PRC-UTE
9th January 2007, 00:36
Dying days of the Good Friday Agreement.
When the Good Friday Agreement was reached in early 1998 the IRSP was not in a strong position politically. We had just come through a two years of internal turmoil as the rank and file of the organisation fought to restore the party to its core principles, which had been abandoned by a militaristic and suspect leadership. In the process we had lost Gino Gallagher who laid the basis for the implementation of the revolutionary principles for republican socialism as laid down by Ta Power. We had just held our first Ard-Feis for over 12 years. But while numerically small and considered by other republicans to be “one man and a fax machine” we had a republican socialist analysis of the politics of Ireland that has been totally vindicated by the events of the last nine years.
We said that the Good Friday Agreement would not succeed. It would not end discrimination, it would encourage sectarianism by institutionalizing it and that it copper-fastened partition. We called for a no vote in the subsequent referendum. We encouraged the INLA to call its ceasefire as that referendum had made clear the wishes of the vast majority of the people on the island was for peace.
We argued face to face with them that the Provisional Sinn Fein organisation did not have to take part in the power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal economic policies. We referred to that approach as the McCann option-named after veteran socialist Eamon McCann, who had first put forward that option.
However the provisionals rejected that approach, adopted a communal approach( the antithesis of a republican position) claiming to represent the nationalists (and the nationalists only) and sought power. As a consequence they decommissioned all their weapons, entered Stormont, worked British rule in the North, implemented privatization policies, bowed the knee to USA war lord George Bush, colluded in the doing away with the political status gained by the heroic deaths of 10 hunger strikers and belittle and demeaned other republicans who rejected their reformism.
Now as they ponder the prospect of supporting the Police Service of Northern Ireland chickens are coming home to roost. Many of their members who swallowed without protest the long procession of u-turns now have reached the point of no return. A group of Concerned Republicans (which the IRSP are involved in) has held two public meeting on the issue of policing. For the first time in years Sinn Fein have been forced to justify their position in public before other republicans. Prominent members have resigned and are now considering standing as independent republicans if an election is held in March 2007. While some republicans and socialists may enjoy the spectacle of seeing Sinn Fein in difficulties they also need to take the long view. Short term provo- bashing will not win people to a principled position but only alienate possible future allies in the struggle against Imperialism
An important aspect of the policing debate is that it is almost entirely a Provisional Sinn Fein matter. The basic question posed is do Sinn Fein republicans implement British justice and policing? As a consequence of the Good Friday Agreement it was always going to come down to this. The leadership of Sinn Fein has answered that question in the affirmative at their last Ard-Comhairle meeting. The IRSP, Republican Sinn Fein and 32 County Sovereignty Movement all reject the Sinn Fein (provisional) position
If a Sinn Fein Ard Feis endorses the PSNI it is the price they are paying so that arch bigot, and hater of Catholics, Ian Paisley can become First Minister. Paisley in fact has now got a veto over whether there will be power sharing in the North. People should never forget that many years ago Paisley was a strong supporter of direct rule from Westminster. So even if Sinn Fein accept positions on the Policing Board and local district partnerships, the DUP still hold the winning cards. They can now have Paisley as First Minister or prevent Sinn Fein from sharing power by forcing Britain to a long period of direct rule. Either way they can claim success to their followers.
Some success for the peace process, some success for Sinn Fein's strategy.
What we are now witnessing in the North of Ireland is the dying days of the Good Friday Agreement. Nine years after its acceptance it still has not been implemented and has now been superseded by the St. Andrews Agreement which neither Sinn Fein nor the DUP signed up to.
The IRSP has held its position consistently over the past ten years. In all the excitement generated by the policing debate and the fall out from it, it would be a major mistake for the IRSP to abandon its clear principled republican socialist party building approach for short-term electoral advantage. Of course we should support whole-heartedly those who have a similar position to ourselves. But before supporting other candidates we need to remember the long term position of the Irish working class will not be advanced by unprincipled alliances.
