Stalinism and Maoism

[Che1990]

Mao was a Stalinist and he governed China in a similar way to how Stalin governed Russia. So what is the difference between Maoism and Stalinism?

[YKTMX]

I'm not sure, but I guess it's really, really boring.

[TC]

Maoism is an actual political ideology with a theoretical basis distinct from traditional marxism-leninism.

'Stalinism' is simply a way of describing Stalin's policies to imply that they constitute a system or doctrine, that can be said to be practiced in governments other than Stalin's. Stalin added no new theoretical foundation, he was simply a Marxist-Leninist so, the term "Stalinism" is more used to simply compare things to Stalin then of people self identifying with a "Stalinist" ideology, because Stalin didn't develop any political ideology.

[Enragé]

maoism relies on the peasants as a revolutionary force
Stalinism considers peasants to be reactionary (judging from how Stalin handled the peasants)

[Batman]

Is there such a thing called 'Stalinism'?

Should it not be, that Mao was a follower of Stalin?

[Hiero]

Mao introduced Cultural Revolution.

The idea is that a capitalist class can arise in the Communist Party.

[OleMarxco]

Which literally made them, "The State-Capitalist Party";
The party for the filthy rich. "Burgeouise of the world, unite!
You have nothin' to lose but yer excess inventory!" ~ Yeah, right! :D
--

[Revolutionary_Anarchism]

The difference between Maoism and Stalinism is like the difference between Stalinism and Leninism, non-existent.

[LoL84]

A texte write by me about the China. It's a texte in French. I translate but i'm law in english sorry.


China: national revolution with integration at the market


After its integration in OMC in 2002, China comes to introduce, 5 last March, a modification of its Constitution, in connection with the "legal private goods" declared from now on "inalienable". In fact, the private property was reintroduced for a long time, but these is a process which accelerates.

How did one pass from a country revolution, in 1949, of a mobilization of million peasants who raised the head vis-a-vis the feudal exploitation, of a revolution directed by Communists who, a few years earlier were reduced to a handle of combatants of the Long Walk, taken refuge in the mountains, in China today integrated in the world market, immense ground devastated by capitalist universalization?

The revolution of 1949 had an immense range since it made it possible China to leave feudality by radical methods, it caused the enthusiasm of young revolutionists in Europe who said "Maoists".. And especially, it opened the way, with the waning of the Second World War, the revolutionary upheavals of the movements of decolonization which set in motion million oppressed against the imperialism.

The Chinese revolution also interests us because it caused many debates within the extreme left and in particular of the movement trotskist, around the theory of the permanent revolution of Trotsky. Trotsky wrote in 1928-31: "For the countries with bourgeois development latecomer and, in particular for the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the theory of the permanent revolution means that the true solution and supplements their democratic tasks and of national release can be only dictatorship of the proletariat, which takes the head of the oppressed nation, above all of its agricultural work force".

Was the theory of the permanent revolution checked through the events in China? Does it make it possible to explain the nature of the Maoism which would have achieved the "democratic tasks and of national release"? Actually, the problem is complex and caused many debates which remain still current today.

To seek to understand the evolution of China, it is necessary to reconsider its revolutionary past. A rich revolutionary past since there were at the 20th century three revolutions: a first in 1911 which imposed a republic, a second in 1925, in the tread of the Russian revolution and the vague revolutionary of the Twenties, which was crushed in 1927, - that Harold Isaacs describes in its book the "tragedy of the Chinese revolution" -, and the victorious revolution of Mao and the Communist Party in 1949. To try to understand where China goes, question which is not simple and which remains open, it is not a question to make forecasts.

Continent with it only, large like the United States, with a population of more than 1,2 billion inhabitants which represents a fifth of the world population, the changes in progress in China are of a paramount range.

Which are the reports which will be created with the great power of the Far East, Japan, rival for the control of Asia? Which role can play the Chinese working class, one of most of the world, with its 286 million workers, in this evolution? Do the evolution in the course of objective conditions carry in themselves the ripening of a new revolution for the 21st century?

This text aims at bringing elements of discussion within the framework of the debate which imposes on the movement trotskist, more largely with the revolutionary movement, the current evolution of China.


Past of China rich in revolutionary upheavals

China was one of the first empires to be constituted through the Céleste empire which unified the country under the direction of a centralizing State and highly developed which was essential from its economic function, the realization of public works on the scale of the vastness of the country. It ensured a stability of the system, in spite of the country wars which ended in changes of dynasty, but without never upsetting the feudal structures. Blow, this stability was accompanied by a stagnation of the productive forces.

At the 19th century, when the European powers, in full industrialization and in the search of outlets, arrive on the Chinese coasts, they will break all the barriers which maintained China in its insulation and will upset in-depth all the old feudal structure of the "Asian despotism", according to the expression of Marx. They will do it with the brutal manner of the colonial powers, by opening the Chinese market with blows of guns with, in 1840, the war of opium. They literally will cut up China and will settle by establishing colonial concessions, commercial counters, and by creating a class of Chinese merchants-compradores representing their interests.

