bcbm
8th May 2006, 08:17
For the past few weeks I've been working on a research paper for my English class at college. It had to be an argument paper, so I chose antifascism and argue that militant resistance is neccessary to stop fascism in its tracks. Its supposed to be between 15-20 pages, so if some parts seem unneccesarily wordy, that's why. I'd like to thank everyone who helped me with resources, especially Comrade Marcel for his great interview. With his permission, I encourage anyone in dire straits to appropriate and plagarize this paper as they see fit, unless its for profit. To this end, I'm including my complete works cited list. Enjoy!
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Historical Antifascism and the Need for Continued Resistance
On January 5, 1960, near the Spanish border with France, a group of four men who’d snuck across was surrounded by the Spanish Civil Guard, a military-police unit, and the army and shot down. Of these four, one man escaped but he died shortly thereafter from the wounds he’d received. This man was Francisco Sabate, an anarchist guerrilla resistance fighter against the Spanish fascist regime. He’d crossed the border many times in the struggle and had engaged in sabotage, guerrilla warfare, expropriation and assassination, all aimed at strengthening the resistance and bringing down the fascist state. The story of Francisco Sabate is the story of many antifascist resisters, not just in Spain but throughout Europe. With the help of these fighters, and less-militant but equally active antifascists, the fascist governments of Europe were all eventually toppled, although not before the fascists had managed to kill millions and fascism itself did not die. It continued on, exploding in Italy in the 1970’s and today in Russia. There are also smaller, but violent, fascist movements throughout Europe and North America. As in the past, though, these fascist movements have all been met by antifascist resistance in many forms, from peaceful demonstrations to militant attacks against fascists. Wherever fascism has appeared it has been met with militant resistance and as fascism continues to spread and grow throughout the world, this sort of resistance needs to be continued, as it is the only way to truly stop fascism. This can be best be shown by looking at what fascism is, how it has been resisted in areas where it has appeared, specifically Italy, Germany and Spain and how resistance continues today throughout the world.
In order to understand the history and modern forms of antifascism, however, it is first necessary to explain what fascism itself is. It arose as a political ideology in Italy in the early 20th century, with Mussolini as its principle theorist. As he explains in the essay What is Fascism, “Fascism is the conception of the State, its character, its duty, and its aim. Fascism conceives of the State as an absolute, in comparison with which all individuals or groups are relative, only to be conceived of in their relation to the State,” (Mussolini). In practice, this has translated into a complete rejection of democracy and liberal conceptions such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press and so on. A totalitarian government is formed with a “strong” dictator at its head, and dissidents are jailed or executed. The fascists rejected individualism and viewed the state as the most important “actor,” with, “No individuals or groups (political parties, cultural associations, economic unions, social classes) outside the State,” (Mussolini) for, in the fascist conception, this weakened the state by diluting the interests and motives acting upon it. Everyone being tied within the state made a singular vision possible. These states also tend to be extremely nationalist and militaristic, although the latter doesn’t always apply. The fascist Phalangists under Francisco Franco in Spain, for example, kept to their own country and avoided any military entanglements, even when asked for assistance by other fascists during World War II. Even so, the military and national strength are glorified under a fascist system. Fascism also is strongly opposed to socialism and communism, rejecting all notions of class struggle and even social classes all together. In economics, most fascist governments put some controls on the economy and took control of some businesses, mostly war industries, so that, “divergent interests [could be] coordinated and harmonized in the unity of the State,” (Mussolini). Fascists view the state as a means for coordinating around a single vision (the greatness of their respective nation), and advancing their goals. These goals usually revolve around restoring the nation to a past greatness. In Italy, for example, many allusions were made to the Roman Empire, while the Nazis in Germany referred to previous times in history when their nation had been a powerful force. The Nazis would make their own contribution to the ideology of fascism with the introduction of extreme racism and anti-Semitism. These elements have proved to be some of the most important as they have become a major part of most modern fascist groups, in varying degrees. It was an Italian who first formulated the ideology of fascism, however, and it was Italy where the first antifascists would come into action.
When fascism developed into a formidable ideology in Italy, it began to encounter its first real challenges from antifascists. As it developed, groups of fascists, known as black-shirts, began an active campaign of intimidation and violence, often with government complicity, if not support. These attacks were primarily directed against those on the Italian left: the anarchists, communists and socialists. It was from these groups, especially the anarchists and those not aligned with official communist and socialist parties, that the first organized antifascist resistance arose. While fascism grew stronger, these groups organized the “Arditi del Populo” or “People’s Commandos.” The People’s Commandos were organized at a grassroots level as an umbrella organization to fight fascist violence with violence. They scored some successes, but growth was difficult due to a lack of funds and because the official Socialist Party and Communist Party wouldn’t recognize them. Antifascists also began organizing among industrial workers and others through various unions. Throughout 1920 and 1921, they had carried out a series of factory occupations designed to set the stage for a general leftist insurrection. These were suppressed by the government, however, and the fascists upped their violence against leftists in response. Following several instances of violence by fascist black-shirts in several Italian cities, a general strike was called and put into action by an antifascist union known as the Labor Alliance. Unfortunately, the strike was called off and the fascists made their move into power with Mussolini’s March on Rome. Despite what appears to be a great deal of action against the fascists, there was a great deal of disunity. As mentioned, the Socialist Party and Communist Party didn’t support the armed struggle and between those not affiliated with the party, and even within the armed groups, there was a lot of sectarian bickering (Prisoners and Partisans, 2). Few besides the anarchists pushed for a unified front against the fascists and ultimately all of the infighting allowed the fascists to win. From this point, antifascist resistance developed underground and took on increasingly militant forms.
