I wrote this on another board last time the Kronstaft question came up. The arguments are basically the same:
The leftists’ theoretical gymnastics over the degeneration of the Russian revolution are really quite impressive. If they acknowledge that the Russian revolution was destroyed from within, it all comes down to when it actually decayed, and how to remove responsibility for this from their respective heroes. I can remember speaking to old Stalinists who thought that Khrushchev’s speech at the 20th congress was the greatest ever betrayal of the international working class. The SWP are a little more sophisticated, but not much. Instead of looking at what happened in the Russian revolution, and trying to draw a balance sheet of events they remain steadfast in their opinion that the 'great' Lenin could do no wrong, and therefore are forced into the rather untenable position of supporting the suppression of the working class at Kronstadt.
The easiest way to do this is by taking up the slanders made against the Kronstadt rebels by Lenin, and Trotsky at the time.
Originally posted by SWP member+--> (SWP member)
To understand what happened we have to look at the background of the sailors there. It 1917 it had been stronghold of the revolution, but by 1920 the compostion of the garison had greatly changed. Large numbers of the orginal garison had died in the civil war. By 1920 there was a much larger peasant component of the garison.[/b]
This belief is backed up by the assertions of Lenin, and the RCP(B) at the time, and has very little basis in reality. In fact it seems to fly in the face of all historical evidence:
Originally posted by Israel Getzler+ in Kronstadt, 1917-1921: The Fate of a Soviet Democracy--> (Israel Getzler @ in Kronstadt, 1917-1921: The Fate of a Soviet Democracy)
... that the politicized Red sailor still predominated at Kronstadt at the end of 1920 is borne out by the hard statistical data available regarding the crews of the two major battleships, the Petropavlosk and the Sevastopol, both reknowned since 1917 for their revolutionary zeal and Bolshevik allegiance. Of 2,028 sailors whose years of enlistment are known, no less than 1,904 or 93.9% were recruited into the navy before and during the 1917 revolution, the largest group, 1,195, having joined in the years 1914-16. Only 137 sailors or 6.8% were recruited in the years 1918-21, including three who were conscripted in 1921, and they were the only ones who had not been there during the 1917 revolution. As for the sailors of the Baltic Fleet in general (and that included the Petropavlovsk and Sevastopol), of those serving on 1 January 1921 at least 75.5% are likely to have been drafted from Great Russian areas (mainly central Russia and the Volga area), some 10% from the Ukraine and 9% from Finland, Latvia and Poland.[/b]
If we take this information as being representative of the Kronstadt rebels as a whole it would suggest that 59% of the sailors had been there since at least 1916 whilst 93.9% had been there at the time of the October revolution, hardly a great change in the composition of the garrison from when it was the ‘stronghold of the revolution’ in 1917.
Originally posted by SWP member
By 1920 there was a much larger peasant component of the garison.
I don't know if you realise it, Dom, but in a newly developing capital large numbers of the working class tend to come from peasant backgrounds Where else do you think that they come from? In Turkey today for example large proportions of the working class come from peasant backgrounds. The point is that they are proletarianised by their experience as workers.
As for your assertion that the Bolshevik party in Kronstadt contained more workers than the garrison in general, your support for it is plainly laughable.
Originally posted by SWP member
We can asume that the Bolshevik party had a higher content of workers than the garison as a whole.
Why? Please give a reason.
The Bolsheviks were a party that organised the working class. It believed the working class had to organise seperately than the peasantry so it follows that they had more support in the working class than the peasantry.
So, the 'Bolsheviks were a party that organised the working class' therefore they must have had a higher percentage of workers than the garrison as a whole'. However, according to information released by Sorine, Commissar for Petrograd, 5,000 sailors left the Party in January 1921 alone.
Originally posted by the Second Conference of Communist Sailors of the Baltic Fleet+ on 15th Feb 1921--> (the Second Conference of Communist Sailors of the Baltic Fleet @ on 15th Feb 1921)
Poubalt, having totally detached itself from the Party masses, has destroyed all local initiative. It has transformed all political work into paper work. This has had harmful repercussions on the organisation of the masses in the Fleet. Between June and November last year, 20 per cent of the (sailor Party members have left the Party. This can be explained by the wrong methods of the work of Poubalt.[/b]
Are we to assume then that all of these sailors were actually peasants, and that those who stayed were workers? Is it not slightly conceivable that some of those who left were workers disgusted with the way that the regime had taken to attacking the working class?
