Log in

View Full Version : The accumulation of capital



Labor Shall Rule
10th April 2007, 06:00
I have recently been debating many proponents of the worker's state assuming the role of capital accumulation, of course in the historical context of the Soviet Republic, and someone has sent me an article from a certain organization that aruges the necessity of doing so in order to progress the relations in production foward, thus moving closer to socialism itself. I have argued the respective points that it was a betrayel of the revolution to place former managers back in control of their factories, and this was his response:

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The founding Marxists all recognized that communist society requires not only a long period of time before it can be established but also new conditions which have to be constructed from scratch. Socialized forms of production already exist under capitalism, but not the requisite social relations. Lenin put the problem this way:

“One of the fundamental differences between bourgeois revolution and socialist revolution is that for the bourgeois revolution, which arises out of feudalism, the new economic organizations are gradually created in the womb of the old order, gradually changing all the aspects of feudal society. The bourgeois revolution faced only one task – to sweep away, to cast aside, to destroy all the fetters of the preceding social order. By fulfilling this task every bourgeois revolution fulfills all that is required of it; it accelerates the growth of capitalism.
“The socialist revolution is in an altogether different position. ... The difference between a socialist revolution and a bourgeois revolution is that in the latter case there are ready-made forms of capitalist relation-ships; Soviet power - the proletarian power — does not inherit such ready-made relationships ,..”( Lenin, “Political Report of the Central Committee,” March 7, 1918; Collected Works, Vol. 27, pp. 89-90.)

In short, the bourgeois revolution places the bourgeoisie in power after its economic power has already been established, after the bourgeoisie has long existed as an economic class. Whereas the socialist revolution places the workers in power before socialist economic forms exist - before, for example, there can be any generalized non-commodity production. It is not enough, therefore, for the proletariat to simply do away with capitalists and their property; it must create from nothing the economic organization of socialism. The socialist revolution, unlike the bourgeois, is a conscious act of social transformation. Nevertheless, the workers’ state inherits a capitalist economy and must therefore live with it at the same time that it transforms it - it is indeed a bourgeois state without the bourgeoisie.

In order to overcome the laws and relations inherited from capitalism, the workers must consciously plan their economy. As increasingly more is produced and scarcity is conquered, the bourgeois laws are gradually reduced in force. Planning becomes fully dominant only when scarcity is ended, when the higher state of communism is reached. After all, there can be no qualitative change in production relations without a qualitative development of the productive forces.

The economic task of the workers’ state is therefore to carry out the accumulative potential of capitalism and destroy the social basis for continued scarcity. The proletarian logic is to eliminate value production, since this means class exploitation and is therefore a barrier to the advance of the productive forces. (In contrast, under capitalism workers must often resist modernization in order to defend their working and living conditions against deeper exploitation and unemployment.)

The proletarian state can accumulate value without the contradictions due to the separate ownership of capitalism - which makes exchange value and the labor time underlying it diverge. The reduction of scarcity under-mines the existence of classes, as owners and petty owners are transformed, forcibly in some cases and slowly in others, into producers. Thus the growing use values gradually lose their aspect as capital. When the proletariat finally eliminates itself as a separate class, the last remnant of capitalism is abolished in production and socialism begins.

As we know, Marx from time to time illustrated the contradictory nature of capitalism by comparing it with the future socialist society. One question he dealt with was why the barriers to accumulation inherent in capitalism would not also apply to communism or the transitional workers’ state. Here he shows how one capitalist barrier to the introduction of new ' machinery would be broken through:

“The use of machinery for the exclusive purpose of cheapening the product is limited in this way, that less labor must be expended in producing the machinery than is displaced by the employment of that machinery. For the capitalist, however, this use is still more limited. Instead of paying for the labor, he only pays the value of the labor power employed; therefore the limit to his using a machine is fixed by the difference between the value of the machine and the value of the labor power replaced by it.” (Capital, Vol. I, Chapter 15, Section 2 (p. 392).)

