The Garbage Disposal Unit
4th February 2005, 04:24
Just some ideas I had after an afternoon of reading about fascism - cleaned up, and somewhat expanded upon with the help of "amusing foibles". Comments/questions/rewrites/etc. STRONGLY encouraged.
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Hey - just some musings - written mostly by myself, but made more readable, and expanded on by Ala. Just curious to hear people's thoughts so we can build on it:
Fascism is traditionally a product of very specific historical conditions and class relationships. In particular, it has grown out of a crisis in capitalism, at a point when the system has not developed to the degree where the petit-bourgeoisie (Including small farmers, etc.) has been eliminated as a force. At these times, when the proletariat lacks the consciousness for a successful revolution and the leadership of the proletariat is incapable of responding to crisis, the petit-bourgeoisie is faced with a choice between an unconfident, incapable, working class, and preservation of the existing order. Naturally, it sides with the big-bourgeoisie in protection of its capital and drags the reactionary sectors of the working class with it.
In modern western post-industrial nations, the petit-bourgeois no longer exists as a force of any particular note. Marx theorized that proletarianization of the petit-bourgeoisie would crystalize class struggle - in the process, creating a stark choice between socialism or barbarism. However, two of the conditions which allow for fascism to arise in the instance of crisis persist - those of proletariat lacking consciousness, and of a revolutionary leadership that will cave in the face of any decisive conflict. Fascism, though, cannot arise without the petit-bourgeoisie's co-operation with capital. Fufilling a similar, but distinct, role, a new reactionary class has arisen to replace the petit-bourgeoisie. This class is the class of upper-bureaucrats and managers within the institutions of monopoly-capital.
The centralization of the means of production in fewer hands, and the increase in the gap of relative wealth, has affected, naturally, other relationships and institutions within society. In particular, multinational corporations and other concentrations of power have begun to vastly surpass the state in the direct power they weild. The static state has begun to cede control to dynamic, mobile capital - globalized, and unrestrained by borders. Within these new hubs, the bureaucrats and upper managers have developed a situation in which they have control of productive forces, in which they direct the labour of others, and live indirectly off the surplus labour generated by the working class. This bureaucratic class bares striking resemblance to the upper-tiers of state-capitalist bureaucrats, like those that evolved out of Marxist-Leninist-lead revolutions in pre-capitalist societies (That is, where they have accomplished the tasks of the bourgeois revolution, and industrialized, etc. through the means of bureaucratic-monopoly capitalism). This class does not benefit directly from surplus value as owners do, but rather relies on maintaining and manipulating the creation of surplus value to ensure their affluence.
Should, in the advent of a crisis, the proletariat again fail to create socialism, the nature of the response will be necessarily different than that of 'traditional' fascism. The tight, centralized, autocratic corporate structures, wielding influence across borders, must necessarily accelerate current trends when threatened with potentially revolutionary situations. That is, establish a sort of multinational police state in which localized institutions of repression would be made subservient to the non-localized power of capital. Even in current circumstances, when specific manifestations of capital are threatened, elements of this ideology are put into practice. We may look, for example, to the myriad instances in which states are compelled by the power of capital to mobilize violent forces despite their own apparent interests. That is, situations have begun to exist where the coercive power that might be potentially exercised by private institutions outweighs the immediate interests of states. The systematization and globalization of these conditions waits only for a crisis in which the working class is unable to destroy the means of their implementation.
As the bureacratic class relies on the contridiction between bourgeoisie-ownership and proletarian labour, they will act to co-ordinate the mobilization of forces to crush proletarian revolution, and systemize this means of control. While this means maintaining their subservience to the bourgeoisie and forfieting individual democratic participation in structures, they will, like the petit-bourgeoisie in previous situations, side with the status-quo against an unorganized and ineffectual proletariat.
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Ok, GO!
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Hey - just some musings - written mostly by myself, but made more readable, and expanded on by Ala. Just curious to hear people's thoughts so we can build on it:
Fascism is traditionally a product of very specific historical conditions and class relationships. In particular, it has grown out of a crisis in capitalism, at a point when the system has not developed to the degree where the petit-bourgeoisie (Including small farmers, etc.) has been eliminated as a force. At these times, when the proletariat lacks the consciousness for a successful revolution and the leadership of the proletariat is incapable of responding to crisis, the petit-bourgeoisie is faced with a choice between an unconfident, incapable, working class, and preservation of the existing order. Naturally, it sides with the big-bourgeoisie in protection of its capital and drags the reactionary sectors of the working class with it.
In modern western post-industrial nations, the petit-bourgeois no longer exists as a force of any particular note. Marx theorized that proletarianization of the petit-bourgeoisie would crystalize class struggle - in the process, creating a stark choice between socialism or barbarism. However, two of the conditions which allow for fascism to arise in the instance of crisis persist - those of proletariat lacking consciousness, and of a revolutionary leadership that will cave in the face of any decisive conflict. Fascism, though, cannot arise without the petit-bourgeoisie's co-operation with capital. Fufilling a similar, but distinct, role, a new reactionary class has arisen to replace the petit-bourgeoisie. This class is the class of upper-bureaucrats and managers within the institutions of monopoly-capital.
The centralization of the means of production in fewer hands, and the increase in the gap of relative wealth, has affected, naturally, other relationships and institutions within society. In particular, multinational corporations and other concentrations of power have begun to vastly surpass the state in the direct power they weild. The static state has begun to cede control to dynamic, mobile capital - globalized, and unrestrained by borders. Within these new hubs, the bureaucrats and upper managers have developed a situation in which they have control of productive forces, in which they direct the labour of others, and live indirectly off the surplus labour generated by the working class. This bureaucratic class bares striking resemblance to the upper-tiers of state-capitalist bureaucrats, like those that evolved out of Marxist-Leninist-lead revolutions in pre-capitalist societies (That is, where they have accomplished the tasks of the bourgeois revolution, and industrialized, etc. through the means of bureaucratic-monopoly capitalism). This class does not benefit directly from surplus value as owners do, but rather relies on maintaining and manipulating the creation of surplus value to ensure their affluence.
Should, in the advent of a crisis, the proletariat again fail to create socialism, the nature of the response will be necessarily different than that of 'traditional' fascism. The tight, centralized, autocratic corporate structures, wielding influence across borders, must necessarily accelerate current trends when threatened with potentially revolutionary situations. That is, establish a sort of multinational police state in which localized institutions of repression would be made subservient to the non-localized power of capital. Even in current circumstances, when specific manifestations of capital are threatened, elements of this ideology are put into practice. We may look, for example, to the myriad instances in which states are compelled by the power of capital to mobilize violent forces despite their own apparent interests. That is, situations have begun to exist where the coercive power that might be potentially exercised by private institutions outweighs the immediate interests of states. The systematization and globalization of these conditions waits only for a crisis in which the working class is unable to destroy the means of their implementation.
As the bureacratic class relies on the contridiction between bourgeoisie-ownership and proletarian labour, they will act to co-ordinate the mobilization of forces to crush proletarian revolution, and systemize this means of control. While this means maintaining their subservience to the bourgeoisie and forfieting individual democratic participation in structures, they will, like the petit-bourgeoisie in previous situations, side with the status-quo against an unorganized and ineffectual proletariat.
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Ok, GO!