Hiero
5th November 2006, 07:10
Here is an essay I did for uni. I lost a few marks for poor expression but I think it is an ok run down. I got 70/100. They part on Taussig's work in Colombia was hard to understand.
Shamanism in South America.
Shamanism is the connection between the physical world and the unseen world. Shamans are people who are able to make this transcendence. They often use a hallucinogenic drug to have visions, which they can interrupt. Shamans transcend into a higher plane to gain information, this can be used for healing or attacking potential enemies. This essay looks at the practice of such rituals and relationships between the drug and users. All Shamans are from South America, in such places as Western Amazon and North Peru. The essay compares visions between two racial/social groups. It is also noteworthy to make a comparison between woman and male shamans. Between the two genders there is a difference surrounding the ideas, methods and goals of healing.
Shamanism often involves rituals with a group of people. During the ritual the Shamans or people under guidance of the Shaman consume a drug to induce a hallucinogenic trance. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff (1971) recorded one such ritual of the Desana people in the Northwest Amazon.
The drug used in this ritual is created from a vine called yaje or gahpi in Desana language. It is pounded and then created into a watery mixture, which it is then stored in a sacred pot. The ceremony is organised by either kumu (priest) or a paye (shaman). They invite people several times a year to participate. Participates are mostly all males over 30. The liquid is poured into a cup and passed around to be consumed. The ritual takes place in a maloca, which is a hut. Smoking tobacco is necessary to produce the desired hallucinations (1971, p.172).
Women are present at the event and sit in the back. Their role is to animate the men. This involves singing and chanting to the men to continue drinking. They do not consume the drug (1971, p.172, 174).
The hallucinations have phases. The men hallucinate that they leave the world and enter the Milk Way. After this they travel to different places, travelling through each place in an order like a linear journey. The whole time they describe the experience to the kumu, who then interprets their hallucinations. Any men who become nauseated leave the maloca. These tend to be the younger men (1971, p.173).
The ritual is meant to reaffirm their religious faith. Through personal experience, it strengthens their belief. They see the prominent religious figures of their creation myths during their journey, this further convinces them. The whole time the kumu has been a guide who explains all, so there is no misconceptions (1971, p.174)
This Shamanistic ritual is a religious conviction. They use the yaje to enter a trance which they are now able to travel from the physical world. They are able to establish divine contact by conducting the ritual. (1971, p.174). This is one example of a shamanistic ritual with the use of drugs. The example also shows relationships and hierarchy. The kumu is an authority to the men taking the drug. They are dependant on him to understand and achieve the desired hallucinogenic trance.
Visions seen while in a trance are very important in the healing process. People will see experience different vision, and this vision have special connotations to the viewer. Taussig (1986) worked with Indians in southwest Colombia, and compares two visions. Both men have taken the drug yage while under guidance of a shaman.
The first vision is an Indian man’s most powerful vision, which occurred while helping cure a sick woman. At first the vision begins with angels coming from the clouds. As the drug’s influence increases he begins to see a city. He described shamans and other people forming the streets of the city, while dancing to music. He describes this people as “yage people”. The next thing he sees is the Colombian army. They are describing as being dress superior to everyone else and they are covered in gold. It is the army who has the ability to heal. (1986, 322-323).
The other vision is from a White man, he took the drug under shaman guidance at age 15 after his uncle persuasion. He has a negative attitude towards the Indians. Tausigg takes not that this man believes that yage can’t heal, it only reveals to the shaman how to heal. His vision involves animals, first a pig then a tiger then snake. His vision also involves storms and darkness. He also sees the devil, when questioned afterwards the devil is synonymous with the shamans. This seems to be the case as in his recount he views the shaman, then the devil immediately after one another. In his vision he dies, but is brought back to life after meeting god who tells him to return (1986, p.325-327).
The significance of these stories is when they are compared. The Indian views the Colombian as magnificent and helps the shaman heal. The White colonialist views the shaman as the devil. His story includes wildness, seen in the animals and storms. The analysis by Taussig is that both visions are the antithesis of these individuals. He’s analysis is the two vision display underlying colonial reality (1986, p.327). He’s ultimately analysis in the differences of vision is that it is a racial class war. It is a struggle with sorcery for the search for redemption (1986, p.330). The colonist and coloniser have both crossed each others world looking for their cure.
Apart from difference between racial groups, genders also have different ideas about shamanistic power. Bonnie Glass-Coffin conducted field work in North Peru on female Shamans. Her book is a feminist analysis and very personal. Her focus of study was on women and their relationship with shamanistic healing. There are two types of shamans in this society, those that heal (curanderos) and those who inflict harm. Both Shamans conduct there ritual at a ritual alter (mesa) and use San Pedro Cactus to travel into the unseen world so they can find the cause of the illness. They understand the travelling as spiritual not physical. The mesa ritual is done between sundown and midnight, the San Pedro is served around the group and then the healer performs actions to draw out the dano (the inflicted harm). This is the basic ritual, which is conducted by men, Glass-Coffin is interested in woman healers (1998, p.18-27).
