Originally posted by
[email protected] 01, 2006 07:47 am
Well, obviously. But then no one on this board (outside of OI) is supporting US imperialist attacks or free market restoration in any self-styled "socialist" regimes.
I hope you're right. But certainly there are many who sit on the fence rather than side with the countries being attacked!
Really, I think there are very few leftists who recognize the need to defend the remaining gains of these revolutions. Which today, means first of all defending those gains against the more and more openly pro-capitalist regimes.
That's one symptom of the increasing rottenness of "the left," really. Much of it was attached to those regimes - not to the workers' gains in those societies. When they lost their attachment to the regimes - that became clearer than ever.
The historic debate over the character of these countries is all about political conclusions - which side to take in international conflicts.
*"Workers states" - side with these countries against the capitalist world.
*"Bureaucratic collectivism" - people advocating this view typically ended up siding with capitalism - as "State Department" social democrats or outright defenders of capitalism. Most famously Burnham and Schactman. It actually makes more abstract intellectual sense than "state capitalism", but its less common on the left - because its political conclusions tend to take people out of the left.
*"State capitalism" - typically started out sitting on the fence, equally blaming American imperialism and "Soviet imperialism". Both Tony Cliff and Mao Tse-tung took this stand. Those are two main people who developed "theories" that the USSR was capitalist. Your version, BTW, is probably Mao's - you got it from Redstar, who got it from the Progressive Labor Party, who got it from Mao. Certainly you lack Cliff's relative theoretical sophistication.
It can be hard to remain balanced on a fence when it comes to the class struggle. For example, Mao later went over fully to alliance with U.S. imperialism, arguing that "Soviet imperialism" was the larger problem. Worse, his most faithful followers internationally went along with this.
Now here's the interesting bit: as a consequence, they didn't just have to oppose the USSR; they had to oppose all kinds of workers' movements and national liberation movements in the world, which took aid from the USSR or which included pro-Moscow CPs. They had to support all kinds of rightist movements against them.
Which says something about the relation of these inter-state conflicts - to the world class struggle.
Even the most hard-line Stalinist will acknowledge that the USSR of 1989 was anything but socialist. But it's social programmes were still more extensive than those of the Russian Federation which would replace it.
It was these objective programmes which made the difference, not some mythical nonsense about "degenerated workers" or "revolutionary foundations".
Ah yes, how mystical and non-objective of me to emphasize the differences in the economic foundations of society, over the political regime.
The difference between the USSR and other countries was not simply welfare programs as we all know and love them. It's the functioning of every unit of the economy. They did not run on a profit basis, and that had social consequences.
Foreign capitalist who bought up Soviet industries found that out the hard way: they sometimes also bought all kinds of social obligations - to provide heat to a town, food to employees, day care.....they immediately set out to make these industries profitable, of course, most obviously by getting rid of a lot of workers.
This had a lot to do with the human catastrophe associated with trying to restore capitalism. It's not just "social programmes".
Specifically, it would be nice to see the Republic of Cuba actually adhere to some principles of Republicanism. Not that the Republic is traditionally a good paradigm of democracy, but it sure beats the hell out of abject tyrany.
Not to mention that a more liberal political system would garner Cuba a lot more friends and a lot more credibility.
Well, those are odd statements for a self-described anarchist. I've thought that you're basically a liberal, but didn't expect you to get so explicit about it.
This is a call for bourgeois democracy in Cuba. Which would be a step backwards.
What Cuba needs is more workers' democracy - but it has a lot more already than you seem aware of. In favoring more democracy in Cuba, it's important to make that clear - to avoid calling for democracy in the same terms that Washington and other supporters of capitalism do!
(BTW, "republic" (literally, "the public thing") doesn't mean anything definite other than "not a monarchy". So who knows what you mean about the principles of Republicanism, except that it's bourgeois democratic claptrap.)
A few pesky facts I've presented in the past, on why Cuba is not ruled by "abject tyranny" and on examples of workers' democracy there:
link (http://www.revolutionaryleft.com/index.php?showtopic=46131&st=0&#entry1292018204)
link (http://www.revolutionaryleft.com/index.php?showtopic=32995&st=0&#entry503038)
link (http://www.revolutionaryleft.com/index.php?showtopic=35695&st=25)
Others have also given some facts on this; I and others might be inclined to provide more - if our opponents' didn't so consistently dismiss all facts and figures about Cuba as irrelevant.