After fascism came to power in Italy with Benito Mussolini as dictator, antifascists continued to maintain an active resistance through a variety of activities. The Fascist government of Italy quickly began instituting authoritarian policies aimed at dissidents, forcing many antifascists into exile or underground. This turned out to be beneficial for resisting the regime, however, as those in exile outside of Italy were able to produce propaganda and leaflets to be smuggled in to Italy, where they were distributed by those operating clandestinely. A number of secret organizations were also formed from the remnants of outlawed parties. Armed resistance also factored in, with antifascists attacking Fascist party offices and police stations, as well as raiding the barracks of the military or Carabineri for weapons. Several anarchist antifascists also attempted to organize an insurrection in Sicily in 1930 after noting the general discontent of the population due to the Depression, but they were quickly intercepted and arrested. Finally, antifascists mounted a number of attempts on Mussolini’s life, but unfortunately all of these failed. As Italy entered World War II, however, the fortunes of antifascists began to look up.
Italy entered World War II in an alliance with Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, but its weak military and ineffective commanders quickly took a toll on the population’s support for the government. As Italy faced defeat in Africa and participated in a disastrous campaign in Greece and the Balkans, antifascists found their numbers swelling. The turning point came in 1943. Throughout March, some 100,000 workers went on strike or engaged in work stoppages in protest of the economic hardships the war had created, the “first of their kind in Fascist Europe,” (Ginsborg, 10). Then, in July, Mussolini was forced to resign by the King and the populace rose in celebration, attacking and destroying fascist symbols (Ginsborg, 12-13). Antifascists raided a number of military barracks during this period of unrest and stockpiled more arms. This was a crucial act, for shortly thereafter the Nazis invaded and occupied Italy, helping the Italian fascists maintain a tenuous grip on power. This pushed many Italians into the antifascist camp, even many who had formerly served in the military (Ginsborg, 15). The Nazi occupation also helped to unify all of the antifascist forces into a common goal, making them more effective. A national committee of liberation was formed in order to help coordinate the numerous organizations engaging in armed resistance. Antifascists staged ambushes against Nazi troops, planted bombs, engaged in sabotage and generally acted as a thorn in the side to the occupation and the fascist government. This continued until the Allied invasion of Italy and the defeat of the Nazis and the Italian fascists there. Clearly, antifascism was a critical part in undermining the fascist government and helping to free Italy.
Decades after Italy was liberated from the fascist government and had made the successful transition to a democratic republic, the threat of fascism remained and antifascist groups continued to fight it. At the end of the 1960’s, fascist provocateurs planted several bombs in Milan, and leaving 16 dead and 140 injured (Bell, 241). The police were quick to blame anarchists for the explosions and round some suspects up, killing one in the process by throwing him from the fourth floor of a police station. More bombs were planted by the fascists and young Italian leftists recognized the need to fight back. The fascists actions were part of a “strategy of tension,” designed to allow the government to seize control (and allow the fascist in to power) due to the threat of “leftist violence,” as well as the economic instability Italy faced during this period (Bell, 237). Antifascists were quick to organize their own armed campaign, however and instances such as one in 1976 when “a fascist meeting place, Bar Sergio, is firebombed,” became common (Armed Struggle in Italy 1976-78, 48). Fascists were no longer safe even in their houses, which were often the target of molotov or gun attacks. Fascist offices were also targeted, as well as those who were loosely allied with them in the government. Even the Communist Party was attacked, primarily for its complicity in not responding to the fascist threat, despite being the second largest party in the government. As the 1970’s wore on, however, the armed groups begin to dissipate on both ends as the general populace grew tired of the violence and Italian capitalism stabilized. Still, this period stands as an example of a well-organized and militant resistance to fascism, something not unique to Italy.
As fascism developed in Italy, the ideas behind quickly spread, and morphed, in Germany as well. In Germany fascism took the form of Nazism, with Adolph Hitler as its chief theoretician and leader. The Nazis adopted tactics similar to those of their Italian counterparts, forming their own paramilitary thugs the brown-shirts or SA. They engaged in intimidation, violence and property destruction against those who opposed the Nazis. Unlike Italy, however, these actions were only met with resistance from the German Communist Party, who fought them in occasional street battles until the mid 1930’s (Gill, 10). This was the only real violence that occurred in Germany against the Nazis during their rise to power. Most leftist organizations were busy fighting each other politically and didn’t recognize the seriousness of the Nazi threat. Only the Leninist group Neu Beginen recognized the need to organize themselves and set up a secret organization for spreading propaganda (Gill, 24). Thus, the Nazis were able to muster support from other conservative parties in the government with little resistance beyond the previously mentioned street conflicts. In 1933 Hitler was appointed chancellor of Germany and the Nazis took hold of the parliament, beginning their move towards total control of Germany.
As Hitler and the Nazis consolidated power in their party, antifascist resistance moved further underground. The Nazis were quick to round up all dissidents, beginning first with the Communists and other leftist parties. Next were those involved with the trade union movement. The Nazis dissolved all of the unions and consolidated them into a state-controlled group, the German Labor Front, and whisked thousands of trade unionists into concentration camps where other political prisoners were being held. Underground groups, such as the previously mentioned Neu Beginen, held out for awhile but the Nazis cracked down hard on the various pamphleteering groups, sending them to join the leftists and trade unionists (Gill, 25). Despite these efforts, events such as a strike at the Auto Union works in Berlin during the 1936 Olympics showed “a spark of resistance still in the parties of the far Left,” a spark that would continue to appear through the underground efforts of these parties to write on walls and spread leaflets; though their cells were quickly crushed, new ones would always spring up (Gill, 65). There were also some who discussed, or attempted, to assassinate Hitler, but clearly these plans failed and those who attempted the actions were caught and quickly executed. Further antifascist resistance came from German youth, many of whom formed their own clubs such as the Dj.1.11. or the Edelweisspiraten after being kicked out of, dropping out of or avoiding the Hitler Youth. These groups focused on hiking, camping and other activities in nature, as well as destroying Nazi property and some violence against the Nazis themselves; “pitched street battles” were common between the Edelweisspiraten and the Hitler Youth (Gill, 197). University students also came to be prominent in the resistance, particularly the “Weisse Rose” group, who produced and distributed thousands of leaflets throughout Germany. This group saw their service as absolutely necessary, “they never considered that they had a choice,” (Gill, 191). Their efforts resulted in some small acts of resistance, such as at a speech given by a Nazi leader at a German university. He suggested that the women should have children instead of reading books, resulting in a protest by some girls who were arrested. In response, the students beat up the Nazi student leader and held him hostage until the police broke up the whole thing. Ultimately, though, they were captured and executed by the Nazis, a fate met by many of the youth resisters. Clearly, the German resistance was stunted from the start due to the infighting among the various parties and the lack of a real challenge to Nazi power in the streets, although it developed as World War II drug on and Germany was heavily bombed. This infighting would prove to be the undoing of other antifascist resistance movements as well.