It is in this context that an anti-impérialist democratic movement develops quickly in the intellectual youth which will obtain a party, Kuomintang, directed by Sun Yat Sen, democratic intellectual. The policy of the helping imperialism, a revolution bursts in 1911 involving the constitution of the first Chinese Republic.

The First World War looks further into contradictions, involving a development without precedent of the productive forces and transforming million peasants into industrial workmen. The revolution of 1911 was not enough powerful to drive out the imperialisms. The anti-impérialist movement will continue to develop, binding to the labour movement whose agitation announces a new revolution carrying the hope that the tasks of independence and national unification are accomplished under the direction of the working class.

The First World War which leads to the Russian revolution and the vague revolutionist of the Twenties also will open in revolutionary China one period, between 1925 and 1927. The Russian revolution has the effect of a bomb in the networks nationalist and workman whose democratic ideal presented up to now by the movement of Sun Yat Sen is from now on by the Bolchevism which overcame the imperialism and prepares a world without capitalism.

Kuomintang, in 1925, under the direction of Tchang Kaï Chek, a young nationalist, and in which was integrated the very young Chinese Communist Party (PCC), will start the revolution to release the country while raising an army of 50 000 men with Canton. It encourages in the campaigns of risings of peasants. For Tchang Kaï Chek, at that time, "the Chinese revolution belongs to the world revolution". In 1927, whereas part of China is released by the armies of Kuomintang, that the peasants raise themselves, the youth and workmen of Shanghai take the red weapons and flags to accomodate Tchang Kaï Chek and to seize the power. This one, of which the goal was not the communist revolution in spite of its declarations, allied meanwhile with the foreign businessmen, will repress in blood the revolution, opening one time of terror, encouraged by the imperialism, against all the population and in particular, the revolutionary labour movement.

The policy of the International Communist under the direction of Stalin who dictated his policy with the PCC was criminal. Stalin subordinated the PCC to the nationalist direction of Kuomintang, depriving by advance the revolution of a true independent direction for the seizure of power by the workers and letting Tchang Kaï Chek repress the revolution. This treason of the IC illustrates the Stalinist turn of the time when it was a question for Stalin of consolidating the capacity of the bureaucracy while being opposed to the world revolution. At the same time, it eliminated in the USSR the opposition from left trotskist. The crushing of the Chinese revolution in the immediate future meant impossibility of giving again a breath with the Russian revolution and of offering new prospects to the world revolution.

Trotsky wrote in 1928: "Russia was ripe for dictatorship of the proletariat like single method to regulate the national problems, but with regard to the socialist development, this last, which proceeds of the economic and cultural conditions of a country, is indissolubly related to all the development to come from the world revolution. That applies entirely and partly to China also ".

In China, the working class minority was compared to the Chinese population, it represented three million people. But it was it also in Russia where, in spite of its number, it had ensured the victory of the revolution while being placed the head of the poor agricultural work force.

The imperialists, reassured, had finally found in Tchang Kaï Chek their new strong man who crushed the labour movement durably. The PCC is then tiny room to nothing, just some armed bands which take refuge in the mountains, under the direction of Mao It is at that time, with the disappearance of the majority of its working frameworks, that the PCC breaks with its past. It is not any more the Communist Party of the previous period, established in the working class and representing the prospects for social emancipation of the workmen and the poor farming community. The prospects that those are fixed which continue to claim Communism are from now on nationalist; their programme of destruction of feudalism and modernization of China is a program of bourgeois radicalism. EC point of sight, it is as of this time that the Maoism has anything to see neither with Communism nor even with Stalinism.

With its anti-feudal program, the PCC is established in the farming community by constituting "red bases" in the campaigns. In 1934, the armies of Mao fleeing the governmental army, under critical conditions, finish, at the end of one year, by settling in the campaigns of the North of China, creating, vis-a-vis the governmental zone, a "red zone" where all the opponents with the mode will take refuge. It is the episode of the Long Walk.

In 1937, when Japan invades the North of China, stage towards the Second World War, the troops of Mao are well established in the farming community and will be reinforced in the fight against the occupant, until behind the Japanese lines. During this fight, the policy of Mao will be illustrated in all its nationalist dimension. The interests of the nation dictate to him an agreement with Tchang Kaï Chek, agreement which envisages the integration of the red troops in the nationalist army, with the creation of the 8th army of road ordered by Mao All the elements are joined together so that the revolution which will burst after the war is a nationalist revolution led by the PCC.