Yes, labeling a regime a "workers' state" implies that it should be defended from attack, but it also implies that the institions of said state are, in some part, actually ontrolled by workers.
I'm sorry, but that was not in fact implied or stated by Trotsky. It's a "straw man" argument to claim that this is believed by those of us who agree with his analysis of the USSR.
Again, you might consider reading "The Revolution Betrayed" or "In Defense of Marxism" before attempting to contest that analysis; it might not kill you to know the position you're arguing against.
If you're hung up on the literal meaning of the words or how people on the street may perceive them - I agree the terminology can be misleading. I don't that often use the exact phrase myself - sometimes I say "postcapitalist countries" for example.
Again, purely terminological arguments are pointless; the larger issue is whether the analysis is correct.
Equating regimes like Cuba with communism, therefore, only realizes these fears. Because if Cuba's really as good as it can get, no one's interested.
Funny; a lot of people who visit it seem favorably impressed. A lot of other people don't share you're ignorant assumption that it's an "abject tyranny."
Funny it's in Latin America that working people are moving forward in struggle most; and the only place lately where working people try even tentatively to reach for power. There are many reasons for that - but certainly the sympathy for Cuba among most Latin American far-leftists - and many working people - hasn't prevented it.
And just maybe.....the example of Cuba has some positive influence? Isn't that why Washington is so determined to crush them, sometimes stated even in their internal documents - what some have called "the danger of a good example"?
Struggles don't have to be in the streets to be real, Severian. The class war is far more complex than that.
In bureaucratic regimes like Cuba and the former Soviet Union, the latent power of the populace at large is understood by the government without the need for overt demonstrations.
The only thing keeping Stalinist administrators in their jobs (aside from well-trained armed guards and a monopoly on weapons) is the understanding by those they rule that a free market restoration would be worse.
Vague and gassy. But thanks for the admission that you can't point to any working-class or progressive opposition to the Cuban government.
In fact, "latent power" without some action does not wring concessions from any ruling elite. Without struggle, there is no progress.
And fear of capitalist restoration does not always keep people from fighting Stalinist regimes, obviously.
I can point to them in the Stalinist states, from Hungary '56 forward. The concrete reasons for the apparatchiks' fear of the working class.Don't be absurd. The '56 revolution was in reaction to foreign occupation and __ policies. Not to mention that it was brutally crushed. It barely had an effect on Hungarian economic policies and it certainly didn't affect Russia proper.
I think it's you who's being absurd by refusing to acknowledge the class dimension of the '56 Hungarian Revolution and numerous other examples of workers' resistance to apparatchik regimes. And revolutions that are crushed do not therefore become irrelevant; they show dramatically that the ruling elite does have something to fear.
Many reforms are driven by the fear of revolution; and now that I think about it, most apparatchik regimes had a degree of political liberalization and also economic concessions to the working class from the 50s on.
Worker unrest is famously silent in Stalinist regimes, that's why when it does occur it's so historically noteworthy.
Relatively low-level - compared to capitalism - not the same as nonexistent.
Of course, this highlights the differences between these societies and capitalism - both why is there less resistance - and why is it possible to win more concessions with less struggle?
But the absence of visible proletarian resistance does not imply proletarian support. Not unless you're proposing that fascist Germany was also a "workers' state".
An obviously false analogy. The working class suffered a crushing, bloody defeat in Germany 1933. The reverse is the case in Cuba 1959.
By the fall of the Third Reich in '45, workers had not recovered from that total defeat - but that kind of thing doesn't last forever. Consider Mussolini's fate. And there was oppposition from the left to the Third Reich, even if small-scale. There's zero in Cuba, and nobody's ever given a good explanation why. Consistent with the claim it's a capitalist state, that is.
Again, there are many reasons why the Cuban government implements the social policies it does,
I'm just asking for one. But without success, still.
but to call those market hamperings "siding with the workers" is an outrageous oversimplification.
By that logic, Social-Democrats also "side with workers", they're just limited by their "material conditions".
Your faith in the social democracy is touching. But in fact, in country after country Social Democrats are leading the charge for antiworker economic policies. I mentioned Sweden earlier - maybe you've heard of Blair's New Labour - I don't suppose you know what Carlos Andres Perez did in Venezuela '94?