Spain also found itself a battleground, quite literally, between fascism and antifascism when in 1936, Francisco Franco and his Falangist forces attempted a coup to seize control of the weak Spanish Second Republic. The Second Republic has, until 1936, been ruled by a coalition of conservative parties. They cracked down heavily on leftist workers, who had been instigating strikes and fighting fascists in the streets of many Spanish cities (Conlon, 2). In 1936, however, the leftist “Popular Front” coalition came to power. Those on the right were displeased with this turn of events and backed the fascist Falange movement, which then attempted to seize power through a coup. This was kept secret and the government quietly attempted to negotiate a deal that would give Franco power. As this deal became public and Franco and his forces made their move to consolidate power in Spain, workers in the various unions and political outfits rose up by declaring a general strike and began taking arms from military and police barracks. Once the arms were seized, they organized themselves into informal, and primarily democratic, militias. This activity occurred throughout almost three quarters of the country, putting a momentary halt to the fascists (Conlon, 3). The antifascists in Spain were not all interested only in combating fascism, however; many sought to make a full-scale revolution and to this end land was collectivized and “practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers,” (Orwell, 4). It was this state of the affairs that would, unfortunately, lead to the breakdown of antifascism in Spain.
The government of the Second Republic had largely remained paralyzed while the workers and peasants fought fascism. It did not buy or distribute any arms for several months and when arms were finally purchased from the Soviet Union, they were shipped only to the Stalinist militias. Arms were “systematically denied to the anarchist” and non-Stalinist controlled fronts (Conlon, 5). This show of disunity would become further exacerbated as the civil war went on. The Stalinists fought for an end to the revolution and sought to create a standard “Popular Front” army organized along traditional military lines, with the backing of the Second Republic. The militias were to be scrapped and one involved in the conflict quickly realized that they were not just fighting Franco but “one was also a pawn in an enormous struggle that was being fought out by two political theories,” namely those leftists organized around hierarchal lines, the Stalinists, and those with anti-hierarchal libertarian values, the anarchists (Orwell, 47). The Stalinists and the Second Republic government eventually triumphed and the non-Stalinist militias and organizations were disbanded by force, which ultimately led to the “May Days” of fighting between Stalinists and the anarchists and other leftist militias that left 500 dead and over 1,000 wounded (Conlon, 11). With the militias disbanded and many militants being rounded up and jailed by the Republic, Franco and the fascists were able to defeat the new army and seize power in Spain. Despite their best efforts, however, antifascist resistance continued throughout Franco’s reign.
Although Franco had the distinction of being the leader of the longest-lived fascist regime in Europe, his 40 years of power were marked by a great deal of militant resistance. Franco, like other fascists, immediately began arresting or executing those who had fought against him during his government’s rise to power. This forced many across the border or in to the mountains, where they reorganized to resist Franco. Franco’s allies were equally vicious. One notable tale characteristic of the time is that of a landlord who’d had his land expropriated during the revolution. When Franco won, he was returned his land and immediately began reporting those who had collectivized the land, which was effectively a death sentence. Those who escaped across the border reported what had occurred to other exiles and a small group was organized to go across the border. They hired a guide, made the crossing and put the landowner against a wall, condemning him for not sparing those who had spared him before the shot him (Garcia, 3). More formal guerrilla groups were also formed, which lived along the border or in the Spanish mountains and ambushed the fascists whenever opportunity arose. Ammunition trains were a popular target during the Second World War; this, combined with the other acts of sabotage and resistance, was influential in keeping Franco from fighting (Garcia, 9).
Urban guerrilla tactics were also popular. In the early 1970’s, one of the underground communist parties in Spain formed a military branch, the GRAPO, who actively bombed fascist barracks, engaged in street battles and robbed banks (Dobson and Payne, 213). This organization followed on the footsteps of earlier urban guerrillas, such as the Tallion in Barcelona, who fought the police and bombed fascist targets. Other antifascists kept busy by reorganizing their unions underground; one man was arrested carrying 2000 union membership stamps (Garcia, 1). Finally, a great deal of resistance arose from the suppressed nationalities in Spain, particularly the Basques. Since assuming power, Franco had made the Basque language illegal, banned their flag and suppressed all Basque nationalist activity, forcing the Basques to organize themselves clandestinely in “cultural groups” (O’Broin, 78). From these cultural groups came the organization Basque Homeland and Freedom, or ETA, in 1959. They engaged in tactics similar to the other guerrilla groups: bombings, political assassinations, bank robberies, etc. Of these, their most influential came in 1973 when they planted a bomb that claimed the life of Luis Carrerro Blanco, an important fascist who would’ve been Franco’s replacement (Dobson and Payne, 211). Clearly Franco’s authoritarian policies, like those of other fascists, did little to stop resisters to his regime, who would go on to inspire future generations of antifascists.