The revolution of 1949, a popular revolution directed by a nationalist PC

As of the end of the war starts a country insurrection against the feudal lords, generally rejoined with the Japanese, and who sowed terror in the campaigns. The PCC will be obliged in spite of him to take the direction of this revolution: it is isolated capacity at the end of the war since, according to agreements' of Yalta, the Japanese were to await the nationalist armies to capitulate and especially not to leave their weapons and the territories occupied with the troops of Mao Tchang Kaï Chek, become again the strong man of the great powers, takes again even the military offensive against the Reds in spite of the efforts of Mao to preserve the national unit.

It is the insurrection of the peasants, from 45 to 46, which makes return throat to feudal and imposes the division of the grounds. They organize meetings of "payments of accounts" where the local lords are often lapidated and carried out. This violent insurrection, of revenge vis-a-vis secular violence on the feudal lords and to undergone humiliations, spreads in all the North and the Center of China.

The poorest peasants express a certain mistrust with regard to the PCC which keeps a moderate program agrarian not to lose the sympathy of the patriotic lords and Kuomintang with which it hopes from now on to share the capacity.

Afterwards many hesitations, the PCC makes the choice go to the head of the agrarian revolution under the pressure of the insurrection and the agrarian revolution. This insurrection of the farming community which represents the essence of its social base obstructs it insofar as it cuts it fraction of the Chinese bourgeoisie known as patriotic, that which had not openly collaborated with the Japanese occupants. It is towards it that it is turned while seeking some the support to exert the power, to drive out the imperialism and the compradores of Kuomintang, to implement a programme of modernization of China. Mao thus decides, at the end of 47, to finish some with the rising of the campaigns, by making the distinction between the landowners and rich of the campaigns in order to make return in the row the farming community.

The bourgeoisie Chinese, tired of the dictatorship of Tchang Kaï Chek, repression, arbitrary of a mode which harms the businesses, is allured by this political gesture in its direction and will join in Mao the army itself which feels the wind to turn, capitulates without combat to also join, coming to inflate the armies Maoists. So that the mode, hated of all, breaks down and than on October 1, 1949, the popular Republic (RPC) is proclaimed in Peking. Mao conquered the campaigns and the cities, it keeps about the same apparatus of State, except a handle of civils servant who flee, with Tchang Kaï Chek, in Taiwan.

The revolution of 1949 represents an immense hope for the whole of the people oppressed and colonized with leaving the war but this national revolution nothing Socialist has.

The democratic revolution was for a long time a need to leave the dead end in which the great powers plunged China by slowing down its economic development. It is the Second World War, with the collapse of Japan and the weakening of the other powers imperialists, which created the objective conditions of the Chinese revolution. In fact the agricultural work force made it victorious before being dispossessed of it.

In 1949, the PCC with the capacity has the free hands to modernize China. It is there all its program, a nationalist program, which led it to the head of the agricultural work force by reconciling the nationalist bourgeoisie. The symbol of this program, it is the new standard of the RPC, the red flag with five stars, with four stars representing the four classes: patriotic workmen, peasants, small bourgeoisie and "capitalists", and the fifth, largest, is that of the PCC which claims to carry out the unit of all the social classes. Communism, it remains only the color.

Never the PCC made the choice of the working class, on the contrary, at the time of the catch of the cities, Mao did everything so that the rallying of the administrations is fast in order to prevent any weakening of the capacity of State and very possible working insurrection. The PCC was present in the cities, it could have called with rising, the seizure of power by the workers, but it was not question. The working class, always under the blow of the terror of 1927, was quite unable only to be raised.

As much to say that this revolution has nothing to do with the Russian revolution. In 1917, the poor peasants were combined with the working class of the great industrial centers under the political direction of a revolutionary party whereas in China, the PCC controlled the agricultural work force for better joining the urban bourgeoisie, while making conceal the working class.

The unit of the workmen and the peasants, directed by a PCC which would have made the choice be established in the working class to organize it, could have caused a revolution comparable with the Russian revolution. It could have started again the world revolution the shortly after the war, by involving the people oppressed in this way, giving again by there confidence with the workers of the USSR, crushed by the Stalinist mode but at which the memory of the revolution of 1917 was still quite present.

The national revolution Maoist, because of intervention of the agricultural work force, represented an immense progress for all the Chinese company and profited from a sympathy well beyond China. By carrying out the democratic revolution, while destroying systematically and radically the old feudal structures, while getting rid of the seizure of the great colonial powers, it constituted a hope for all the oppressed people, in particular in the colonies, and it launched the blow of sending of the revolutionary fights of national independence of the post-war period.


Under the boot of the bureaucracy Maoist, the constitution of a bourgeois State

From the revolution and for all the period when it is with the capacity, Mao will try to modernize China, to industrialize it, make it reach the stage of great power with an aim of integrating it into the capitalist market, by founding a dictatorship to put the population at work and to prevent any opposition.

