all. Of course this is more than that greedy
class of parasites can bear so, as a consequence, and to offset their profit
reduction they lay off the workforce thus making sure it is the working
class who take the brunt of capitalist irresponsibility and instability.
This in turn leads to many people being unable to meet their mortgage
demands consequently leading to house repossessions by the mortgage
companies, meaning in the case of many no job no home. Equally because house
prices are falling, which is not too good if you are trying to sell a
property, many mortgage companies are reluctant to give mortgages in case
the applicants manage to pay the mortgage off before their dying day thus
denying the lenders huge profits in interest.

For years now some working class people living in denial have been
masquerading as bourgeois. Now it is about time some of these upstarts who
for some time have been walking around with their noses in the air claiming
to be property owners realised that they are not, no more than a corporation
tenant is, because the mortgage company own the house and let the occupier
miss one weeks repayment, which is happening, and they will see who the real
property owners are! The fact is, in these times the corporation tenant is
far safer, as far as security of tenure goes, than the would- be property
owner. Corporations tend not to evict without good reason and certainly not
for missing one week¹s rent.

One of the most grotesque spectres about this whole messy affair is the way
the bourgeoisie manage to convince people that lower, affordable, housing
and other goods and services is a bad thing and, the irony is that the very
people who benefit from lower prices are easily convinced it is a bad thing.
The reality is that for some people who, through no fault of their own, have
lost employment and home of course this Œcredit crunch¹ is a bad thing. For
those who the mortgage companies will not give a mortgage to because they
cannot debt laden them for eternity it is actually a good thing, though they
are among the ones who are convinced it is a bad thing. However for those
who can afford to buy a property at a much reduced price, probably out of
their nest egg, or at least put a good deposit down without a mortgage and
pay the rest of the installments out of their wages, as long as they have
wages, the present situation may be seen as a good thing.

Having briefly, very briefly, looked at this comedy of errors called
capitalism which we are constantly told is the finest way of managing our
affairs (god we must be dead from the neck up) and that the capitalist
system is the only way forward (I beg to differ), which for the capitalist
class who seldom, as a class loose, it probably is. As far as the working
class is concerned, if they could only see it, this imbecile system is
probably the worst possible way of their affairs being managed. What is
needed is not a bit of tampering with an already corroded economic system
but the entire dismantling of the capitalist mode of existence, production,
to be replaced with a new competent dependable system called socialism based
on the common ownership of the means of production control and exchange, a
planned economy and one state run nationalized bank, one employer, the
socialist state with the working class in control of the means of
production, full democracy both at the point of production and elsewhere
e.g. within the communities, and an end to the profit, profit, profit
mentality which has gripped society since the industrial revolution and
before.

Those who once argued and agreed with head cases like the then US President
Ronald Reagan that the former Soviet Union was ³evil² should take a look in
the mirror and a quick glance around themselves and ask what is so godly
about capitalism. Despite the many grotesque distortions in the former USSR
who ever heard of the State Bank of Moscow going bust? A Socialist political
and economic system would guarantee housing for all, yes Corporation housing
with some modifications. An example of these modifications on what we know
as corporation housing presently could be perhaps the right, if a tenant
wished, to build small extensions or patios provided these improvements to
the property do not completely decimate the local environment. People would
have security of tenure and be able to sleep comfortably at night without
the worry of the bailiffs turning up to evict them the following morning.
This kind of political and economic system would not suit the bourgeoisie
but then again it is not supposed to. The fact is for the majority of
people, the working class, capitalism is unstable, offers no long term
security and as far as deliverance of goods and services are concerned, well
only if it is profitable.

The moral to this story is that society does not have to be constructed in
this unsafe, unreliable semi-imbecile way. There is a better competent
method of conducting our affairs, which is not dependent on a small minority
making huge, mega, profits on the backs of the majority. That system is
socialism.



Kevin Morley

Irish Republican Socialist Party, Dublin



Letters

In response to ³Forty Years On . Civil Rights in the plough Vol 5 -12
(http://theploughblog.blogspot.com/2008_10_01_archive.html)
Excellent article. Interesting points raised about SP and SWP too. Left
sectarianism is clearly alive and well. Those two organisations have no
foundations within the class they claim to represent and yet remain resolute
in their arrogance toward republicans!

The IRSP stance on the subject of housing is totally correct and admirable.
It is great to see socialist republicans tackle issues affecting all
sections of the working class from a principled political position and
without discrimination. I believe reps of protestant workers were approached
about the march}. Long may it continue.

The fact remains that while an imperialist force remains in this country
sectarianism will continue to exist, it is only when a socialist republic is
established that we will see sectarianism finally ended and our class can go
about organising a nation free from such social ills. It is important to
recognise the source of sectarianism in Ireland and of course avoid drifting
into reformism. We must tackle immediate issues like this that effect the
working class while fully standing behind and promoting with pride our
revolutionary politics and never distancing ourselves from our goal to make
allowances for anyone.