Today antifascist resistance continues, particularly in parts of North America and Europe, where fascists linger on and attempt to gain a foothold in various communities. Most antifascists seem to band together in groups such as Anti-Racist Action or Anti-Fascist Action (ARA and AFA, respectively) or others to do the bulk of their work. Their reasons for getting involved tend to vary. One man I interviewed, Marcel, spoke of his getting involved after a confrontation he had with two men while out campaigning. They had told him to “stay off their street,” and when he later mentioned this to some friends, one of them “put two-and-two together,” and realized they were Nazi organizers for a group called Aryan Nations. After this incident, he and others first set up an organization to confront them and also worked on reviving their local chapter of ARA, which had been somewhat dormant. He also talks of others who have gotten involved out of political convictions and some who are just in it because they see something “exciting going on” and often use the group as a promotional tool for their other organizations, although Marcel mentions that this “shit doesn’t fly in [antifascist] work.” The levels of community support for the antifascists also tend to vary. Those coming from a more liberal and less radical background often criticize the movement for denying the Nazis their freedom of speech. They even go so far as to play the antifascists as “pissed off white kids fighting with pissed off white kids from the other side,” as my interviewee put it. The communities actually threatened by the fascists seem more receptive to their work, however. This was most prominently the case last October in Toledo, Ohio where antifascists and local residents together fought both members of the US National Socialist Movement (NSM) and racist police who’d been harassing the community. Whatever their reasons for joining and their level of support, antifascists are active throughout North America and Europe.
In their work fighting fascists wherever they appear, antifascists use a variety of tools. Perhaps the most visible and one of the most important tools used by antifascists today is the same tactic antifascists have been using since their early days in Italy: street confrontations. Although today these confrontations don’t tend to erupt into shoot-outs as they did in the past and the police are around to protect the fascists, they can still become quite violent. In Italy, for example, a fascist pre-election rally in Milan was met by several hundred leftist antifascists who arrived with crowbars, set fire to cars and a building and waged a two hour battle with the police (Kovalyova, 1). This scene is not a unique one. The NSM, after their stint in Toledo, met again in Lansing, MI, where antifascists broke through police lines and “rocks and punches were thrown” at the rallying Nazis (“Lansing, MI,” 3). In Greece, a clash between fascists and their opponents on a university led to the stabbing of three students and a fascist who pulled a gun being taken hostage, as well as a large riot (“Greece: University…”). These acts are important, as they clearly show the fascists they are not welcome and will not be tolerated, but much antifascist work also nonviolently stops fascism from spreading.
These nonviolent tactics generally make up the bulk of antifascist work. One tactic, described by Marcel, is that of “outing.” This tactic involves gathering the personal information of a particular fascist and spreading his fascist ties around his neighborhood, workplace and community in general. This makes life fairly difficult for the fascist, as most people don’t think fond things when they hear the word, and thus makes it nearly impossible for any fascist organization to occur. The spread of the internet has made this even easier, with fascists freely giving out information on message boards or over email. This tactic, combined with some demonstrations and other acts, has been very successful in Canada, continually driving out fascists wherever they set up, according to Marcel. Nonviolent demonstrations also occur, such as a recent one in Germany where Nazis attempting to set up tables and distribute information were surrounded by antifascists (and later protected by the police), who then covered the area in anti-Nazi posters (“Nazi in…”). This sort of demonstration also occurred in December in Russia. Following a string of violent attacks by Russian fascists and a march they’d held through Moscow, antifascists staged their own 1,500 strong march (“1,500 Anti-Fascists…”). Clearly, antifascists have been able to successfully use a diversity of tactics to keep fascism subdued in much of the area they work in.
Although in most areas the antifascists have been successful in their work and the fascists have been put on the run, it is important to stay organized and continue to challenge fascism in whatever form it takes. This lesson is made quite clear from looking at history; whenever antifascist forces came into disunity because of infighting, as in Spain and Italy, or didn’t bother to acknowledge the real threat posed and respond accordingly, as in Germany, the results were clear: victory for fascism. Today, this can be seen especially in Russia, where fascists number at least 50,000 strong and have murdered people simply for attending leftist concerts or being of the wrong skin color, as well as engaged in full-scale attacks on minority communities like the Roma (“Anti-fascist murdered…”). Antifascists in Russia have been slow to respond and, beyond the previously mentioned demonstration, what little response they’ve had has been minimal. There is very little organization among antifascists in Russia, with most action being taken by individuals or small groups acting independently (Rudinsky, 2). Even in the US, where fascists are clearly met with resistance when they appear publicly, organization needs to be improved. To note a local example, a friend I’ve spoken to about this subject mentioned a concert where a lead singer gave a white power salute and nothing was done. He hadn’t even noted the band’s name. Racist fliers have also been distributed here and in Milwaukee. If antifascist organization were up to par, these incidents would’ve been dealt with quickly, whether by holding a demonstration against fascism, finding and outing the individuals involved or simply beating up said individuals. Even in areas with well-organized antifascists, such as where Marcel works in Canada, there are improvements to be made. He feels that there needs to be “more rigorous training, discussion, planning and action,” and I have to agree. Fascism’s modern adherents openly announce their ambitions to kill or harm many groups; to note a recent example, Neo-Nazi groups throughout Europe have been planning to engage in mass violence against immigrants and other people of color during the World Cup this June (“German Nazis…”). History has clearly shown that their words are not empty threats and to put up anything less than a unified, militant resistance to fascist threats is setting the stage for them to once again come to power. As Marcel ends his interview, ultimately, “we should never give up and stay strong and confident. These are our streets, our lives and they shall not pass!”
Works Cited
“1,500 Anti-Fascists March in Moscow.” Infoshop News. 18 December 2005. 3 pp. 05 May 2006. <http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=20051218170533792>
“Anti-Fascist murdered in Russia – again.” Infoshop News. 20 April 2006. 1 pp. 05 May 2006. <http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=20060420101214>
Armed Struggle in Italy 1976-78. London: Elephant Editions, 1990.
Bell, J. Bowyer. A Time of Terror: How Democratic Societies Respond to Revolutionary Violence. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1978.
Conlon, Eddie. The Spanish Civil War: Anarchism in Action. Dublin: Workers Solidarity Movement, 2001.
Dobson, Christopher and Ronald Payne. The Terrorists: Their Weapons, Leaders and Tactics. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1982.
Garcia, Miguel. Unknown Heroes: Biographies of Anarchist Resistance Fighters. London: Kate Sharpley Library, 2005.
“German Nazis (and friends) plan mayhem at World Cup in June.” Infoshop News. 05 April 2006. 2 pp. 05 May 2006. <http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=20060405125402239>
Gill, Anton. An Honourable Defeat: A History of German Resistance to Hitler, 1933-1945. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1994.