After all take a look at the situation in Petrograd at the time:
Ida Mett
The first strike broke out at the Troubotchny factory, on 23rd February 1921. On the 24th, the strikers organised a mass demonstration in the street. Zinovlev sent detachments of 'Koursanty' (student officers) against them. The strikers tried to contact the Finnish Barracks. Meanwhile, the strikes were spreading. The Baltisky factory stopped work. Then the Laferma factory and a number of others: the Skorokhod shoe factory, the Admiralteiski factory, the Bormann and Metalischeski plants, and finally, on 28th February, the great Putilov works itself.
Is it not possible that this could have led to the Bolshevik party in Kronstadt actually having a lower percentage of workers than the garrison as a whole? Neither of us have any figures to prove it either way, but the assertion that
Originally posted by SWP member
'Bolsheviks were a party that organised the working class' therefore they must have had a higher percentage of workers than the garrison as a whole.
is little more than idealist, subjectivist nonsense, and not worthy of a so-called Marxist.
Just to finish on the class nature of the rebels lets look at the class composition of the Provisional Revolutionary committee of the Kronstadt soviet:
* Petritchenko, chief quartermaster of the battleship 'Petropavlovsk',
* Yakovenko, liaison telephonist to the Kronstadt section,
* Ossossov, boiler man in the battleship 'Sebastopol',
* Arkhipov, chief engineer,
* Perepelkin, electrician in the battleship 'Sebastopol',
* Patrouchev, chief electrician in the 'Petropavlovsk',
* Koupolov, head male nurse,
* Verchinin, sailor in the 'Sebastopol',
* Toukin, worker in the 'Electrotechnical' factory,
* Romanenko, docks maintenance worker,
* Orechin, headmaster of the Third labour School,
* Valk, sawmill worker,
* Pavlov, worker in a marine mining shop,
* Boikev, head of the building section of the Kronstadt fortress,
* Kilgast, harbour pilot.
It seems like it was composed of workers, and sailors to me. Unlike the Bolshevik party Politburo at the time, which was composed of full members - Kamenev, Krestinsky, Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky; candidate members - Bukharin, Zinovyev and Kalinin, only one of whom, Kalinin, had ever been a worker, and two of whom, Trotsky, and Zinovyev, actually came from rich peasant backgrounds.
Anyway enough of class composition, lets look at the programme of the Kronstadt rebels:
Originally posted by Kronstadt Izvestiia #1
1. In view of the fact that the present Soviets do not express the will of the workers and peasants, to immediately hold new elections to the Soviets by secret ballot, with freedom of pre-election agitation for all workers and peasants.
2. Freedom of speech and press for workers and peasants, anarchists and left socialist parties.
3. Freedom of assembly of both trade unions and peasant associations.
4. To convene not later than March 10th, 1921 a non-party Conference of workers, soldiers and sailors of the city of Petrograd, of Kronstadt, and of Petrograd province.
5. To free all political prisoners of socialist parties, and also all workers and peasants, soldiers and sailors imprisoned in connection with worker and peasant movements.
6. To elect a Commission for the review of the cases of those held in prisons and concentration camps.
7. To abolish all POLITOTDELS, since no single party should be able to have such privileges for the propaganda of its ideas and receive from the state the means for these ends. In their place must be established locally elected cultural-educational commissions, for which the state must provide resources.
8. To immediately remove all anti-smuggling roadblock detachments.
9. To equalize the rations of all laborers, with the exception of those in work injurious to health.
10. To abolish the Communist fighting detachments in all military units, and also the various guards kept in factories and plants by the communists, and if such guards or detachments are needed, they can be chosen in military units from the companies, and in factories and plants by the discretion of the workers.
11. To give the peasants full control over their own land, to do as they wish, and also to keep cattle, which must be maintained and managed by their own strength, that is, without using hired labor.
12. We appeal to all military units, and also to the comrade cadets to lend their support to our resolution.
13. We demand that all resolutions be widely publicized in the press.
14. To appoint a travelling bureau for control.
15. To allow free handicraft manufacture by personal labor.
Again it doesn't look that petty bourgeois to me. Admittedly points 11, and 15 do offer concessions to the poor peasantry, and can not be described in any way as Socialist measures. However, it does stress without using hired labor, and by personal labor. If we compare this to the NEP:
Originally posted by Wiki
promulgated by decree on March 21, 1921, "On the Replacement of Foodstuff and Natural Resource Assessment by a Natural Tax." In essence, the decree required the khulacks, middle-class farmers, to give the government a specified amount of any surplus agricultural, raw product, and fodder, and allowed them to keep the remaining surplus to use as capital or to trade for industrial goods. Further decrees refined the policy and expanded it to include some industries.
