Ⓐnarchists.

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Fanya Baron
Fanya Anisimovna Baron (Russian: Фа́ня Ани́симовна Ба́рон) (1887 – September 29, 1921) was a Russian anarchist revolutionary who lived in the United States from 1911 to 1917 when she returned to her homeland to build a post-revolutionary society. In 1921, she was executed by the Cheka on personal orders from Lenin.
Fanya was involved in the Nabat Ukrainian Anarchist Confederation (active 1919-1920) which published a paper also called Nabat ("The Alarm"). The Nabat confederation had ties with the Makhno movement. Several Nabat members (among them Fanya's husband Aron Baron, Voline and Peter Arshinov) were active in the Cultural-Educational Section of the Makhno movement.
Voline and Aaron Baron were among anarchists who were arrested in a Cheka crackdown on anarchism at the end of 1920. It is likely that Fanya Baron was also arrested at this time.
In early July 1921, Fanya escaped from Ryazan prison. She planned to help her husband Aron Baron escape from prison in Moscow. Aaron's brother, Semion, a Bolshevik communist, offered to help with the plan. Later the same year, they were found out, with Fanya being arrested by the Cheka, and Semion Baron being executed on the spot.
Fanya Baron was among 13 anarchists held at Taganka prison without charges. In July 1921, they went on hunger strike, attracting the attention of visiting French, Spanish and Russian syndicalists who argued for their release. Leon Trotsky remarked at the time "We do not imprison the real anarchists, but only criminals and bandits who cover themselves by claiming to be anarchists".
After Fanya Baron's execution by the Cheka, Emma Goldman eulogized her in the following words:
"Fanya Baron was of the type of Russian woman completely consecrated to the cause of humanity. While in America she gave all her spare time and a goodly part of her meagre earnings in a factory to further Anarchist propaganda. Years afterward, when I met her in Kharkov, her zeal and devotion had become intensified by the persecution she and her comrades had endured since their return to Russia. She possessed unbounded courage and a generous spirit. She could perform the most difficult task and deprive herself of the last piece of bread with grace and utter selflessness. Under harrowing conditions of travel, Fanya went up and down the Ukraina to spread the Nabat, organize the workers and peasants, or bring help and succour to her imprisoned comrades. She was one of the victims of the Butyrki raid, when she had been dragged by her hair and badly beaten. After her escape from the Ryazan prison she tramped on foot to Moscow, where she arrived in tatters and penniless. It was her desperate condition which drove her to seek shelter with her husband's brother, at whose house she was discovered by the Tcheka. This big-hearted woman, who had served the Social Revolution all her life, was done to, death by the people who pretended to be the advance guard of revolution. Not content with the crime of killing Fanya Baron, the Soviet Government put the stigma of banditism on the memory of their dead victim."

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Federica Montseny Mañé Federica Montseny Mañé was born on 12 February 1905 in Madrid, Spain. Montseny was, in her own words, the daughter of a family of old anarchists; her father was the anti-authoritarian writer and propagandist Juan Montseny Carret (alias Federico Urales); and her mother, Teresa Mañé Miravet (alias Soledad Gustavo), was herself an anarchist activist. Her parents were the co-editors of the anarchists journal, La Revista Blanca (1898–1905). In 1912 her parents returned to their native Catalonia and later they established a publishing company specialized in libertarian literature.
Montseny joined the anarchist labor union CNT (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo) and wrote for anarchist journals such as Solidaridad Obrera, Tierra y Libertad and Nueva Senda. In 1927 Montseny joined the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI).
During the Spanish Civil War, Montseny supported the republican government. She rejected the violence in the republican held territory: "a lust for blood inconceivable in honest man before".
In November 1936 Francisco Largo Caballero appointed Montseny as Minister of Health. In doing so, she became the first woman in Spanish history to be a cabinet minister.
She was one of the first female ministers in Western Europe (but preceded by Danish Minister of Education, Nina Bang and Miina Sillanpää of Finland), and as minister she aimed to transform public health to meet the needs of the poor and working class.
To that end, she supported decentralized, locally responsive and preventative health care programs that mobilized the entire working class for the war effort. She was influenced by the anarchist sex reform movement, which since the 1920s had focused on reproductive rights, and was minister in 1936 when Dr. Félix Martí Ibáñez, the anarchist director general of Health and Social Assistance of the Generalitat de Catalunya, issued a decree effectively making abortion on demand legal in Catalonia.