In Marx’s algebraic notation, where the value of commodities produced is C + V + S, the capitalist will employ new methods only if they lower his costs, C + V (constant plus variable capital) - that is, only if the additional C he must spend is less than the V that he saves. In contrast, in a workers’ state, efficiency would be less restrictive, and of course would exclude efforts to lower wages. Machinery could be introduced simply if it lowered the total cost; that is, if the additional C were, less than V + S – an easier condition to meet.

Our interpretation of Marx’s falling rate of profit theory provides an additional illustration of the greater efficiency of a workers’ state. Under standard interpretations, the FRP is an automatic consequence of the rising organic composition of capital. But the organic composition will continue to rise in a workers’ state: modernization and accumulation of capital to expand the resources of society are a necessity, hence embodied dead labor increases faster than living labor. If the standard interpretation were correct, the rising organic composition would make the rate of profit fall and would mean that society's rate of growth must slow down as dead labor accumulates. Thus the workers' state would stagnate, as in Bukharin’s model of state capitalism.

In our interpretation, on the contrary, the FRP comes to dominate its countertendencies because of the disproportionate power of the strongest capitals that characterizes the epoch of decay. It depends both on the preponderant role played by monopolies in preventing equalization of the rate of profit and generating fictitious capital, and on the international inequality that allows imperialists the lions’ share of surplus value. But under a workers’ state, the major industries will be taken over from private capital, the special influence of powerful monopolies and the role of fictitious capital will end, and national limitations will be on their way out. The devaluation of fixed capital (in terms of labor time) that comes with increased productivity would make it easier, not harder, to invest in new techniques of production. Consequently, even during the period when thee workers’ state has not yet succeeded in abolishing value and capital, productive advances would not cause it to stagnate.

The early Soviet Union, the only workers’ state that has yet existed long enough to put theory to the test, reflected these theoretical considerations only in part. It suffered from the illnesses of backward, not advanced, capitalism; still it was able to overcome the economic stagnation dominant in the capitalist world in the 1930’s, largely because of the centralized power of its state. Today’s USSR, however, embodying statified capitalism, does exhibit the stagnation tendencies imposed by the FRP (Chapter 5).

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

He has argued therefore, that state capitalism was a necessity, and that the upper stratum of the Bolshevik Party were in no betraying the revolution, but rather taking on a variating role within the proletarian state to develop capitalist relations in production, which would therefore make the transition to socialism a possibility.

sexyguy
11th April 2007, 17:09
"He has argued therefore, that state capitalism was a necessity, and that the upper stratum of the Bolshevik Party were in no betraying the revolution, but rather taking on a variating role within the proletarian state to develop capitalist relations in production, which would therefore make the transition to socialism a possibility."

I recon that's about right. What are the alternatives?

Labor Shall Rule
12th April 2007, 00:46
I don't know. I was hoping to hear responses from left communists and anarchists.

Die Neue Zeit
13th April 2007, 04:27
ComradeRed just called me a revisionist (and also utopian for some weird reason) for proposing the exact same thing you said: revolutionary stamocap as the "evolutionary" transition to socialism. (http://www.revleft.com/index.php?showtopic=65240)

ComradeRed
13th April 2007, 05:10
Originally posted by [email protected] 12, 2007 07:27 pm
ComradeRed just called me a revisionist (and also utopian for some weird reason) for proposing the exact same thing you said: revolutionary stamocap as the "evolutionary" transition to socialism. (http://www.revleft.com/index.php?showtopic=65240)
Proposing that capitalism (regardless of whatever adjectives you wish to add to it) evolves into socialism is definitionally revisionism.

But here RedDali appears to be suggesting instead that the historical role of the Bolshevik Party was in establishing capitalism which is necessary for socialism to come about. (The real contraversy by the by is in whether or not they were trying to do this and establish socialism in one go or two.)

As for the "utopian" comment, suggesting "this is how things will be after the revolution" is utopian (again by virtue of definition).