But its allied natural, the Chinese bourgeoisie, is being wary with regard to those which say themselves communist and too weak and incompetent to have a total plan to start again the economy. Then the State will replace it by nationalizing the companies, but in repurchasing to him. And very often, the bourgeoisie men remain as directors with the head of the companies. Nothing to see with the expropriation of the bourgeoisie by the Russian revolution, who placed the economy under the control of the workers.

In parallel, the battle of the production is imposed on the working class. Trade unions are set up to put the workmen at work and to prevent the dispute. Vis-a-vis the strikes which burst in the great industrial centers at the exit of the war, the capacity answers by the maintenance of the 12 working hour per day, it offers two days off per month but only for the members of the trade unions, it refuses the wage increases, prohibited the occupations of factory, and imposes a strict discipline for the workmen.

In the campaigns, Mao and the PCC finished by in-high the land reform necessary to modernize the country. Vis-a-vis the economic crisis, the peasants store the food which they cannot exchange against too rare industrial products and the famine threatens the cities. To cure it, the capacity decides to collectivize of force the grounds by confiscating manu militari 100 million hectares, generally in an arbitrary way, to redistribute them to 70 million poor families. It exproprie of tens of million peasants by obliging them to work in the co-operatives of State where work is overexploited.

It is a question of making pay the peasants, as with the workmen, the price of industrialization. The nationalizations of the companies and the collectivization of the grounds made by the new State are it because it is brought to replace the Chinese bourgeoisie. This policy aims to preserve and defend the bourgeoisie interests instead of a national bourgeoisie too weak. Consequently, not only, there will be no "major incursions into the right of ownership bourgeoisie", according to the expression of Trotsky, that only the working class with the direction of the revolution would have had interest to make, but there will be thereafter return behind compared to the nationalizations and the collectivization, certainly imposed by in-high by the bureaucracy Maoist, but which constitute a progress compared to the bourgeois property.

Upon the departure, the mode whose choices are clear causes the hostility of part of the population, the more so as with the release of the war of Korea in 1950, the pressure will be accentuated. With the downstream of Stalin and Mao, the north-Korean troops invade South Korea, involving the response of the United States from which the troops threaten China directly. An army of forced "volunteers" is sent on the face, while at the back, the saving in war is installation, accompanied by the elimination of the opponents. In the cities, the intellectuals undergo a vast "correction" campaign, in the name of the fight against corruption. At that time, all the thought "is reformed": it is necessary to read works of Mao, while one burns the books per thousands and that any freedom of expression is prevented.

Vis-a-vis the working conditions and with forced collectivization, the strikes multiply and the peasants revolt, they cut down the cattle, burn stocks, flee the campaigns, and come to inflate the bands of vagrants in the cities where misery and criminality develop.

In spring 56, to calm the social strains in the countryside as at the city, Mao makes mine release ballast in particular with respect to the intellectual lower middle class: it is the countryside known as of the "Hundred flowers", according to the expression used by Mao, "that hundred flowers open out, that hundred schools compete". At the same time, the workers of Poland and Hungary which revolt against the dictatorship of the Stalinist bureaucracy, like the publication of the Khrouchtchev report on the crimes of Stalin, are an encouragement with social agitation in China which can become unverifiable. Then, Mao decides to employ the force to repress: 230 000 "counter-revolutionaries" are carried out or sent in prison, 500 000 intellectuals are imprisoned in "camps of rehabilitation by work", of the million are distant in the countryside. These dictatorial methods impelled by the true support of the mode, the army, will become a constant of its repressive policy since the risk of a overflow will appear.

It is once the restored order which Mao launches China in a catastrophic forced march into 58-60. It is a question "of exceeding England in 15 years" by the policy known as of the Great Jump ahead. It is a true catastrophe: tens of million peasants are moved to go to work in the mines or to be integrated in "popular communes" charged to industrialize the campaigns to make them self-sufficing. Mines are open, of the small blast furnaces created in the campaigns to produce steel. The result is that the forests are devastated to supply these blast furnaces, and especially that harvests are not collected any more for lack of labour. To such a degree that the agricultural production of cereals falls of 150 million tons in 1960 and that it will have to be waited until 1965 so that it finds its level... of before the Great Jump into Front. In 1960, the famine spreads, making between 15 and 40 million died in the campaigns! And the steel which leaves the blast furnaces is of too bad quality to be usable.

With the launching of the Great Jump ahead, Mao had issued "six years of hard work and deprivations for 10 000 years of happiness". But in 1960, China, devastated, made a great jump behind and will be occupied during years repairing the damage.

The result of these ten years of policy of modernization and industrialization of China with forced march is an immense fiasco, from the social point of view but also from the point of view of the development of the market and same capitalist interests. Because the State, the bureaucracy Maoist, are as blind as it are the capitalist interests: the series of turns with regard to the economic policy of industrialization does nothing but worsen the situation and delay the prospect for integration at the market wanted from the beginning by the mode.