Given her family's libertarian tradition, the decision to enter the Popular Front government was especially difficult. Although joining the government was a move encouraged by the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), this collaboration with the government in order to present a united front to the Fascist threat posed by Francisco Franco's rebel armies, was widely questioned during and long after the war was over.
Notably, she was involved in polemics with Emma Goldman, and she was the recipient of harsh criticism in Camillo Berneri's open letter of 1937. For many anarchists, the topic of collaboration – with both Marxists and governments – is still a contentious one.
She moved to France in 1939 where she wrote many books, only a fraction of which were political. Although she returned to Spain in 1977, she died on 14 January 1994 in Toulouse, at 88.

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Ammon Hennacy The great Ammon Ashford Hennacy (July 24, 1893 – January 14, 1970) was an Irish-American pacifist, Christian anarchist, social activist, member of the Catholic Worker Movement and a Wobbly. He established the "Joe Hill House of Hospitality" in Salt Lake City, Utah and practiced tax resistance.
At the outbreak of World War I Hennacy was imprisoned for two years in Atlanta, Georgia for resisting conscription. While in prison the only book he was allowed was the Bible. This inspired him to radically depart from his earlier beliefs; he became a Christian pacifist and a Christian anarchist. He led a hunger strike and was punished with eight months in solitary confinement. Hennacy believed that adherence to Christianity required being a pacifist and, because governments constantly threaten or use force to resolve conflicts, this meant being an anarchist.
1952, he was baptised as a Roman Catholic by an anarchist priest, with Dorothy Day as his godmother. Hennacy moved to New York in 1953, and became the associate editor of the Catholic Worker. Hennacy engaged in many picketing protests while in New York. He illegally refused to participate in New York City's annual air raid drills, and he picketed against the Atomic Energy Commission's war preparations in Las Vegas, Cape Kennedy, Washington, D.C., and Omaha. In 1958, Hennacy fasted for 40 days in protest of nuclear weapons testing.
In 1961, Hennacy moved to Utah and organised the Joe Hill House of Hospitality in Salt Lake City. While in Utah, Hennacy fasted and picketed in protest of the death penalty and the use of taxes in war. Following a divorce from Selma in 1964, Hennacy married his second wife, Joan Thomas, in 1965. In the same year he left the Roman Catholic Church, though he continued to call himself a "non-church Christian". He wrote about his reasons for leaving and his thoughts on Catholicism, which included his belief that "Paul spoiled the message of Christ" (see Jesusism). This essay and others were published as The Book of Ammon in 1965, which has been praised for its "diamonds of insight and wisdom" but criticised for its rambling style.
When Ani DiFranco gathered stories by Utah Phillips to make the 1996 album The Past Didn't Go Anywhere, she included Phillips's story about Hennacy, under the title "Anarchy". Hennacy helped shape Phillips, who often told his story.
In "Christian Anarchism, a Definition" Hennacy wrote that, "The dictionary definition of a Christian is one who follows Christ; kind, kindly, Christ-like. Anarchism is voluntary cooperation for good, with the right of secession. A Christian anarchist is therefore one who turns the other cheek, overturns the tables of the moneychangers, and does not need a cop to tell him how to behave. A Christian anarchist does not depend upon bullets or ballots to achieve his ideal; he achieves that ideal daily by the One-Man Revolution with which he faces a decadent, confused, and dying world."

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Luisa Capetillo
"When there is no longer the need to steal a roll of bread, for lack of food; when private property no longer exists and we all begin to view each other as brothers and sisters, then and only then will the prisons and useless, destructive churches disappear. Misery, hate and prostitution will cease to exist. Free trade will exist because all frontiers and borders will be abolished and then true liberty will reign on this planet” – Luisa Capetillo
Luisa Capetillo (October 28, 1879 – October 10, 1922) was one of Puerto Rico's most famous labor organizers. She was also a writer and an anarchist who fought tirelessly for workers and women's rights.
When she was 19, she met Manuel Ledesma, a prominent man from a well-to-do family in Arecibo. The two quickly became involved and in 1898, Lusia gave birth to their first child, Manuela. Two years later, their next son, Gregorio was born. Shortly after Gregorio’s birth, Luisa and Manuel’s relationship ended, leaving Luisa as a single parent.
Early on, Luisa embroidered shirts and handkerchiefs in order to help support her family, but eventually she secured a position as a "lectora" and left her two young sons in the care of her family. After the Spanish–American War, the American Tobacco Company, which had gained control of most of the island's tobacco fields, would hire people to read novels and current events to the workers. Luisa became such a reader in a cigar band factory in Arecibo.