RedDali

I question whether the Soviet Union was ever a "worker's state" as, if we were to accept your conclusion about this being a capitalism with whatever adjectives you want to add on to it, it would necessarily be a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

(Interesting parallel: Lenin did say in a speech that the Soviet Union was a "dictatorship of the party".)

I don't think that the bolshevik party was in any way "betraying" the revolution, as it was effectively a bourgeois revolution in a feudal nation. They were little more than bourgeois revolutionaries.

They did what they came to do: industrialize a backwater, feudal nation. They did it (relative to other historical examples) the most effectively too.

So the revolution was a success.

Die Neue Zeit
13th April 2007, 05:12
Originally posted by [email protected] 13, 2007 04:10 am
As for the "utopian" comment, suggesting "this is how things will be after the revolution" is utopian (again by virtue of definition).
No - "utopian" refers to what happens in the socialist society itself, which is a long road down after those two revolutionary steps immediately beforehand: socialist revolution per se and revolutionary stamocap.

[And I'd substitute "will" for "should."]

ComradeRed
13th April 2007, 06:05
Originally posted by Hammer+April 12, 2007 08:12 pm--> (Hammer @ April 12, 2007 08:12 pm)
[email protected] 13, 2007 04:10 am
As for the "utopian" comment, suggesting "this is how things will be after the revolution" is utopian (again by virtue of definition).
No - "utopian" refers to what happens in the socialist society itself, which is a long road down after those two revolutionary steps immediately beforehand: socialist revolution per se and revolutionary stamocap.[/b]
Saying "This is how things will be after the revolution..." is utopian, plain and simple.

Asserting that after the revolution there will be "revolution stamocap" is thus utopian.

We don't really know the material conditions that will bring about the revolution. Most likely it will be something dealing with reducing scarcities (like nanotechnology), but we don't really know that for certain.

How things will be after such material conditions have come to fruition is harder to talk about. Most likely there will be a revolution in due time afterwards, and then...?

You say it will be "revolutionary stamocap", but that sounds like utopian nonsense. We can inspect the material conditions that historically brought about "stamocap": a late feudal society surrounded by bourgeois states!

Is that really how things will be for the revolution to come about?!?

I think that your crystal ball is "too cloudy", perhaps we should "ask again later" :lol:

Die Neue Zeit
13th April 2007, 06:22
Originally posted by [email protected] 13, 2007 05:05 am
Saying "This is how things will be after the revolution..." is utopian, plain and simple.

Asserting that after the revolution there will be "revolutionary stamocap" is thus utopian.

...

You say it will be "revolutionary stamocap", but that sounds like utopian nonsense. We can inspect the material conditions that historically brought about "stamocap": a late feudal society surrounded by bourgeois states!

Is that really how things will be for the revolution to come about?!?

I think that your crystal ball is "too cloudy", perhaps we should "ask again later" :lol:
So you&#39;re implying that Lenin was both a revisionist (revolutionary stamocap as the step forward to socialism from Big Business monopoly capitalism) and a utopian (for his State and Revolution)? <_<

KC
13th April 2007, 06:53
Originally posted by Hammer
So you&#39;re implying that Lenin was both a revisionist (revolutionary stamocap as the step forward to socialism from Big Business monopoly capitalism) and a utopian (for his State and Revolution)?

Did Lenin ever claim that stamocap was necessary in all cases for the overall transition, or was he speaking solely of Russia at the time? In other words, did Lenin treat it as principle or tactic?


You say it will be "revolutionary stamocap", but that sounds like utopian nonsense. We can inspect the material conditions that historically brought about "stamocap": a late feudal society surrounded by bourgeois states&#33;

That&#39;s not really what brought it about. You can&#39;t simplify the state of Russia at the time as a "late feudal society" because it had a very large industrial sector as well as primitive feudal relations in the country. It was a very odd mix of developed capitalism and feudalism, and to state that it was simply "a late feudal society" is incorrect, as it was an incredibly unusual situation with regards to the development of other countries from feudalism to capitalism.

I would say that it was caused by massive financial problems due to the poor management of the war by the Tsar, the civil war and defense against enemy invasions as well as poor tactical and economical decisions by the Bolsheviks.