The continuation will arrive this evening. I afflict must go outside.

[LoL84]

the continuation...


Cultural revolution, put at the step of the working class, with died of Mao, the political opening towards outside, first stage towards the economic opening

The Cultural revolution started at the time of summer 66 with the closing of the universities and the mobilization of the schoolboys and high-school pupils, the "Red guards" was presented like a spontaneous movement of youth. It is rather the attempt at response of the dictatorship, weakened after the devastations of the "three years black" of the Great jump to ahead put at the step the working class.

After the rupture with the USSR in 1962, the insulation of China is total whereas, already victim of the economic blockade of the USA, the intervention American imperialist against Vietnam make weigh a threat at its borders.

Vis-a-vis the lack of prospects for intellectual, dissatisfied youth from the blocking of the company, to the dissatisfaction with working youth which cannot reach the statute of workman of State, to the temporary million workers not being able to settle in the cities, at the beginning of mobilization of the working class, Mao will launch an offensive of great width: August 18 66, in Peking, a million young people ravels in front of him; the many processions, from 66 to 68, in all the country, will gather between 10 and 20 million young people.

Named Cultural revolution, it aims to divert dissatisfactions, by channeling them against the working class, and the framing of the farming community. It is the two classes to which the mode - very continuously to assert itself some - must impose new sacrifices to carry out of force a primitive accumulation, in the logic of its nationalist policy, to try to modernize China.

Mao is pressed on "the tape of the four", to which belonged Jiang Qing, its wife, on Lin Biao, head of the army and especially, on this one which becomes once again, the instrument of framing of the masses. It is it which ensures the transport of the red guards through all China, provides them an infrastructure and will repress thereafter the red guards which will not return in the row.

Canting the aspiration of the young people to being social actors, the Cultural revolution, under cover to attack with the vestiges of feudality, the bourgeoisie, with the revisionism, mobilizes them against the population of the cities. Become unverifiable, holding up the "small red book" of the thoughts of Mao which is itself set up in "large quartermaster" - for which also young revolutionists in Europe fill with enthusiasm who will carry in May 68 the "Mao behaviour" -, the red guards make break violence and terror, walking in the cities of the men and the connected women, sometimes beaten with death.

This alleged revolution aims at putting at the step any dispute, before all that of the working class which, in Shanghai, had launched out in a long strike which could make contagion. Many frameworks of the PCC will be them also victims, liquidated like Liu Shao Shi, president of the Republic, or excluded like Deng Xiaoping, leading future of China, the PCC as such practically ceasing existing in these years.

With autumn 67, the universities are open again; Mao succeeded in taking again the hand, it strengthened its capacity with the support of the army and the secret service. The liquidation of the red guards is decided into 68: some are built-in in committees known as revolutionary, those which refuse to return the weapons are liquidated physically, 15 to 20 million will be sent in the campaigns from where half of them, ten years, always will later be prohibited to return.

With new, the damage of a hostile policy to the interests of the working and country masses is reflected on the economic situation: in 68, the industrial production dropped by 30 % compared to 66.

In the tread of the Cultural revolution, the worship of Mao is installed: taking as a starting point the the Stalinist model, the military parades are organized to show the force of the army known as popular, the slogans dithyrambic and alambiqués, whose population is watered, are supposed being a political direction. At the same time, the dictatorship, anxious to maintain its pressure to defuse the possible generalization of movements of dissatisfaction - permanent concern of the mode -, refers constant to the revolutionary past. The capacity of Mao is essential then because it is the only one with being able to occupy the function of "supreme guide", balances some above different click which leads a keen and opaque fight to be able it to the top of the apparatus of the party and government - of which among others, the clan of "the band of the four" -.

This competition leads into 70 to the political elimination of the head of the army, designated successor of Mao, Lin Biao, replaced by another dignitary, Zhou Enlai, which then Hua Guofeng will succeed... and so on.

In this mode which does not admit any political dispute, this one succeeds all the same with is expressed: the death of Zhou Enlai in 76 provides the pretext of it. To Peking, demonstrations which in fact are directed against the close relations of Mao, turn to the riot.

To be maintained and go towards an economic policy of development, the mode needs an opening towards outside. With the turning of the Seventies, the Chinese dictatorship does not have the means yet of opening on the market mondia; it should initially break an insulation which was imposed to him by the great powers, of which the first, that of the USA.

The occasion will arise some when those, overcome in Vietnam, are constrained to be disengaged some, and seek to renegotiate their policy in Asia within the framework of an overall solution of the South-East Asia. This new policy leads them to join again with the giant of the area, China. After a secret diplomatic ballet, Nixon, President of the United States, are symbolically received by Mao into 72. The committed political relations will evolve to the Entente Cordiale increasingly posted between the two countries, with the deep incomprehension of all those which, in Occident, made of China a "model" of socialism.