It was in the tobacco factory that Capetillo had her first contact with labor unions. In 1904, Capetillo began to write essays, titled "Mi Opinión" (My Opinion), about her ideas, which were published in radical and union newspapers.
During a farm workers' strike in 1905, Capetillo wrote propaganda and organized the workers in the strike. She quickly became a leader of the "FLT" (American Federation of Labor) and traveled throughout Puerto Rico educating and organizing women. Her hometown, Arecibo, became the most unionized area of the country.
In 1908, during the "FLT" convention, Capetillo asked the union to approve a policy for women's suffrage. She insisted that all women should have the same right to vote as men. Capetillo is considered to be one of Puerto Rico's first suffragists.
Capetillo published her collection of essays Ensayos Libertarios as well as the thesis Mi opinión sobre las libertades, derechos y deberes de la mujer (My Opinion about the Liberties, Rights, and Responsibilities of Women) in 1909. Luisa was the first woman in Puerto Rico to commit feminist ideas to print and Mi opinión was the first feminist treatise written in Puerto Rico.
One of her controversial ideas was the advocacy of free love, or what is today called polyamory. Luisa clearly outlined in her essays the belief that women should have the right to love whomever they please without obstruction, including marriage. At the time, especially in Latin America, this was a radical idea (some even say it is today). Being the first to write and publish these works was quite a brave act in a predominantly Catholic and socially conservative culture.
In 1912, Capetillo traveled to New York City, where she organized Cuban and Puerto Rican tobacco workers. Later on, she went to Tampa, Florida, where she also organized the workers. In Florida, she published the second edition of "Mi Opinión". She also traveled to Cuba and the Dominican Republic, where she joined the striking workers in their cause.
In 1919, she challenged the mores of mainstream society by becoming the first woman in Puerto Rico to wear pants in public. Capetillo was sent to jail for what was then considered to be a "crime", but the judge later dropped the charges against her. In that same year, along with other labor activists, she helped pass a minimum-wage law in the Puerto Rican Legislature.
Luisa often wore men's suits and ties and jackets while organizing workers in Cuba and Puerto Rico -- sometimes to occlude her gender and at other times to elude capture by police. Some of the most famous photos of Luisa show her sporting a fedora.
Capetillo was tireless and indomitable, even when taken ill with TB. She died on October 10, 1922, in Puerto Rico from tuberculosis. She is buried in the Municipal Cemetery of Arecibo.

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LGBTQ Pioneer Senna Hoy Johannes Holzmann, better known as Senna Hoy, was born on October 30, 1882 in Tuchel, Prussia (now Tuchola, Poland). Moving to Berlin, he became a teacher of religion at first. Like many intellectuals around the turn of the century, he felt oppressed by the restrictive morals then reigning German society. He quit teaching in 1902 and founded the League for Human Rights (Bund für Menschenrecht, in German) in 1903.
He decided to devote himself entirely to writing and political activism from an anarchist standpoint. In 1904, he published a booklet entitled "Das dritte Geschlecht" ("The Third Gender"). In it, he attacked homophobia, laying most of the blame on religion. Above all, the text was intended to be educational and covered evolution, biology and issues then facing homosexuals. From 1904 to 1905, Holzmann edited the journal Der Kampf: Zeitschrift für gesunden Menschenverstand (The Struggle: Journal for Common Sense). Though it was not published by any particular organization, the journal was anarchist in outlook. In addition to fictional stories, Der Kampf published articles on various topics, including many about homosexuality. Among its writers were Else Lasker-Schüler, Peter Hille, and Erich Mühsam and, at its best, it had a circulation of up to 10,000. During this time, Holzmann wrote an article entitled "Die Homosexualität als Kulturbewegung" ("Homosexuality as a Cultural Movement"). He argued that the right to privacy entailed that "no one has the right to intrude in the private matters of another, to meddle in another's personal views and orientations, and that ultimately it is no one's business what two freely consenting adults do in their homes." He attacked Paragraph 175 of the German criminal code which criminalized homosexual acts.
To him, the struggle against the prohibition of homosexual acts was part of a larger struggle for emancipation. He disagreed with the mainstream socialist movement, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), that viewed the repeal of Paragraph 175 as a minor issue. He also opposed the SPD's tactic of forcefully outing gays, such as the steel magnate Friedrich Alfred Krupp, in order to bring about the repeal of Paragraph 175. He called this tactic an "indecent weapon", saying that anyone who practices it "is willing to remove ground under his own feet by practicing the very injustice that he opposes". He also disagreed with many other German gay rights activists such as Adolf Brand who did not see their struggle as part of a wider movement.