When the Good Friday Agreement was reached in early 1998 the IRSP was not in a strong position politically. We had just come through a two years of internal turmoil as the rank and file of the organisation fought to restore the party to its core principles, which had been abandoned by a militaristic and suspect leadership. In the process we had lost Gino Gallagher who laid the basis for the implementation of the revolutionary principles for republican socialism as laid down by Ta Power. We had just held our first Ard-Feis for over 12 years. But while numerically small and considered by other republicans to be “one man and a fax machine” we had a republican socialist analysis of the politics of Ireland that has been totally vindicated by the events of the last nine years.
We said that the Good Friday Agreement would not succeed. It would not end discrimination, it would encourage sectarianism by institutionalizing it and that it copper-fastened partition. We called for a no vote in the subsequent referendum. We encouraged the INLA to call its ceasefire as that referendum had made clear the wishes of the vast majority of the people on the island was for peace.
We argued face to face with them that the Provisional Sinn Fein organisation did not have to take part in the power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal economic policies. We referred to that approach as the McCann option-named after veteran socialist Eamon McCann, who had first put forward that option.
However the provisionals rejected that approach, adopted a communal approach( the antithesis of a republican position) claiming to represent the nationalists (and the nationalists only) and sought power. As a consequence they decommissioned all their weapons, entered Stormont, worked British rule in the North, implemented privatization policies, bowed the knee to USA war lord George Bush, colluded in the doing away with the political status gained by the heroic deaths of 10 hunger strikers and belittle and demeaned other republicans who rejected their reformism.
Now as they ponder the prospect of supporting the Police Service of Northern Ireland chickens are coming home to roost. Many of their members who swallowed without protest the long procession of u-turns now have reached the point of no return. A group of Concerned Republicans (which the IRSP are involved in) has held two public meeting on the issue of policing. For the first time in years Sinn Fein have been forced to justify their position in public before other republicans. Prominent members have resigned and are now considering standing as independent republicans if an election is held in March 2007. While some republicans and socialists may enjoy the spectacle of seeing Sinn Fein in difficulties they also need to take the long view. Short term provo- bashing will not win people to a principled position but only alienate possible future allies in the struggle against Imperialism
An important aspect of the policing debate is that it is almost entirely a Provisional Sinn Fein matter. The basic question posed is do Sinn Fein republicans implement British justice and policing? As a consequence of the Good Friday Agreement it was always going to come down to this. The leadership of Sinn Fein has answered that question in the affirmative at their last Ard-Comhairle meeting. The IRSP, Republican Sinn Fein and 32 County Sovereignty Movement all reject the Sinn Fein (provisional) position
If a Sinn Fein Ard Feis endorses the PSNI it is the price they are paying so that arch bigot, and hater of Catholics, Ian Paisley can become First Minister. Paisley in fact has now got a veto over whether there will be power sharing in the North. People should never forget that many years ago Paisley was a strong supporter of direct rule from Westminster. So even if Sinn Fein accept positions on the Policing Board and local district partnerships, the DUP still hold the winning cards. They can now have Paisley as First Minister or prevent Sinn Fein from sharing power by forcing Britain to a long period of direct rule. Either way they can claim success to their followers.
Some success for the peace process, some success for Sinn Fein's strategy.
What we are now witnessing in the North of Ireland is the dying days of the Good Friday Agreement. Nine years after its acceptance it still has not been implemented and has now been superseded by the St. Andrews Agreement which neither Sinn Fein nor the DUP signed up to.
The IRSP has held its position consistently over the past ten years. In all the excitement generated by the policing debate and the fall out from it, it would be a major mistake for the IRSP to abandon its clear principled republican socialist party building approach for short-term electoral advantage. Of course we should support whole-heartedly those who have a similar position to ourselves. But before supporting other candidates we need to remember the long term position of the Irish working class will not be advanced by unprincipled alliances.