It was just the latest example in the social democracy's long history of bloody suppression of workers' resistance to its defense of capitalist interests. No when did Cuba do that? Oh, never.
As usual, one problem with these mindless non-analogies is that no other government acts like Cuba's.
Except that the economy is unlaterally controlled by an elite state apparatus.
I'm sorry, that is not a fact. That is the issue in dispute, which you have not even attempted to prove with facts.
Unless, as a self-described anarchist, you just mean that the economy is nationalized. It seems counter-intuitive to use that, by itself, as proof the country is capitalist.
You remind me of Forbes magazine, which claims that Castro is one of the world's richest people. Why? He owns a big chunk of Cuba's GNP, or maybe various pieces of Cuba's state property. How do you know he does? They just do.
(Ironically, is rarely true in actual capitalist countries. It is in some sense (unilaterally is questionable) true of Stalinist states...but hardly constitutes proof they're capitalist.)
The capitalist class in Cuba is rather complex. A large part of it is officially a part of the bureaucratic machine, while in reality acting much in the way a private bourgeoisie does.
No, I'm sorry. Bureaucrats cannot operate a business according to market demands. They cannot appropriate its profit for themselves. They cannot leave it to their heirs. Even the worst and least controlled of 'em have their own ways of operating - their own "economic laws" one might say - different from capitalism.
A second ago, even you were describing the bureaucracy as different and contending with the bourgeoisie; you can't switch back now.
A smaller portion operates within the gray areas of Cuba's command / market economic dichotomy.
Oh. Black marketeers are contending for power, a constant threat of counterrevolution which keeps the bureaucracy in line? C'mon. They're loathed by the population. And incidentally, they're purely commercial (not industrial or financial) and small-scale.
(No, the only real danger of counter-revolution, and the real social base of the "opposition" - comes from Washington.)
BTW, this bit about the phantom capitalist class, you also got from Mao by way of Redstar. He came up with it in order to justify branding his factional opponents as representatives of the nonexistent Chinese capitalist class. They were all, of course, representatives of the same bureaucratic elite.
When you repeat ideas, you might want to consider where they come from and what interests they originally served. This one hasn't gained in factual basis or theoretical sophistication - from when it was part of Mao's crude power play.
Really? None? Then doesn't that mean that class antagonisms have "ended" and as such the need for the "transitional state" is gone?
I'm sorry, don't try to saddle me with the idiocy that ignores all but 2 classes. Because there's no capitalist class, obviously I'm not saying there are no classes. Obvious to anyone not in the grip of that particular Redstar-like idiocy, I mean.
In Cuba, there are workers, peasants (cooperate and independent), self-employed people, petty-bourgeois types including the black marketeers, middle-class professionals....and the bureaucracy.
Not pressure from capitalism keeps the Cuba working class on the side of the bureaucracy because it's better than the alternative.
Gee, you talked about pressure from the alleged "local bourgeoisie" in answer to my question: what pressure on the bureaucracy keeps it providing these social programs? So now we go all the way around the circle before I find out you never meant to answer it. Artful dodger.
'Course, what does that say about a government which benefits politically from aiding the world revolution?
That in Realpolitik, the enemy of one's enemy is often one's friend.
BZZZZ! I'm sorry, that is the wrong answer. U.S. imperialism has had many adversaries. None of them - except the USSR for its first few years - has acted the way Cuba does - aiding the world revolution every way they can.
The later USSR's military interventions didn't exactly have the same kind of character or result as Cuba's in Angola and elsewhere....
Most of Washington's adversaries constantly seek some accomodation with it, even when that's hopeless; the late Iraqi regime is a good example. But Cuba, while they'd like normal relations - aren't willing to sell out the world revolution to get it. They lost their best chance - during the Carter administration, which temporarily ended the travel ban - over Angola.....