Ginsborg, Paul. A History of Contemporary Italy: Society and Politics 1943-1988. New York: Penguin Books, 1990.
“Greece: University Falls Into Violence.” Infoshop News. 17 April 2006. 1 pp. 05 May 2006. <http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=20060417213232>
“Italy: 45 Arrested in Riot Against Fascists.” Infoshop News. 11 March 2006. 2 pp. 05 May 2006. <http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=2006031121711748>
“Lansing, MI: Anti-fascists topple fence, smash police van, and chase and beat Nazis after rally.” Infoshop News. 27 April 2006. 4 pp. 05 May 2006. <http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=200604270918 >
Marcel. Personal interview. 27 April 2006.
Mussolini, Benito. “The Doctrine of Fascism.” World Future Fund. 21 pp. 02 May 2006.
<http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Germany/mussolini.htm>
Mussolini, Benito. “What is Fascism?” Modern History Sourcebook. August 1997. 3 pp. 02 May 2006. <http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/mussolini-fascism.html>
“Nazi in Ms Hiltrup.” Indymedia Deutschland. 07 May 2006. 1 pp. 07 May 2006. <http://de.indymedia.org >
O’Broin, Eoin. Matxinada: Basque Nationalism and Radical Basque Youth Movements. Belfast: Left Republican Books, 2003.
Orwell, George. Homage to Catalonia. 1952. New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1980.
Prisoners and Partisans. London: Kate Sharpley Library, 1999.
Rudinsky, Jake.”Scared Skins.” Exile Magazine. 2006. 5 pp. 17 April 2006. <http://www.exile.ru/2006-February-24/scared_skins.html>
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Historical Antifascism and the Need for Continued Resistance
On January 5, 1960, near the Spanish border with France, a group of four men who’d snuck across was surrounded by the Spanish Civil Guard, a military-police unit, and the army and shot down. Of these four, one man escaped but he died shortly thereafter from the wounds he’d received. This man was Francisco Sabate, an anarchist guerrilla resistance fighter against the Spanish fascist regime. He’d crossed the border many times in the struggle and had engaged in sabotage, guerrilla warfare, expropriation and assassination, all aimed at strengthening the resistance and bringing down the fascist state. The story of Francisco Sabate is the story of many antifascist resisters, not just in Spain but throughout Europe. With the help of these fighters, and less-militant but equally active antifascists, the fascist governments of Europe were all eventually toppled, although not before the fascists had managed to kill millions and fascism itself did not die. It continued on, exploding in Italy in the 1970’s and today in Russia. There are also smaller, but violent, fascist movements throughout Europe and North America. As in the past, though, these fascist movements have all been met by antifascist resistance in many forms, from peaceful demonstrations to militant attacks against fascists. Wherever fascism has appeared it has been met with militant resistance and as fascism continues to spread and grow throughout the world, this sort of resistance needs to be continued, as it is the only way to truly stop fascism. This can be best be shown by looking at what fascism is, how it has been resisted in areas where it has appeared, specifically Italy, Germany and Spain and how resistance continues today throughout the world.
In order to understand the history and modern forms of antifascism, however, it is first necessary to explain what fascism itself is. It arose as a political ideology in Italy in the early 20th century, with Mussolini as its principle theorist. As he explains in the essay What is Fascism, “Fascism is the conception of the State, its character, its duty, and its aim. Fascism conceives of the State as an absolute, in comparison with which all individuals or groups are relative, only to be conceived of in their relation to the State,” (Mussolini). In practice, this has translated into a complete rejection of democracy and liberal conceptions such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press and so on. A totalitarian government is formed with a “strong” dictator at its head, and dissidents are jailed or executed. The fascists rejected individualism and viewed the state as the most important “actor,” with, “No individuals or groups (political parties, cultural associations, economic unions, social classes) outside the State,” (Mussolini) for, in the fascist conception, this weakened the state by diluting the interests and motives acting upon it. Everyone being tied within the state made a singular vision possible. These states also tend to be extremely nationalist and militaristic, although the latter doesn’t always apply. The fascist Phalangists under Francisco Franco in Spain, for example, kept to their own country and avoided any military entanglements, even when asked for assistance by other fascists during World War II. Even so, the military and national strength are glorified under a fascist system. Fascism also is strongly opposed to socialism and communism, rejecting all notions of class struggle and even social classes all together. In economics, most fascist governments put some controls on the economy and took control of some businesses, mostly war industries, so that, “divergent interests [could be] coordinated and harmonized in the unity of the State,” (Mussolini). Fascists view the state as a means for coordinating around a single vision (the greatness of their respective nation), and advancing their goals. These goals usually revolve around restoring the nation to a past greatness. In Italy, for example, many allusions were made to the Roman Empire, while the Nazis in Germany referred to previous times in history when their nation had been a powerful force. The Nazis would make their own contribution to the ideology of fascism with the introduction of extreme racism and anti-Semitism. These elements have proved to be some of the most important as they have become a major part of most modern fascist groups, in varying degrees. It was an Italian who first formulated the ideology of fascism, however, and it was Italy where the first antifascists would come into action.
When fascism developed into a formidable ideology in Italy, it began to encounter its first real challenges from antifascists. As it developed, groups of fascists, known as black-shirts, began an active campaign of intimidation and violence, often with government complicity, if not support. These attacks were primarily directed against those on the Italian left: the anarchists, communists and socialists. It was from these groups, especially the anarchists and those not aligned with official communist and socialist parties, that the first organized antifascist resistance arose. While fascism grew stronger, these groups organized the “Arditi del Populo” or “People’s Commandos.” The People’s Commandos were organized at a grassroots level as an umbrella organization to fight fascist violence with violence. They scored some successes, but growth was difficult due to a lack of funds and because the official Socialist Party and Communist Party wouldn’t recognize them. Antifascists also began organizing among industrial workers and others through various unions. Throughout 1920 and 1921, they had carried out a series of factory occupations designed to set the stage for a general leftist insurrection. These were suppressed by the government, however, and the fascists upped their violence against leftists in response. Following several instances of violence by fascist black-shirts in several Italian cities, a general strike was called and put into action by an antifascist union known as the Labor Alliance. Unfortunately, the strike was called off and the fascists made their move into power with Mussolini’s March on Rome. Despite what appears to be a great deal of action against the fascists, there was a great deal of disunity. As mentioned, the Socialist Party and Communist Party didn’t support the armed struggle and between those not affiliated with the party, and even within the armed groups, there was a lot of sectarian bickering (Prisoners and Partisans, 2). Few besides the anarchists pushed for a unified front against the fascists and ultimately all of the infighting allowed the fascists to win. From this point, antifascist resistance developed underground and took on increasingly militant forms.