Sligo Reader









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PRC-UTE
12th March 2009, 04:43
. PHOTO EXHIBITION IN LATIN AMERICA WEEK, Ireland
Members, volunteers and friends, share your photos about Food
Sovereingty in Latin America!
Send photos to: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=lascphotoexhibition09%40gmail. com)
More info: http://www.lasc.ie/activities/law/law2009.html
Photo Exhibition Launch: Tuesday 14th April 6pm Irish Aid
Volunteering & Information Centre
Sender: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=owner-lasc%40wxtc.net)
Precedence: bulk
Reply-To: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=info%40lasc.ie)

**UPCOMING LASC EVENTS & INFO**


1. PUBLIC MEETING. “A WORLD OF CRISIS: SEIZING THE OPPORTUNITY FOR
RADICAL RADICAL CHANGE. Dublin
18th March. 6.30pm
More info: www.indymedia.ie/openwire



1. LATIN AMERICA WEEK IS COMING!!… Ireland
16th to 22nd April
Check out the events, speakers. Join us, participate, volunteer, take action!
http://www.lasc.ie/activities/law/law2009.html

2. PHOTO EXHIBITION IN LATIN AMERICA WEEK, Ireland
Members, volunteers and friends, share your photos about Food
Sovereingty in Latin America!
Send photos to: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=lascphotoexhibition09%40gmail. com)
More info: http://www.lasc.ie/activities/law/law2009.html
Photo Exhibition Launch: Tuesday 14th April 6pm Irish Aid
Volunteering & Information Centre

3. LISTEN!
Talk with the Indigenous people from Brazilian Amazon 4th December 2008
Podcast in NEAR FM
http://www.nearfm.ie/podcast/index.php?id=506

4. WOMEN’S MINI MARATHON, Dublin
Get fit, have fun and help raise funds for our solidarity work!
1st June (Bank Holiday).
If you are interested contact us on: 01 6760435 or email; [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=events%40lasc.ie)
DEADLINE FOR REGISTRATION: 16th APRIL
Enroll now!
More info: www.lasc.ie

5. WE’RE ON FACEBOOK!
Profile: Lasc Solidarity
http://en-gb.facebook.com/people/Lasc-Solidarity/1558621893

6. LASC RESOURCE CENTRE AND BOOKS AND CRAFT SHOP. Dublin.
www.lasc.ie/resources/index.html

7. YOUTH WORKSHOPS.
LASC offers tailor-made workshops to Youth Leaders interested in
increasing their knowledge on Latin American Issues and bringing a
Global perspective to their youth work.
More info: E-mail: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=education%40lasc.ie)
www.lasc.ie/activities/workshopyouth.html


8. JOIN LASC! GET INVOLVED AND BECOME A MEMBER!!!
For details Visit http://www.lasc.ie/involve.html


**OTHER EVENTS & INFO**





9. IRELAND-2-GAZA PUBLIC/PRESS CONFERENCE PUB QUIZ. Dublin
12th March, 7pm Central Hotel, Exchequer St.


10. NEW POSSIBILITIES HOW CAN DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION CAN ENGAGED WITH
A WIDER AUDIENCE, Dublin
12th March The Gresham Hotel. The Centre for Global Education Annual
Conference
www.centreforglobaleducation.com


11. COLLATERAL DAMAGE: THE EFFECT OF ARMED CONFLICT ON WOMEN AND
CHILDREN’, Derry
13th March, 1.30- 3pm. The Junction, Bishop St, Derry. A seminar
delivered by AkiDwA, in partnership with Children in Crossfire.
More info: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=helen.henderson%40childrenincr ossfire.org)/ 71 269898


11. TANGO C ONCERT SHOW. Dublin 15
13th March. 8pm. Draíocht, Main Auditorium
Booking information: www.draiocht.ie



13. MAKING A DIFFERENT.
Have a new idea to drive social change in Ireland?
Apply before 20th March 2009-03-09
More info: www.socialentrepreneurs.ie or click here

14. PROMOTING CHILD SURVIVAL THROUGH WATER, SANITATION AND HYGIENE Dublin
21st March, 9am - 5pm. Irish Aid Centre.
To mark World Water Day 22nd March.
More info: Niall Roche, [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=niall.roche%40gmail.com) / T: 01 6249517.