I find it hard to believe that anybody comparing the two programmes could see the Kronstadt one as the petty bourgeois one. Yes, it was brought in after the Kronstadt uprising, but was actually proposed by Trotsky one year earlier.
After the slanders have been refuted there remains the argument that:
Originally posted by SWP member
What would have happened if the revolt had not been crushed? The only viable alternative to the Bolsheviks power was the whites. They were not totally beated. On hearing news of the revolt they rised lots of money and prepared to land troups near by with the help of the French NAvy. Had the Bolsheviks waited for the ice to melf the Battleships would hve been able to sail up and attack Petrograd.
We seem to be forgetting here that the civil war was over. Lenin himself said at the time that
Originally posted by Lenin
This Kronstadt affair in itself is a very petty incident. It no more threatens to break up the Soviet state than the Irish disorders are threatening to break up the British Empire.
Was the threat of the Whites to be used eternally to discipline the working class?
When the Bolsheviks used force to settle an argument within the working class, they lined up on the side of the state, and capital against the workers, and thus ruined themselves as a party of the proletariat.
Originally posted by SWP member
How does a so-called proletarian movement justify using force against a proletarian movement?
I could turn that argument around to the Kronstadt rebellion. The Bolsheviks didn't fire the first shot.
I have never heard this one before. Trotsky declared on 6th March that :
Originally posted by Trotsky
'The Workers' and Peasants' Government has decided to reassert its authority without delay, both over Kronstadt and over the mutinous battleships, and to put them at the disposal of the Soviet Republic. I therefore order all those who have raised a hand against the Socialist Fatherland, immediately to lay down their weapons. Those who resist will be disarmed and put at the disposal of the Soviet Command. The arrested commissars and other representatives of the Government must be freed immediately. Only those who surrender unconditionally will be able to count on the clemency of the Soviet Republic. I am meanwhile giving orders that everything be prepared to smash the revolt and the rebels by force of arms. The responsibility for the disasters which will effect the civilian population must fall squarely on the heads of the White Guard insurgents.
and the first military action of the engagement was on the 8th March when a plane dropped a bomb on Kronstadt. All of this before the rebels had fired a shot.
Originally posted by SWP member
In reply to Alf
The fallacy is evident: the Bolshevik party did 'fall', but in a far worse way than being defeated by the Whites - it 'fell' into becoming the agent of the counter-revolution in Russia. It 'fell' into Stalinism, which was indeed an "anti-proletarian dictatorship", and one which has done far more damage to the cause of communism than any White Guard regime could have done, precisely because it claimed to speak in the name of communism.
Ah the wonders of having hindsight. Unless you are arguing that in 1921 the Bolshevik party was anti-proletarian before Kronstadt or became anti-proletarian because of it. (Which I don't think you are.) Then this is a bit of a pointless counter argument. If it was still proletarian then it was right to defend itself. You mention left communist opostion to Stalinism but at the time the 'workers oppostion' supported the crushing of the Kronstadt revolt.
I am arguing that the Bolshevik party's actions put them on the side of capital against the working class. The 'Worker's Opposition' did support the crushing of the Kronstadt revolt, but although they represented a protest against the regime, they were actually a bureaucratic opposition based in the trade unions. In return for their support the party banned all factional activity:
Originally posted by Tenth Party Congress. 'O sindikalistskom i anarkhistskom uklone v nashei partii' (On the syndicalist and anarchist deviation in our party). Resolutions
[email protected] 530
The Congress prescribes the rapid dispersal of all groups without exception which have formed themselves on one platform or another . . . failure to execute this decision of the Congress will lead to immediate and unconditional expulsion from the Party".
As the 'Red Army' was crushing the workers at Kronstadt the Party moved to crush any opposition within its own ranks.
Maisankov and other left communists, however, refused to support the suppression of the rebellion, and organised themselves as a faction within the Party which took part in worker's struggles.
Just one final point on Stepan Petrichenko:
SWP
[email protected]
After the revolt was crushed Stepan Petrichenko got in tuch with the whites and joined forces with Wrangal a white general.
Wiki
He stayed in Finland for many years, until he got into a conflict with the Finnish government after supporting Soviet groups during the war between The Soviet Union and Finland in 1940. He was expelled to the Soviet Union, where he was soon arrested and deported to prison camp where he died shortly after.
Hardly seems like the actions of a 'white guardist' to me.
Devrim Valerian