After fascism came to power in Italy with Benito Mussolini as dictator, antifascists continued to maintain an active resistance through a variety of activities. The Fascist government of Italy quickly began instituting authoritarian policies aimed at dissidents, forcing many antifascists into exile or underground. This turned out to be beneficial for resisting the regime, however, as those in exile outside of Italy were able to produce propaganda and leaflets to be smuggled in to Italy, where they were distributed by those operating clandestinely. A number of secret organizations were also formed from the remnants of outlawed parties. Armed resistance also factored in, with antifascists attacking Fascist party offices and police stations, as well as raiding the barracks of the military or Carabineri for weapons. Several anarchist antifascists also attempted to organize an insurrection in Sicily in 1930 after noting the general discontent of the population due to the Depression, but they were quickly intercepted and arrested. Finally, antifascists mounted a number of attempts on Mussolini’s life, but unfortunately all of these failed. As Italy entered World War II, however, the fortunes of antifascists began to look up.
Italy entered World War II in an alliance with Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, but its weak military and ineffective commanders quickly took a toll on the population’s support for the government. As Italy faced defeat in Africa and participated in a disastrous campaign in Greece and the Balkans, antifascists found their numbers swelling. The turning point came in 1943. Throughout March, some 100,000 workers went on strike or engaged in work stoppages in protest of the economic hardships the war had created, the “first of their kind in Fascist Europe,” (Ginsborg, 10). Then, in July, Mussolini was forced to resign by the King and the populace rose in celebration, attacking and destroying fascist symbols (Ginsborg, 12-13). Antifascists raided a number of military barracks during this period of unrest and stockpiled more arms. This was a crucial act, for shortly thereafter the Nazis invaded and occupied Italy, helping the Italian fascists maintain a tenuous grip on power. This pushed many Italians into the antifascist camp, even many who had formerly served in the military (Ginsborg, 15). The Nazi occupation also helped to unify all of the antifascist forces into a common goal, making them more effective. A national committee of liberation was formed in order to help coordinate the numerous organizations engaging in armed resistance. Antifascists staged ambushes against Nazi troops, planted bombs, engaged in sabotage and generally acted as a thorn in the side to the occupation and the fascist government. This continued until the Allied invasion of Italy and the defeat of the Nazis and the Italian fascists there. Clearly, antifascism was a critical part in undermining the fascist government and helping to free Italy.
Decades after Italy was liberated from the fascist government and had made the successful transition to a democratic republic, the threat of fascism remained and antifascist groups continued to fight it. At the end of the 1960’s, fascist provocateurs planted several bombs in Milan, and leaving 16 dead and 140 injured (Bell, 241). The police were quick to blame anarchists for the explosions and round some suspects up, killing one in the process by throwing him from the fourth floor of a police station. More bombs were planted by the fascists and young Italian leftists recognized the need to fight back. The fascists actions were part of a “strategy of tension,” designed to allow the government to seize control (and allow the fascist in to power) due to the threat of “leftist violence,” as well as the economic instability Italy faced during this period (Bell, 237). Antifascists were quick to organize their own armed campaign, however and instances such as one in 1976 when “a fascist meeting place, Bar Sergio, is firebombed,” became common (Armed Struggle in Italy 1976-78, 48). Fascists were no longer safe even in their houses, which were often the target of molotov or gun attacks. Fascist offices were also targeted, as well as those who were loosely allied with them in the government. Even the Communist Party was attacked, primarily for its complicity in not responding to the fascist threat, despite being the second largest party in the government. As the 1970’s wore on, however, the armed groups begin to dissipate on both ends as the general populace grew tired of the violence and Italian capitalism stabilized. Still, this period stands as an example of a well-organized and militant resistance to fascism, something not unique to Italy.
As fascism developed in Italy, the ideas behind quickly spread, and morphed, in Germany as well. In Germany fascism took the form of Nazism, with Adolph Hitler as its chief theoretician and leader. The Nazis adopted tactics similar to those of their Italian counterparts, forming their own paramilitary thugs the brown-shirts or SA. They engaged in intimidation, violence and property destruction against those who opposed the Nazis. Unlike Italy, however, these actions were only met with resistance from the German Communist Party, who fought them in occasional street battles until the mid 1930’s (Gill, 10). This was the only real violence that occurred in Germany against the Nazis during their rise to power. Most leftist organizations were busy fighting each other politically and didn’t recognize the seriousness of the Nazi threat. Only the Leninist group Neu Beginen recognized the need to organize themselves and set up a secret organization for spreading propaganda (Gill, 24). Thus, the Nazis were able to muster support from other conservative parties in the government with little resistance beyond the previously mentioned street conflicts. In 1933 Hitler was appointed chancellor of Germany and the Nazis took hold of the parliament, beginning their move towards total control of Germany.