The economic opening and integration at the market: devastations of capitalist globalization

Four years after the death of Mao occurred in September 76; the arrest and the lawsuit of the "band of the four", whose Western press will make great noise, symbolize the end of the Maoism as a policy being based on mobilization the framed of the masses to reject the pressure imperialist to build on the basis of national country a poor and antiquated modern economy.

Chinese leaders hated like persons in charge for the Cultural revolution, their judgment is also the symbol of a policy which, while drawing a feature over this period, continuous to claim heritage of the Maoism to maintain its pressure undemocratic on the population.

Captive of its national limits vis-a-vis the world division of work and on the level of development of the productive forces in the rich countries, China, first of all in a gradual way, then at accelerated speed, under the pressure of the capitalist globalization of the Eighties, is integrated into the world market.

The limits of class which were those of the national revolution bring back China in the bosom of international capitalism, to some extent "naturally". The policy etatist will impel the preparation with this opening, by creating a domestic market for a minority of privileged people, by the return behind on the collectivization of the grounds. Started into 78-79, the decollectivisation is completed into 84.

At the same time, Chinese capitalism, under control of the State and the cane of the successor of Mao, Deng Xiaoping, will be developed by a series of measurements which contribute to the progressive opening to the market. This control is not directed against the seizure of the external capital and the importation of goods but well against the agricultural work force and working whose standard of living all the same relatively will progress and who raise the head to assert their rights.

In the coastal cities, and near Hongkong where part of the Chinese bourgeoisie into 49 fled which hastens to invest its capital there, the new "free zones", called "special economic zones", created from 79, gradually will penetrate all China. Financed at the beginning with the capital of the Chinese diaspora, these ZES upset the social reports, introducing on an unknown scale until there the devastations of capitalism. They cause also enrichment deprived for the members of the PCC which reaches this new financial basket.

The watchword launched to all the parasites by Deng Xiaoping, into 92, "you enrich" is the creed of the mode whose program of privatizations is posted through the new slogan of the construction of a "economy of the socialist market".

To ensure the truth of the prices between this new soon flourishing capitalism and the state-controlled economy, the government enterprises, as of 83, are placed under the supervision of the municipalities. The consequences are the generalization of the corruption practised by the members of the PCC which constitutes true strongholds and the explosion of the social inequalities for the population of the cities and the campaigns.

If the decollectivisation of the grounds gave to the mode of the credit near the minority which, in the campaigns, finds its account there, it worsened the "crisis of the scissors", difference on the market lately created between the prices of the agricultural produce which tends to drop and the prices industrial of which those of the tools, fuels, manures, which climb out of arrow. Many peasants, among poorest, do not manage any more to live of their work, the more so as with the demographic pressure and the concentration of the grounds, consequence of their privatization, the cultivable surface by country family decreases.

Misery grows in the campaigns involving the exasperation of the peasants which bursts in many demonstrations, against the corruption of the executives of the PCC, against the abuses taxes which, officially, do not exceed 5 % of the country incomes but, in the facts, represent sometimes up to 80 % of their incomes.

Thus, the international press made state of more than 230 incidents violent one in nine provinces between winter 96 and spring 97. From May to July 97, more than 500 000 peasants would have taken part in nearly 300 demonstrations, protesting almost always against embezzlements and injustices on behalf of the executives of the PCC.

Another consequence of the conjunction of the decollectivisation in the campaigns and the introduction into the economy of the laws of the market, the existence of a population known as "floating". In increase of 20 % approximately each year, it would have reached a few 150 million in 1995.

It is made up of proletarianized peasants who gain the cities which, in 10 years, from 86 to 95, grew bigger of 100 million inhabitants, attracted by their economic boom, and of million precarized workmen who "float" between the campaigns and the cities.

In the "free zones" urban where thrive of the trusts, like Thomson, Alcatel, Philips, Sony, Reebok... and their Chinese subcontractings, a new working class undergoes a terrible exploitation, without having the least right. Concentrates per thousands, with wages of less than 76 € per month, - twenty times less than in France -, the workmen and workers, old often from 18 to 25 years, are on the spot placed in a quasi prison way. Their working conditions are such as at the end of a few years of this overexploitation, they and they regain their villages and are replaced by newcomers. Without organization, their youth and their number represent despite everything a potential of working revolts.

Resistance essential with the explosion of the capitalist free competition is represented by the industrial sector of State: in the Nineties, 108 million paid still formed part of it, that is to say the 2/3 of paid employment.

The various governments tried with many recoveries to cut down what they mensongèrement present like "privileges". It is a question of breaking the "iron rice bowl", the guarantee of the use with life which opens the rights to the medical care, with assistances with housing, the schooling of the children, and with a retirement and the "large common pot", i.e. the about equal wages between workmen. Privileges which, of course, are not and which, in the popular ocean of misery, are defended with nozzles and nails by the resistance of these employees although they do not have any right of expression nor of organization to defend oneself in trade-union.