Glass-Coffin notes that Jorclemon and Sharon’s viewed women taking on the role as curanderos was empowering. The women were able to criticise and lay blame for their problems on men within the family who control their lives. However some mesa rituals advise the woman to submit to God’s will, which is synonymous with living within socially defined behaviour. This way men and mother in laws had no reason to abuse their position of power (1998, p.182-184).
Class Coffin found a difference in genders by their approaches, goals and idea of how to heal a sick person. Class-Coffin stated the women curadneras of northern Peru emphasise the paradox of agency and submission (1998, p.185).They do not heal the patients alone, rather through the ritual they are able to give advice to the patient. This way the patient must participate in the healing. They emphasize agency as a way to curing the illnesses. There is no vanquishing of dano rather a change to accommodate to the social relations with males, mother in laws etc. This mode of thinking is emphasized by Class-Coffin personal experience with the shamans. Her failure to find the cause of her problems was because she had an outward look. The advice was to look inwards, the solution was to redefine herself (1998, p.186).
In Class-Coffins research, there is an obvious difference in shamanism by genders. The male shamans of northern Peru use mesa rituals and consume the San Pedro Cactus to look into the unseen world to heal. They look for the causes of the illness and try to vanquish them. They woman however facing a patriarchal system, which they accept, must heal by focusing on the power of agency. Agency being the only power they have. They use the ritual to travel to the unseen world. Though they do not vanquish, rather they give advice on how to change, which in return heals the woman, rather then defeating the sorcerer.
Shamanism is the ability to attain knowledge from the unseen world. This essay highlights briefly some rituals and custom involved in Shamanism and the consuming of hallucinogenic drugs. By looking at a ritual involving many people in the Desana we see relationships and hierocracy. We also an active participation in religion, which in turn helps reaffirm religious conviction. Comparing visions and analysing the two shows the complexity of visions. It also highlights conflicts between two different groups of colonialism. Though while all shamans heal, we see in the case of north Peru where there are woman shamans, gender conditions the use of shamanism. Shamanism is a complex thing conditioned by the people who use it, but ultimately it is the journey into the unseen world to reveal hidden truths and cures.
Bibliography:
Glass-Coffin, B. ‘The Gift of Life, Female Spirituality and Healing in Northern Peru’ Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998.
Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. “Amazonian Cosmos, The Sexual and Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians” Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1971.
Taussig, M. “Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man” Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1986.
Shamanism in South America.
Shamanism is the connection between the physical world and the unseen world. Shamans are people who are able to make this transcendence. They often use a hallucinogenic drug to have visions, which they can interrupt. Shamans transcend into a higher plane to gain information, this can be used for healing or attacking potential enemies. This essay looks at the practice of such rituals and relationships between the drug and users. All Shamans are from South America, in such places as Western Amazon and North Peru. The essay compares visions between two racial/social groups. It is also noteworthy to make a comparison between woman and male shamans. Between the two genders there is a difference surrounding the ideas, methods and goals of healing.
Shamanism often involves rituals with a group of people. During the ritual the Shamans or people under guidance of the Shaman consume a drug to induce a hallucinogenic trance. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff (1971) recorded one such ritual of the Desana people in the Northwest Amazon.
The drug used in this ritual is created from a vine called yaje or gahpi in Desana language. It is pounded and then created into a watery mixture, which it is then stored in a sacred pot. The ceremony is organised by either kumu (priest) or a paye (shaman). They invite people several times a year to participate. Participates are mostly all males over 30. The liquid is poured into a cup and passed around to be consumed. The ritual takes place in a maloca, which is a hut. Smoking tobacco is necessary to produce the desired hallucinations (1971, p.172).
Women are present at the event and sit in the back. Their role is to animate the men. This involves singing and chanting to the men to continue drinking. They do not consume the drug (1971, p.172, 174).
The hallucinations have phases. The men hallucinate that they leave the world and enter the Milk Way. After this they travel to different places, travelling through each place in an order like a linear journey. The whole time they describe the experience to the kumu, who then interprets their hallucinations. Any men who become nauseated leave the maloca. These tend to be the younger men (1971, p.173).
The ritual is meant to reaffirm their religious faith. Through personal experience, it strengthens their belief. They see the prominent religious figures of their creation myths during their journey, this further convinces them. The whole time the kumu has been a guide who explains all, so there is no misconceptions (1971, p.174)
This Shamanistic ritual is a religious conviction. They use the yaje to enter a trance which they are now able to travel from the physical world. They are able to establish divine contact by conducting the ritual. (1971, p.174). This is one example of a shamanistic ritual with the use of drugs. The example also shows relationships and hierarchy. The kumu is an authority to the men taking the drug. They are dependant on him to understand and achieve the desired hallucinogenic trance.