As Hitler and the Nazis consolidated power in their party, antifascist resistance moved further underground. The Nazis were quick to round up all dissidents, beginning first with the Communists and other leftist parties. Next were those involved with the trade union movement. The Nazis dissolved all of the unions and consolidated them into a state-controlled group, the German Labor Front, and whisked thousands of trade unionists into concentration camps where other political prisoners were being held. Underground groups, such as the previously mentioned Neu Beginen, held out for awhile but the Nazis cracked down hard on the various pamphleteering groups, sending them to join the leftists and trade unionists (Gill, 25). Despite these efforts, events such as a strike at the Auto Union works in Berlin during the 1936 Olympics showed “a spark of resistance still in the parties of the far Left,” a spark that would continue to appear through the underground efforts of these parties to write on walls and spread leaflets; though their cells were quickly crushed, new ones would always spring up (Gill, 65). There were also some who discussed, or attempted, to assassinate Hitler, but clearly these plans failed and those who attempted the actions were caught and quickly executed. Further antifascist resistance came from German youth, many of whom formed their own clubs such as the Dj.1.11. or the Edelweisspiraten after being kicked out of, dropping out of or avoiding the Hitler Youth. These groups focused on hiking, camping and other activities in nature, as well as destroying Nazi property and some violence against the Nazis themselves; “pitched street battles” were common between the Edelweisspiraten and the Hitler Youth (Gill, 197). University students also came to be prominent in the resistance, particularly the “Weisse Rose” group, who produced and distributed thousands of leaflets throughout Germany. This group saw their service as absolutely necessary, “they never considered that they had a choice,” (Gill, 191). Their efforts resulted in some small acts of resistance, such as at a speech given by a Nazi leader at a German university. He suggested that the women should have children instead of reading books, resulting in a protest by some girls who were arrested. In response, the students beat up the Nazi student leader and held him hostage until the police broke up the whole thing. Ultimately, though, they were captured and executed by the Nazis, a fate met by many of the youth resisters. Clearly, the German resistance was stunted from the start due to the infighting among the various parties and the lack of a real challenge to Nazi power in the streets, although it developed as World War II drug on and Germany was heavily bombed. This infighting would prove to be the undoing of other antifascist resistance movements as well.
Spain also found itself a battleground, quite literally, between fascism and antifascism when in 1936, Francisco Franco and his Falangist forces attempted a coup to seize control of the weak Spanish Second Republic. The Second Republic has, until 1936, been ruled by a coalition of conservative parties. They cracked down heavily on leftist workers, who had been instigating strikes and fighting fascists in the streets of many Spanish cities (Conlon, 2). In 1936, however, the leftist “Popular Front” coalition came to power. Those on the right were displeased with this turn of events and backed the fascist Falange movement, which then attempted to seize power through a coup. This was kept secret and the government quietly attempted to negotiate a deal that would give Franco power. As this deal became public and Franco and his forces made their move to consolidate power in Spain, workers in the various unions and political outfits rose up by declaring a general strike and began taking arms from military and police barracks. Once the arms were seized, they organized themselves into informal, and primarily democratic, militias. This activity occurred throughout almost three quarters of the country, putting a momentary halt to the fascists (Conlon, 3). The antifascists in Spain were not all interested only in combating fascism, however; many sought to make a full-scale revolution and to this end land was collectivized and “practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers,” (Orwell, 4). It was this state of the affairs that would, unfortunately, lead to the breakdown of antifascism in Spain.
The government of the Second Republic had largely remained paralyzed while the workers and peasants fought fascism. It did not buy or distribute any arms for several months and when arms were finally purchased from the Soviet Union, they were shipped only to the Stalinist militias. Arms were “systematically denied to the anarchist” and non-Stalinist controlled fronts (Conlon, 5). This show of disunity would become further exacerbated as the civil war went on. The Stalinists fought for an end to the revolution and sought to create a standard “Popular Front” army organized along traditional military lines, with the backing of the Second Republic. The militias were to be scrapped and one involved in the conflict quickly realized that they were not just fighting Franco but “one was also a pawn in an enormous struggle that was being fought out by two political theories,” namely those leftists organized around hierarchal lines, the Stalinists, and those with anti-hierarchal libertarian values, the anarchists (Orwell, 47). The Stalinists and the Second Republic government eventually triumphed and the non-Stalinist militias and organizations were disbanded by force, which ultimately led to the “May Days” of fighting between Stalinists and the anarchists and other leftist militias that left 500 dead and over 1,000 wounded (Conlon, 11). With the militias disbanded and many militants being rounded up and jailed by the Republic, Franco and the fascists were able to defeat the new army and seize power in Spain. Despite their best efforts, however, antifascist resistance continued throughout Franco’s reign.
Although Franco had the distinction of being the leader of the longest-lived fascist regime in Europe, his 40 years of power were marked by a great deal of militant resistance. Franco, like other fascists, immediately began arresting or executing those who had fought against him during his government’s rise to power. This forced many across the border or in to the mountains, where they reorganized to resist Franco. Franco’s allies were equally vicious. One notable tale characteristic of the time is that of a landlord who’d had his land expropriated during the revolution. When Franco won, he was returned his land and immediately began reporting those who had collectivized the land, which was effectively a death sentence. Those who escaped across the border reported what had occurred to other exiles and a small group was organized to go across the border. They hired a guide, made the crossing and put the landowner against a wall, condemning him for not sparing those who had spared him before the shot him (Garcia, 3). More formal guerrilla groups were also formed, which lived along the border or in the Spanish mountains and ambushed the fascists whenever opportunity arose. Ammunition trains were a popular target during the Second World War; this, combined with the other acts of sabotage and resistance, was influential in keeping Franco from fighting (Garcia, 9).
Urban guerrilla tactics were also popular. In the early 1970’s, one of the underground communist parties in Spain formed a military branch, the GRAPO, who actively bombed fascist barracks, engaged in street battles and robbed banks (Dobson and Payne, 213). This organization followed on the footsteps of earlier urban guerrillas, such as the Tallion in Barcelona, who fought the police and bombed fascist targets. Other antifascists kept busy by reorganizing their unions underground; one man was arrested carrying 2000 union membership stamps (Garcia, 1). Finally, a great deal of resistance arose from the suppressed nationalities in Spain, particularly the Basques. Since assuming power, Franco had made the Basque language illegal, banned their flag and suppressed all Basque nationalist activity, forcing the Basques to organize themselves clandestinely in “cultural groups” (O’Broin, 78). From these cultural groups came the organization Basque Homeland and Freedom, or ETA, in 1959. They engaged in tactics similar to the other guerrilla groups: bombings, political assassinations, bank robberies, etc. Of these, their most influential came in 1973 when they planted a bomb that claimed the life of Luis Carrerro Blanco, an important fascist who would’ve been Franco’s replacement (Dobson and Payne, 211). Clearly Franco’s authoritarian policies, like those of other fascists, did little to stop resisters to his regime, who would go on to inspire future generations of antifascists.