I don&#39;t think you could extrapolate the conditions of Russia out to other countries by simply calling it "late feudalism" because you&#39;re homogenizing capitalist development as well as saying that this development will bring about identical material conditions, which I think we both know is incorrect.

But on the subject at hand, I think that stamocap can be acceptable in certain situations depending on the political organization of the proletariat and the structure that the state takes in maintaining proletarian rule and administering such policies.

ComradeRed
14th April 2007, 01:40
Originally posted by Zampanò+April 12, 2007 09:53 pm--> (Zampanò &#064; April 12, 2007 09:53 pm)That&#39;s not really what brought it about. You can&#39;t simplify the state of Russia at the time as a "late feudal society" because it had a very large industrial sector as well as primitive feudal relations in the country. It was a very odd mix of developed capitalism and feudalism, and to state that it was simply "a late feudal society" is incorrect, as it was an incredibly unusual situation with regards to the development of other countries from feudalism to capitalism.[/b] What&#39;s your source for this?

Mine is An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe by Ivan T. Berend:
Originally posted by Berend+ pg. 34--> (Berend &#064; pg. 34)Russia, a great European power and military giant, preserved its traditional agriculture (Liashchenko, 1952). It more or less stagnated in the 1890s, and output even decreased on a per capita basis. Overtaxed and exploited by the state, it provided a rather weak and fragile domestic market. [...] [Russian] GDP levels were still rather low in 1913, at only 71%, 60%, and 40% of the Hungarian, Italian, and average Western European levels, respectively. Russian modernization was thus a partial failure, but at least industrialization had begun.[/b] --emphasis added


Originally posted by [email protected] pg. 34
Poland, Finland, and the Baltic counties [...] began to industrialize in response to export opportunities presented by Russian markets. Measured by per capita output, these countries also achieved growth rates twice as high as their Russian counterparts and were able to build agrarian-industrial economies. --emphasis added


Originally posted by [email protected] pg. 38
The gap between the West on the one hand and Southern and Eastern Europe on the other remained wide and, regarding Southern Europe, even broadened. Industrialization had more or less failed in this region. Agricultural employment continued to dominate, at 75-80% of the active population in Russia and the Balkans, and 55-70% in Italy, Portugal, Hungary, Poland, and Spain. Industrial employment remained below one-fifth of total employment, and industrial output accounted for less than one quarter of GDP by 1910 (Berend and Ranki, 1982: 159). --emphasis added


[email protected] pg. 39
Most the the countries of Southern and Eastern Europe, though they tried to adopt the Western model of laissez-faire policies, were increasingly unable to generate successful industrialization. --emphasis added

To be honest, it doesn&#39;t look good for the "But Russia was a mixture of industrialized capitalism and agrarian feudalism" thesis.


Zampanò
I would say that it was caused by massive financial problems due to the poor management of the war by the Tsar, the civil war and defense against enemy invasions as well as poor tactical and economical decisions by the Bolsheviks. I think the Tsar was mismanaging things prior to the war, e.g. raising tariffs ridiculously high so Russians had to buy Russian made goods.

My own personal bias is that things went along, from 1900 to about 1950, just as Marx explained (http://marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch14.htm) what happens to late feudal societies developing into the capitalist mode of production.


I don&#39;t think you could extrapolate the conditions of Russia out to other countries by simply calling it "late feudalism" because you&#39;re homogenizing capitalist development as well as saying that this development will bring about identical material conditions, which I think we both know is incorrect. Could you clarify that for me? What do you mean by "homogenizing capitalist development"?

As for the "this development will...", you&#39;re referring to capitalist development? If so I am uncertain what you mean by "identical material conditions" - more specifically, what are they?

I think "in the grand scheme of things" capitalism will bring about the material conditions for its demise. So in such a sense, capitalist development does (in the long run) bring about "identical" material conditions (read: material conditions that bring about the same effect).

But I am uncertain with what you mean exactly by "bring about identical material conditions".