At the risk of making your head hurt with more pesky facts, lemme refer you to "Conflicting Missions" by Piero Gliejeses. It's the best-documented and best-respected book on Cuban foreign policy. (Respected by the academic establishment, too.) The book's overall point, which it backs with all those sources? "The thesis is that no country has maintained such an altruistic policy over such a long period," Gleijeses says. (http://home.netcom.com/~hhenke/news24.htm)
Altruism isn't the word I'd use; and Gleijeses doesn't mean it in a simple way. It's in his book that I first came across the partial explanation that the Cuban government aims to distract Washington by causing it as much trouble as possible, "along all the roads of the world"....but the point is, that no narrow national interest can begin to explain the depth of the Cuban government's internationalist commitment.
Anyway, read the book.
Other regimes may sometimes have some interests which occasionally coincide with some interest of workers. Cuba's - consistently run along with those of the world revolution. The difference is not minor.
You mention Iran. They don't aid revolutionary movements - they aid "Islamic" rightists. Their counteroffensive into Iraq - in which they tried to replace the Ba'thist regime with an "Islamic" one - didn't work out like any of Cuba's internationalist operations.
Why then you insist on approaching this question as if you were in a position to shape international policy, is frankly beyond me.
The working class needs its own foreign policy...and in fact, workers' actions do affect the bosses' ability to carry out their foreign policy.
Coming from you, I gotta read this: why you insist on approaching political questions as if you're in a position to affect the real world? The important thing is.....wait for it.....
The terminological question isn't about how we "treat" the Republic of Cuba, it's about how we conceptualize the Republic of Cuba. About whether we consider it a "socialist success story" or merely another example of capitalist adaptiveness.
Yup, see, the thing isn't intervening in the class struggle taking place in the world. The important thing is "conceptualizing" things so we best figure out how to propagandize for communism in the abstract.
(Propaganda has its place, and I've done more of it in the real world than, I'd bet, all the Redstarites and semi-Redstarites like you put together. But it sure ain't more important than the class battles taking place in the world....)
But I'll go along partway: this is part of what we mean by communism. Is it a utopian blueprint, with no connection to any real-world event? Do we wait for it to arrive like the Second Coming of Jesus? Do we nod along with those who say that "communism is great in theory", although nothing that's ever happened in the real world even begins to live up to that promise?
Go ahead if you like, but you're resigning all relevance. Or if by some fluke you ever get the power to shoehorn people into that utopian blueprint....no matter how pretty your blueprint is, the results won't be.
And of course, there's a certain tendency here to passively accept Washington's vilification of Cuba - every revolutionary advance will meet similar propaganda attacks, so it's better to get used to fighting them.
When you say "our credibility is" at stake, it's pretty obvious you just don't want to be associated with so much capitalist mud thrown at it. In contrast, the ruling class has never vilified the abstract utopian concept of "communism" nearly as much; they're even happy to quote "left" opponents of that evil "Leninism" against it. As long as you don't associate yourself with any real-world threat to their profits, you're safe.
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Or do we say "Communism is not a doctrine, but a movement. It proceeds not from principles but from facts."
Do we base it on real-world developments - from the smallest workplace and neighborhood conflicts - to the revolutions that have actually happened? Do we identify with those revolutions, seek to fight side by side with them. Point to them as positive examples of some of the things that can be accomplished even in difficult situations?
My experience is, that does get a positive response. (Hmm...do you have any real-world experience propagandizing for your concept of "communism" to the general public? Do any of the Redstarites? The SLP hasn't achieved anything noticeable with its similar utopian approach......)
People do like real-world examples, more than any abstract and purely theoretical demonstration of the desirability of communism.
You admit that nobody could do any better in Cuba's situation. You didn't answer what a workers' government would do differently in their situation.
So, then - if you won't use them as an example, you won't use anything as an example, until that better situation arrives.
A perfect situation, I suspect, involving a perfect, wartless utopia of a revolution. I strongly suspect nothing else will be good enough for you.
Most importantly, that'll still be true, when a revolution develops where you live. If you can't even recognize a revolution when you see one......you sure won't be able to join it. You'll just complain that it doesn't fit your utopia. That'll be true for others politically educated in the same spirit.
Possibly like a certain student in "Ten Days That Shook the World" (http://www.marxists.org/archive/reed/1919/10days/10days/ch7.htm)
Oh, and this "example of capitalist adaptiveness" business. Capitalism has many limits to its adaptability. You attitude is called illusions in the progressive potential of capitalism. If so many social problems can be solved under it, if everything Cuba's done could be done under capitalism.....well, in fact, it can't.