13. FILM SHOW: GRANITO DE ARENA [GRAIN OF SAND], Dublin
22nd March 7.30 pm, New Theatre (43 East Essex Street)
http://www.progressivefilmclub.ie (http://www.progressivefilmclub.ie/)



14. VOTO SIMBÓLICO: REIVINDICACIÓN DE LA GENTE SALVADOREÑA QUE VIVE
FUERA DE EL SALVADOR*
Para emitir tu voto vistita en siguiente enlace
www.elsalvadorvota.net


15. FREE DOCUMENTARIES
A good collection of political and social documentaries available
http://www.freedocumentaries.org (http://www.freedocumentaries.org/)

16. DISCOVER GUATEMALA IN APRIL 09
Enjoy the beauty of Guatemala as well as getting to know their culture
and difficulties they go through every day. This is more than a
holiday!
More info: [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=maytevilla%40yahoo.com)

17. YOUTH LEADERSHIP PROGRAMME, Drogheda
4 – 11th April,
www.luccaleadership.ie

18. KADE DEVELOPS EDUCATION PHOTOPACK
Kerry Action For Development Education launched Development Photopack Volume 1
More info: 066 718 1358 / [email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=info%40kade.ie)

19. VOLUNTEERING IN BOLIVIA
http://www.democracyctr.org/about/volunteer.htm

20. THE RIGHT TO PLAY IN NICARAGUA, International
How you can support the Nicaraguan Children's Right to Play Campaign
http://www.commonthreads.org.uk/right_to_play.aspx

21. VOLUNTEER OPPORTUNITIES IN LATIN AMERICA MORE INFO. Europe.
http://www.volunteerabroad.ie (http://www.volunteerabroad.ie/)

Maria Aliaga
Information Officer
Latin America Solidarity Centre
[email protected] (http://emailmg.ipower.com/sqmail/src/compose.php?send_to=info%40lasc.ie)

************************************************** ******
The Latin America Solidarity Centre (LASC) is an initiative
for Development Education, Cultural Promotion and
Campaigning Solidarity, linking Ireland and Latin America

5 Merrion Row - Dublin 2, Ireland
Phone+353 1 676 0435
Fax +353 1 662 1784
Website www.lasc.ie
************************************************** ******



--
Latin America Solidarity Centre

joejoe
21st March 2009, 19:23
POW PICKET

JOHN ROBERTS SQUARE
WATERFORD
SATURDAY, MARCH 21, 2-3pm
Organised by Pax Whelan/George Lennon Cumann
Sinn Féin Poblachtach

joejoe
21st March 2009, 19:25
PARK INN HOTEL, SHANNON AIRPORT
MARCH 21, 2009, 1-5.30pm
To mark the 6th anniversary of the commencement of the
Imperialist US war on Iraq and to protest at the continued
use of Shannon Airport by the US Military, facilitated by
the 26-County Administration.
For more information contact Ed Horgan Tel: 086-3539911

*Red*Alert
15th August 2009, 04:35
TYRONE will host this year's National Hunger Strike Commemoration weekend. The annual event has previously been held in Derry and Belfast. This year will see its first visit to County Tyrone.


"So, 28 years on, we will be remembering the legacy of the Hunger Strikes in Tyrone and aim not only to remember these events but educate a generation who were alive during those turbulent events in 1981 and new generations who have grown up since those momentous, tragic yet heroic times.


"I urge republicans throughout Ireland and abroad to keep Sunday 16 August free and to come to Tyrone and remember the sacrifice of the ten men who died in 1981. It is a watershed in Irish history in the same way as 1916 was and should be remembered in the same manner.


Sean Begley
Chairperson of Hunger Strike Committee

List of Events:


Friday 14th August
Dungannon - Black Flag & Torchlight Procession
Speaker - Michelle Gildernew MP MLA
Assemble Anne Street - 8:00 pm

Exhibition
Archive items from 1981 Hunger Strike & 1946 Tyrone Hunger Striker Sean McCaughey
Bank Hotel, Dungannon - 8:00 pm

Saturday 15th August
Dungannon - Exhibition & Panel Discussion
Panel - Sile Darragh, Francie Molloy, Mary Doyle, Danny Morrison

Exhibition
Archive items from 1981 Hunger Strike & 1946 Tyrone Hunger Striker Sean McCaughey
Bank Hotel, Dungannon - 8:00 pm

Sunday 16th August
Galbally - National Hunger Strike Commemoration
Speaker - Gerry Adams MP MLA
Assemble Galbally Chapel 3:30 pm

Other Events

Saturday 15th August

Republican Tour of Tyrone
Assemble Aughnacloy - 9:00 am

Republican Youth - A Century of Struggle
Talk & DVD Showing
Strabane Library - 2:00 pm

Na Fianna Éireann Centenary - Celebration Dinner Dance
Quinn’s Corner - 8:00 pm

Sunday 16th August
Unveiling of Na Fianna Éireann Remembrance Plaque
Tyrone Garden of Remembrance, Carrickmore - 12:00 noon