Holzmann's views were not entirely uncontroversial in the German anarchist movement either. Max Nettlau and Gustav Landauer, both well-known anarchists, criticized Der Kampf's sexual politics.
During his time in Berlin, knew a number of well-known writers and bohemians. He was very close friends with Else Lasker-Schüler, a famous Expressionist poet. She was the one who gave the nickname Senna Hoy, a reversal of his first name, but also had several other pet names for him.
Erich Mühsam also had great respect for Holzmann, though he sometimes criticized him for his "somewhat fanciful and adventurous demeanor". The Austrian anarchist Pierre Ramus called him "the most indefatigable Bohemian proletarian of the German-speaking anarchist movement".[5] Holzmann's work was repeatedly the target of censorship by the Prussian authorities. Of the 25 issues of Der Kampf, 11 were banned.
In 1905, Holzmann fled Prussia and moved to Zurich, Switzerland. Sources disagree on what led him to flee. According to Walter Fähnders, a professor for German literature, it was because he wrote a short text that could interpreted as a depiction of a homosexual encounter. It was to be published in Der Kampf. However, the issue was banned and confiscated, because it was deemed obscene. At the same time and for the same reason, the government confiscated nude drawings by the artist Fidus and banned the poem "Die Freundschaft" ("Friendship") by Friedrich Schiller, one of the best known poets in German history. Holzmann was sentenced to either pay a fine or spend six days in prison. Instead, he decided to flee Prussia and move to Switzerland.
According to Stefan Otto, a journalist, however, he had been monitored by the police. Annoyed by this, he wrote a letter to the chief of the Berlin police, threatening to punch the next person he caught spying on him in the face. For this, he was sentenced to four months in prison, but he decided to flee rather than serve the sentence, according to Otto.[7]
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Felix Likiniano Felix Likiniano (Spanish Félix Liquiniano; Eskoriatza, Gipuzkoa 1909 - Biarritz, Labourd, 1982), known as Liki, was a Basque anarchist.
In the Spanish Civil War, he took a leading role in the defense of St. Sebastian in the hours after the fascist uprising, cutting the rebel advance through Urbieta Street into the center of the city. Later, after fellow Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) militiamen came from Eibar, they drove back the nationalists and took their stronghold in the military headquarter of Loiola.
Later Liki took part in the defense of the lines at the Gipuzkoa–Navarre border and, after St. Sebastian fell to the fascists, he continued armed resistance in Aragon, Catalonia, France (inside the French Resistance to Nazi occupation) and the Basque Country (trying to create guerrillas along the Franco–Spanish border).
He first drew the original symbol of the axe and serpent, later used by ETA.
His vision of unifying anarchism with Basque nationalism, shared with his life friend Federico Krutwig, was recognized in the early 1990s by autonomous activists of Bilbao who created a cultural association that bears his name (Felix Likiniano Kultur Elkartea).

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Nicolaas Steelink Nicholaas Steelink 1890 – 1989) was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World and an inductee into the USA Soccer of Hall Fame.
Nicolaas Steelink was born in Amsterdam in 1890. As a child he lived for football, and in his memoirs he talked about how he got up at 6 a.m. every Sunday and walked to the field where his team played football. Steelink and his friends would then chase the cows off the pitch, and the chickens out of the barn that served as their changing rooms. They would then mark the pitch out and be ready for a 10 a.m. kick off.
At 18 he joined the Dutch Steamship Company and played football for the works team where he gathered a reputation as a fine soccer player. Then in 1912, aged 22, he decided to immigrate to the USA to flee the repressive Dutch Calvinist environment. Landing in Los Angeles he quickly discovered a vibrant football culture that was run mainly by British and Latin Americans.
It was through his contacts within the football teams that he got introduced to a variety of political activists including socialists, industrial unionists and anarchists. At the time Steelink was angered by the injustices that surrounded him in California. Poor working conditions, war propaganda and censorship that were luring young Americans to their deaths in the trenches of the Somme, corruption and unpunished lynchings were among the issues that helped radicalise the young Steelink. Rejecting the parliamentary action preached by the socialist organisations he joined the Industrial Workers of the World and wrote a weekly column for their paper, the Industrial Worker.