In second half of the Nineties, a significant retreat their was imposed with the application of a law on the bankruptcies which allows from now on the dismissals (there was 12 million into 96 of it).

With the death of the old dictator, Deng Xiaoping, in 97, the new strong man, Jiang Zemin, made profitability of the sector of State the priority of its policy.

If the worst is to be come for the employees from State, it is it also probably for the Chinese government which does not profit any more of the support from the working masses. If those were captive of the compromise which represented a capacity resulting from a revolutionary crisis; it is not any more the case today. The compromise is not possible any more and this rupture leaves room to a resistance which made say, in 98, in the World Bank "employment is becoming the major problem of the Chinese economy". Social employment, and thus movements.

According to official figures', there would have been for the only year 1993, 12 000 "acidents", strikes, demonstrations, petitions, even lynchings of frameworks including 2500 occupations of factories, destruction and fires of public buildings. Other sources make state for this same year of 6300 strikes. According to figures' provided by the Diplomatic World of November 1997, this year ago, 26 000 movements of labour unrest, in increase of 59 % compared to 1996.

For only July 1997, in only one province, that of Sichuan, in the center of China, the setting in bankruptcy of several factories caused a working demonstration of 100 000 paid which claimed the payment of the unemployment pays to which they had right. The government answered by the curfew and the violent intervention of the armed police force which would have made a hundred wounded and would have proceeded to as many arrests among the workmen.

These data are partial, the mode made the blackout on information, to which the officially prohibited disclosure is liable to heavy prison sentences.

Thus, if the integration of China in the capitalist market results in damage devastators for the popular classes, it causes also a dispute which is expressed by radical methods although the Chinese social movement did not find yet the ways of its unit of action.

For all those which praise the so-called role progressist of the market economy, democratic freedoms which it would be carrying, China of today shows that the laws of the market are accompanied extremely well by perpetuation of the dictatorship.

As of its origin, the Chinese mode had recourse to repression against any expression of the dispute of its authority. And up to now, it always put a brutal crushing argument at the expression of democratic freedoms as of the moment when they could make it possible to express the questioning of the dictatorship.

That was the case into 78-79, where a pretence of freedom had been allowed, in the only town of Peking, with the existence of the "wall of the democracy" which authorized the public mural posting of the popular claims - dazibao -. This mean freedom, first possibility of public expression of the misfits, had known a passion such as people had come from all the country to be expressed. The capacity had taken fear and carried out arrests.

In 89, vis-a-vis the dispute coed, Tienanmen place in Peking, the capacity had made the choice send the troop which had been devoted to a true massacre, in the night from the 3 to June 4, shooting at crowd, and undoubtedly making nearly 2 000 dead.

The origin of the dispute was the commemoration of died of a ex-secretary of the Communist Party, Hu Yaobang, shown by the government not to have repressed with enough firmness the demonstrations coeds of 1986. The youth movement, which had called with the unlimited occupation of the Tienanmen place, behind streamers proclaiming "Lives freedom and the democracy, to bottom corruption and the bureaucracy" had attracted the sympathy of the population and the workers of Peking, and tens of provincial towns, which flowed per hundreds of thousands. It had initially been encouraged by a fraction of the "reforming" bureaucracy, around Zhao Ziyang, secretary-general of the party, in fight for the succession of the number one of the mode, Deng Xiaoping, at the moment even where Gorbatchev was present in Peking, symbolizing the way towards the reforms.

The government will finally decide to proclaim the martial law, repression encountering a strong resistance, the army trucks being paralysed by disarmed crowd, the students fraternizing with soldiers.

In 99, they will be the members of the Falungong sect who were victims of a repression which them constrained with living still today in clandestinity. Created into 92 on religious bases, with a at the very least incoherent ideology, the sect expresses, in fact, a dispute of the mode on behalf of its members whom it primarily recruits among the population of excluded. It would count 60 million of them. Every week, in Peking and in other cities, demonstrations by small groups are organized to claim the legalization of their movement.

The refusal of democratic freedoms remains and the devastations of capitalist globalization worsen the situation for million excluded.

The integration of China in the capitalist market does not solve any of its problems; contrary, it opens one period of great instability because of the current massive dismissals and to come, on a scale quite higher than what they were up to now, while at the same time the working class is far from to be domesticated.

It is difficult to come to a conclusion about the possible evolution of the country but one cannot exclude, vis-a-vis the brutality of the intervention of the market, the solutions fascisantes being based on nationalism, even regionalism, to control the masses. Another possibility is open: that of a Chinese proletariat which could give on the agenda the question of its intervention as a revolutionary class and again take again the initiative, broken after the crushing of the working revolution of 1927-29, then stopped during the process of the revolution Maoist.

