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nanovapor
12th April 2008, 19:04
THE 3 MAIN INGREDIENTS FOR A REVOLUTION TO HAPPEN


http://www.utexas.edu/general/mlksculpture/MLKnCaption.gif

# 1 - When it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the upper classes, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for the lower classes not to want to live in the old way; it is also necessary that the upper classes should be unable to live in the old way.



# 2 - When the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual



# 3 - When, as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in peace time, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis *and by the upper classes themselves* into independent historical action.



nanovapor

WorkingClassHero
12th April 2008, 19:49
Interesting.:che: Good read, man.

What I got out of reading that was this/my interpretation: the grounds for revolution are fertile when people wake up and realize the corruption going on around them when their circumstances/crisis reaches the height of its severity. The lower classes are the foundation and fuel it, but the upper classes are also affected by said circumstances/crisis.

ckaihatsu
16th April 2008, 02:19
I hardly mean to compete here, but if you'd like, please take a look at this short essay -- it's on-topic:





> Some historical periods are so dynamic that a person who lives to be fifty years old can remember sweeping changes that have come in his own lifetime. Such a time has been the last century of the modern age. Such a time, also, began in Europe in the eleventh century. A man could see new towns rise and grow before his eyes. He could observe new undertakings in commerce or government. It is hardly too much to say that all the cities that Europe was to know before the modern industrial era sprang up between about 1050 and 1200. The population of western Europe, which had been sparse even in Roman days, and which was even more sparse after 500, suddenly began to grow more dense about the year 1000, expanded steadily for two or three hundred years, and then, from the fourteenth century, did not again abruptly increase until after 1800. The people of the High Middle Ages did not develop the conception of progress, because their minds were set upon timeless values and personal salvation in another world, but the period was nevertheless one of rapid progress in nonreligious or "secular" things. It was a period in which much was created that remained fundamental far into modern times.

> Palmer & Colton, _A History of the Modern World_, p. 23



> Roubini then outlines the further stages in a financial meltdown – the commercial property market collapses, a bank goes bust, there’s a wave of corporate defaults. If it all comes to pass, “Total losses in the financial system will add up to more than $1,000bn and the economic recession will become more protracted and severe.” Roubini’s thoughts are no longer dismissed as ravings. Goldman Sachs economists now agree with him. Coming from the big business mainstream, they totted up total possible losses as $1,156bn

> When insufferably smug capitalist commentators come over all apocalyptic, then you know something’s really up with their system.

[...]

> Could this happen? Sure. Capitalism is out of control. It’s not delivering the goods. And it’s not just in the USA. The alarm and consternation that has greeted every bit of bad news from the States in Tokyo, London and Shanghai shows that (as we predicted in World economy in crisis - The financial panic: where are we now?) the idea that the rest of the world can decouple and float away on its own from the economic problems in the USA is a fantasy. Even if capitalism doesn’t fall over and crush you this time, it will always be a threat to the welfare and happiness of workers all over the world. It’s high time we got rid of it.

> http://www.marxist.com/us-slides-into-recession-whos-next.htm




Using the two excerpts above as bookends, I'd like to make the point that the very notion of stored value -- from past labor -- is predicated on there being something in the future to put it into, to invest in. Without a plan for putting the capital into motion there's no need in the present for the stored value, or capital -- it may as well not even exist.

The latest financial bubbles, in virtual real estate (dotcom), wars of aggression in the Middle East, telecom, energy, housing, food, and carbon credits, are all nonproductive sectors -- it's basically the capitalists' floating craps game looking for a venue to play in.

So what really separates us from life on the farm? Civilization itself is predicated on substantial innovations, massive works projects that serve as "the next big thing" for rulers to use as hype and as a carrot to lead us along into working for them.

I would argue that the past century or so was about four top-level developments in modern civilization which the bourgeoisie used to ensnare millions and then fight over in their world wars: industrialization, modernization, standardization, and digitization. Could these developments have been enacted in less destructive ways, without the bourgeoisie? Absolutely.