Visions seen while in a trance are very important in the healing process. People will see experience different vision, and this vision have special connotations to the viewer. Taussig (1986) worked with Indians in southwest Colombia, and compares two visions. Both men have taken the drug yage while under guidance of a shaman.
The first vision is an Indian man’s most powerful vision, which occurred while helping cure a sick woman. At first the vision begins with angels coming from the clouds. As the drug’s influence increases he begins to see a city. He described shamans and other people forming the streets of the city, while dancing to music. He describes this people as “yage people”. The next thing he sees is the Colombian army. They are describing as being dress superior to everyone else and they are covered in gold. It is the army who has the ability to heal. (1986, 322-323).
The other vision is from a White man, he took the drug under shaman guidance at age 15 after his uncle persuasion. He has a negative attitude towards the Indians. Tausigg takes not that this man believes that yage can’t heal, it only reveals to the shaman how to heal. His vision involves animals, first a pig then a tiger then snake. His vision also involves storms and darkness. He also sees the devil, when questioned afterwards the devil is synonymous with the shamans. This seems to be the case as in his recount he views the shaman, then the devil immediately after one another. In his vision he dies, but is brought back to life after meeting god who tells him to return (1986, p.325-327).
The significance of these stories is when they are compared. The Indian views the Colombian as magnificent and helps the shaman heal. The White colonialist views the shaman as the devil. His story includes wildness, seen in the animals and storms. The analysis by Taussig is that both visions are the antithesis of these individuals. He’s analysis is the two vision display underlying colonial reality (1986, p.327). He’s ultimately analysis in the differences of vision is that it is a racial class war. It is a struggle with sorcery for the search for redemption (1986, p.330). The colonist and coloniser have both crossed each others world looking for their cure.
Apart from difference between racial groups, genders also have different ideas about shamanistic power. Bonnie Glass-Coffin conducted field work in North Peru on female Shamans. Her book is a feminist analysis and very personal. Her focus of study was on women and their relationship with shamanistic healing. There are two types of shamans in this society, those that heal (curanderos) and those who inflict harm. Both Shamans conduct there ritual at a ritual alter (mesa) and use San Pedro Cactus to travel into the unseen world so they can find the cause of the illness. They understand the travelling as spiritual not physical. The mesa ritual is done between sundown and midnight, the San Pedro is served around the group and then the healer performs actions to draw out the dano (the inflicted harm). This is the basic ritual, which is conducted by men, Glass-Coffin is interested in woman healers (1998, p.18-27).
Glass-Coffin notes that Jorclemon and Sharon’s viewed women taking on the role as curanderos was empowering. The women were able to criticise and lay blame for their problems on men within the family who control their lives. However some mesa rituals advise the woman to submit to God’s will, which is synonymous with living within socially defined behaviour. This way men and mother in laws had no reason to abuse their position of power (1998, p.182-184).
Class Coffin found a difference in genders by their approaches, goals and idea of how to heal a sick person. Class-Coffin stated the women curadneras of northern Peru emphasise the paradox of agency and submission (1998, p.185).They do not heal the patients alone, rather through the ritual they are able to give advice to the patient. This way the patient must participate in the healing. They emphasize agency as a way to curing the illnesses. There is no vanquishing of dano rather a change to accommodate to the social relations with males, mother in laws etc. This mode of thinking is emphasized by Class-Coffin personal experience with the shamans. Her failure to find the cause of her problems was because she had an outward look. The advice was to look inwards, the solution was to redefine herself (1998, p.186).
In Class-Coffins research, there is an obvious difference in shamanism by genders. The male shamans of northern Peru use mesa rituals and consume the San Pedro Cactus to look into the unseen world to heal. They look for the causes of the illness and try to vanquish them. They woman however facing a patriarchal system, which they accept, must heal by focusing on the power of agency. Agency being the only power they have. They use the ritual to travel to the unseen world. Though they do not vanquish, rather they give advice on how to change, which in return heals the woman, rather then defeating the sorcerer.
Shamanism is the ability to attain knowledge from the unseen world. This essay highlights briefly some rituals and custom involved in Shamanism and the consuming of hallucinogenic drugs. By looking at a ritual involving many people in the Desana we see relationships and hierocracy. We also an active participation in religion, which in turn helps reaffirm religious conviction. Comparing visions and analysing the two shows the complexity of visions. It also highlights conflicts between two different groups of colonialism. Though while all shamans heal, we see in the case of north Peru where there are woman shamans, gender conditions the use of shamanism. Shamanism is a complex thing conditioned by the people who use it, but ultimately it is the journey into the unseen world to reveal hidden truths and cures.
Bibliography:
Glass-Coffin, B. ‘The Gift of Life, Female Spirituality and Healing in Northern Peru’ Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998.
Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. “Amazonian Cosmos, The Sexual and Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians” Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1971.
Taussig, M. “Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man” Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1986.