To understand the past is essential for us to analyze the new reports/ratios of forces which are born in the Chinese company with the extension of the capitalism of free competition on the scale of planet and its penetration in China.

The two vague revolutionary who were held up to now are integrated during two great time, those of the First and the Second World War.

After the First World War, the seizure of power by the workers and the agricultural work force low in Russia causing a vague revolutionary in Europe and Asia shook the domination of the bourgeoisie on a worldwide scale but could not triumph and generated the Stalinist caricature; after the Second World War, the intervention on the political scene of the revolutionary masses of the colonial countries whose Chinese revolution was the precursory element, upset the relations of the old colonies with the countries imperialists, without liquidating the bourgeoisie domination. The labour movement, decapitated and paralysed by the conjunction of Stalinism and Fascism, could not find the force political and organisational to go to the head of the country revolutions to carry out the democratic tasks and of national release under its direction while being placed from the point of view of social transformation within the framework of the world arena.

They are the objective conditions, the state of the productive forces in China, the reports of the classes on the basis of of a majority and overexploited farming community and a still embryonic and deprived proletariat of any initiative by its defeat of 25-27 which produced the Maoism.

The Chinese revolution upset the old reports of feudal domination which it radically extirpated. It modernized the country and by a dictatorial policy, Mao then his successors carried out a primitive accumulation on the work of million peasants and workmen to industrialize China which counted three million workmen into 49 and today, 286 million. Today, 50 % of the population are urban and the mégapoles are legion: Shanghai, 12,4 million inhabitants, Peking, 8,9 million, Canton, 3,9 million...

The intervention of the agricultural work force allowed a jump ahead making penetrate the economic reports of the XXème century in feudal China. That is a homage to the revolution, on the initiative of the masses "by in bottoms", which made the demonstration on a large country scale like the USA, that them irruption on the political scene was the principal factor of progress.

It is also a homage to the theory of the permanent revolution in the sense that, in spite of its revolutionary intervention, the farming community, not being able to follow an independent policy, could not go until the end, captive of the limits of its revolution placed under the political direction of nationalist forces which, although being claimed some, a policy of social emancipation by the masses themselves did not continue. The revolution remained locked up within the framework of the national borders, captive of little developed productive forces; modernization, under the economic and cultural conditions of the underdeveloped country that was China, was done with forced march, by the brutal overexploitation of the populations worker and country-woman.

There was what to be filled with enthusiasm by China which shakes world [ according to the title of the book of Belden which tells the movement of the masses into 49 ], to extirpate pressure imperialist. For as much, it posed many questions with the movement trotskist. Some believed that to replate on the Chinese revolution the formulas of the permanent revolution, made it possible to deduce from it, by a formal reasoning, that it was of comparable nature that the Russian revolution. To trace a parallel between the Russian party Bolshevik going to the direction of a working revolution involving the poor farming community and placing themselves resolutely from the point of view internationalist and the Chinese PCC which seized the power while being pressed on an army, was it "red", amounts reducing the theory of the permanent revolution to a formula mechanist, independent of the acting social forces.

In 1932, after the defeat of the revolution, whereas the Communists had placed themselves at the head of country armies, Trotsky wrote: "the bridge between the farming community and the bourgeoisie is consisted town bourgeoisie, mainly by the intellectuals who intervene under the flag of socialism, and even of Communism", and still, "in fact, the party separated from its own class". This rupture of the PCC with the working class carrying a prospect for transformation revolutionary émancipatrice for humanity is a factor determining of the evolution of China.

The bourgeois democratic movement of Sun-Yat-Sun was the product of a political awakening due to the introduction of the XIX 2nd century capitalism into a country which vegetated under the domination of a mode of Eastern despotism; the economic upheavals of XXième century generated the revolution Maoist, attempt to make of China a modern and industrial country; will those of the 21st century, due to capitalist globalisation on the scale of the sphere, make it possible the working class to take again the initiative?

It is not a question to make a forecast but to understand in what the transformations in progress and to come reinforced this one like never, integrating it in the international working class with the same evolution: a development in the services, work in subcontracting, undergoing precariousness and unemployment.

The social question is present in China, the number of strike attests it. The question which is put is that of the existence of a conscience of a community of interest of class which can be expressed on a national scale to constitute an independent labour movement, a political force able to bring new democratic prospects and emancipative.

[romanm]

Heiro is right. Mao's truly original and universal contributions are his analysis of revisionism, the idea that capitalism can arise within the party itself, and that we need cultural revolution to fight it - we need to wage relentless class war in the superstructure.

This is what makes Maoism a new higher stage of Marxism.

Stalinism isn't even an real ideology. Nobody identifies themselves as "Stalinist". It is an insult used by the enemies of Stalin. It is similiar to "Trotskyite".. Trotskyists refer to themselves either as "Marxist-Leninists" or "Trotskyist", they don't refer to themselves as "Trotskyites"

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