So what's after digitization? Should we wait around to find out, from the likes of corporate raiders? They're obviously not the desired leadership for any kind of decent future for humanity.


Chris



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luxemburg89
17th April 2008, 22:57
The army is also an important factor. When professional people with guns, payrolled by the state, come up against unprofessional people poorly armed, or not armed at all, a revolution is crushed. The condition of the army is key.

ckaihatsu
18th April 2008, 00:36
The army is also an important factor. When professional people with guns, payrolled by the state, come up against unprofessional people poorly armed, or not armed at all, a revolution is crushed. The condition of the army is key.


Yes, very good point -- I think we all a debt of gratitude to the Vietnamese people, and now the Iraqi people, for forcing the U.S. military machine, through its soldiers, to back down. Those are two anti-imperialist "revolutions" that haven't been crushed....

BobKKKindle$
18th April 2008, 10:55
The three conditions expressed by the OP give no mention of an essential factor in any revolution - a vanguard party which is able to agitate and so radicalize a large section of the working class. In the absence of agitation it is possible that, when faced with a fall in living conditions, the working class may become apathetic and turn away from politics, or they may be attracted to movements which promote reactionary ideas, as has been demonstrated by the experience of the German masses during the great depression.

Without a vanguard, revolution is not possible.

Dust Bunnies
18th April 2008, 11:31
Our numbers are too small and we do not have any means to rise up besides peacefully. Despite the draining of US armed forces at home there is still quiet a sizable force. We need a WW3 so we can have a revolution Bolshevik style.

Colonello Buendia
19th April 2008, 10:39
The three conditions expressed by the OP give no mention of an essential factor in any revolution - a vanguard party which is able to agitate and so radicalize a large section of the working class. In the absence of agitation it is possible that, when faced with a fall in living conditions, the working class may become apathetic and turn away from politics, or they may be attracted to movements which promote reactionary ideas, as has been demonstrated by the experience of the German masses during the great depression.

Without a vanguard, revolution is not possible.




There were a number of bolshevik style orgs in Germany before the Nazis took power. revolution doesn't necessarily need a vanguard but it needs support of the workers and in some instances the peasantry or lumpen. without that Vanguard or not the revolution fails. anyway It's my opinion that vanguardism worked the first time because Lenin was very cunning and managed to "capitalize" on the growing anger.in some situations vanguardism fails, all you need to do is look at the crushed revolutions in Germany and Italy in the 1920's (i think)

nanovapor
19th April 2008, 17:39
u are so right, we have to spread socialism ideology among US armed forces members, if they continue with their capitalist ideology, a revolution in USA will be impossible

nanovapor



The army is also an important factor. When professional people with guns, payrolled by the state, come up against unprofessional people poorly armed, or not armed at all, a revolution is crushed. The condition of the army is key.

nanovapor
19th April 2008, 17:43
yeah another good point, without a united party a revolution will be impossible in USA

nanovapor


The three conditions expressed by the OP give no mention of an essential factor in any revolution - a vanguard party which is able to agitate and so radicalize a large section of the working class. In the absence of agitation it is possible that, when faced with a fall in living conditions, the working class may become apathetic and turn away from politics, or they may be attracted to movements which promote reactionary ideas, as has been demonstrated by the experience of the German masses during the great depression.

Without a vanguard, revolution is not possible.

ckaihatsu
20th April 2008, 22:43
1) Expropriation throughout the economy and sovkhozization (not mere kolkhozization) of agriculture;
2) Planned economy;
3) Workers' control over the means of production;
4) Abolition of wage slavery and establishment of labour-time economics.

http://www.revleft.com/vb/lenins-conception-socialism-t74699/index.html


I'm finding the above as a good guide for the process of proceeding towards workers' government.

A vanguard party would be very useful in acting as a go-between among various localized struggles, while at the same time generalizing from those struggles to a broader offensive against the dictators of capital.