Today antifascist resistance continues, particularly in parts of North America and Europe, where fascists linger on and attempt to gain a foothold in various communities. Most antifascists seem to band together in groups such as Anti-Racist Action or Anti-Fascist Action (ARA and AFA, respectively) or others to do the bulk of their work. Their reasons for getting involved tend to vary. One man I interviewed, Marcel, spoke of his getting involved after a confrontation he had with two men while out campaigning. They had told him to “stay off their street,” and when he later mentioned this to some friends, one of them “put two-and-two together,” and realized they were Nazi organizers for a group called Aryan Nations. After this incident, he and others first set up an organization to confront them and also worked on reviving their local chapter of ARA, which had been somewhat dormant. He also talks of others who have gotten involved out of political convictions and some who are just in it because they see something “exciting going on” and often use the group as a promotional tool for their other organizations, although Marcel mentions that this “shit doesn’t fly in [antifascist] work.” The levels of community support for the antifascists also tend to vary. Those coming from a more liberal and less radical background often criticize the movement for denying the Nazis their freedom of speech. They even go so far as to play the antifascists as “pissed off white kids fighting with pissed off white kids from the other side,” as my interviewee put it. The communities actually threatened by the fascists seem more receptive to their work, however. This was most prominently the case last October in Toledo, Ohio where antifascists and local residents together fought both members of the US National Socialist Movement (NSM) and racist police who’d been harassing the community. Whatever their reasons for joining and their level of support, antifascists are active throughout North America and Europe.
In their work fighting fascists wherever they appear, antifascists use a variety of tools. Perhaps the most visible and one of the most important tools used by antifascists today is the same tactic antifascists have been using since their early days in Italy: street confrontations. Although today these confrontations don’t tend to erupt into shoot-outs as they did in the past and the police are around to protect the fascists, they can still become quite violent. In Italy, for example, a fascist pre-election rally in Milan was met by several hundred leftist antifascists who arrived with crowbars, set fire to cars and a building and waged a two hour battle with the police (Kovalyova, 1). This scene is not a unique one. The NSM, after their stint in Toledo, met again in Lansing, MI, where antifascists broke through police lines and “rocks and punches were thrown” at the rallying Nazis (“Lansing, MI,” 3). In Greece, a clash between fascists and their opponents on a university led to the stabbing of three students and a fascist who pulled a gun being taken hostage, as well as a large riot (“Greece: University…”). These acts are important, as they clearly show the fascists they are not welcome and will not be tolerated, but much antifascist work also nonviolently stops fascism from spreading.
These nonviolent tactics generally make up the bulk of antifascist work. One tactic, described by Marcel, is that of “outing.” This tactic involves gathering the personal information of a particular fascist and spreading his fascist ties around his neighborhood, workplace and community in general. This makes life fairly difficult for the fascist, as most people don’t think fond things when they hear the word, and thus makes it nearly impossible for any fascist organization to occur. The spread of the internet has made this even easier, with fascists freely giving out information on message boards or over email. This tactic, combined with some demonstrations and other acts, has been very successful in Canada, continually driving out fascists wherever they set up, according to Marcel. Nonviolent demonstrations also occur, such as a recent one in Germany where Nazis attempting to set up tables and distribute information were surrounded by antifascists (and later protected by the police), who then covered the area in anti-Nazi posters (“Nazi in…”). This sort of demonstration also occurred in December in Russia. Following a string of violent attacks by Russian fascists and a march they’d held through Moscow, antifascists staged their own 1,500 strong march (“1,500 Anti-Fascists…”). Clearly, antifascists have been able to successfully use a diversity of tactics to keep fascism subdued in much of the area they work in.
Although in most areas the antifascists have been successful in their work and the fascists have been put on the run, it is important to stay organized and continue to challenge fascism in whatever form it takes. This lesson is made quite clear from looking at history; whenever antifascist forces came into disunity because of infighting, as in Spain and Italy, or didn’t bother to acknowledge the real threat posed and respond accordingly, as in Germany, the results were clear: victory for fascism. Today, this can be seen especially in Russia, where fascists number at least 50,000 strong and have murdered people simply for attending leftist concerts or being of the wrong skin color, as well as engaged in full-scale attacks on minority communities like the Roma (“Anti-fascist murdered…”). Antifascists in Russia have been slow to respond and, beyond the previously mentioned demonstration, what little response they’ve had has been minimal. There is very little organization among antifascists in Russia, with most action being taken by individuals or small groups acting independently (Rudinsky, 2). Even in the US, where fascists are clearly met with resistance when they appear publicly, organization needs to be improved. To note a local example, a friend I’ve spoken to about this subject mentioned a concert where a lead singer gave a white power salute and nothing was done. He hadn’t even noted the band’s name. Racist fliers have also been distributed here and in Milwaukee. If antifascist organization were up to par, these incidents would’ve been dealt with quickly, whether by holding a demonstration against fascism, finding and outing the individuals involved or simply beating up said individuals. Even in areas with well-organized antifascists, such as where Marcel works in Canada, there are improvements to be made. He feels that there needs to be “more rigorous training, discussion, planning and action,” and I have to agree. Fascism’s modern adherents openly announce their ambitions to kill or harm many groups; to note a recent example, Neo-Nazi groups throughout Europe have been planning to engage in mass violence against immigrants and other people of color during the World Cup this June (“German Nazis…”). History has clearly shown that their words are not empty threats and to put up anything less than a unified, militant resistance to fascist threats is setting the stage for them to once again come to power. As Marcel ends his interview, ultimately, “we should never give up and stay strong and confident. These are our streets, our lives and they shall not pass!”
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