Following the First World War a number of states passed repressive laws in response to a rising radicalism amongst a large section of the workers. In California the state passed the Criminal Syndicalism Act in 1920, and one of the first of the 151 IWW members to be arrested under these new powers was Steelink. He was sentenced to five years hard labor in the infamous San Quentin prison for being a member of the IWW.
While in prison Steelink translated the works of Multatuli into English, the first time this had been done. Multatuli was the pen name of Dutch writer Eduard Douwes Dekker, who in 1860 published a novel entitled Max Havelaar that exposed the abuses of slave labor by the colonial Dutch in the Dutch Indies. Dekker before his death in 1887 went on to write more works that were critical of society and expressed non-conformist political views. In 1907 Dekker was named by Sigmund Freud as one of his favorite writers, and in 2002, the society for Dutch Literature proclaimed Multatuli/Dekker as the most important Dutch writer of all time. In 1987, aged 96, Steelink flew to Amsterdam to attend the unveiling of a statue of Multatuli.
After two years Steelink gained parole and his strong sense of injustice had been reinforced by the experience. He dedicated the rest of his life to fighting against authority and injustice and continued contributing regular articles to the Industrial Worker entitled “Musings of a Wobbly”, under the pen name Ennes Ellae.
Steelink never lost his love for football and he was instrumental in organizing the California Soccer League in the 1950s. It was through football that he found that he could help underprivileged youth, giving them a sense of comradeship and pride. He coached his teams to play flowing, skillful football that expressed his ideas of individual freedom. For his work in the game Steelink was inducted into the American Soccer Hall of Fame in 1971.
Nicolaas Steelink wrote about his life and his imprisonment in a memoir entitled Journey in Dreamland. This book went unpublished until long after his death in 1989, in Tucson Arizona, at age 99. No publisher was interested in his notebooks and they lay in the archives of the Multatuli museum until they were rediscovered by Bert van Stoke of Ball Productions, who published them in 1998.
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Mihail Gerdzhikov Mihail Gerdzhikov (Bulgarian: Михаил Герджиков) was a Bulgarian revolutionary and anarchist.
He was born in Plovdiv, which was then in the Ottoman Empire, in 1877. He studied at the French College in Plovdiv, where he received the nickname Michel. As a student in 1893 he started his revolutionary activities as the leader of a Macedonian Secret Revolutionary Committee (MSRC).
Later Gerdzhikov studied in Switzerland (Lausanne and Geneva), where he made close connections with the revolutionary immigration and established the so-called Geneva group, an extension of MSRC.
Gerdzhikov was under strong anarchist influence and rejected the nationalism of the ethnic minorities in the Ottoman Empire, favoring alliances with ordinary Muslim people against the Sultanate and supporting the concept of a Balkan Federation.
In 1899 he came back to the Balkans and worked as a teacher in Bitola. Gerdzhikov became a member of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and a close friend of Gotse Delchev. He was the mastermind and leader of the peasant Preobrazhenie Uprising in July 1903, a revolt against the Ottoman authorities in Thrace.
Gerdzhikov's forces, about 2,000 strong and poorly armed, managed to establish a “Strandzha commune”. In 1919 the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB) was founded at a congress opened by Gerdzhikov. In 1925 he was among the founders of IMRO (United) in Vienna.
Gerdzhikov had invested high hopes in the new Socialist system after 1944, but was soon disappointed by the newly established regime. He died in 1947 in Sofia.

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Camillo Berneri Camillo Berneri (also known as Camillo da Lodi; May 28, 1897, Lodi – May 5, 1937, Barcelona) was an Italian professor of philosophy, anarchist militant, propagandist and theorist.
Berneri, a World War I veteran, University of Florence professor of humanities, and a member of the Unione Anarchica Italiana, opposed the takeover of his country by Fascists, engaging in resistance until 1926, when he was forced to take refuge in France, then Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg, and finally the Netherlands.
In all of these countries, Berneri was frequently placed under arrest and usually expelled. Although under constant surveillance, he nonetheless wrote on several topics, mostly anti-clerical and anti-fascist articles.
With Carlo Rosselli, Berneri organized the first column of Italian volunteers to fight in the Spanish Civil War against Francisco Franco's attempted coup, where he took part in the battles of Monte Pelado and Huesca (in Aragon) together with the Spanish anarchists of Francisco Ascaso Column and the Italians of the Matteotti Battalion. He became highly critical of the involvement of Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) members in the Popular Front government, expressing his views in an open letter to Federica Montseny (Anarchist minister for Health).
According to Noam Chomsky, During the Spanish Civil War Camillo Berneri “opposed participation in government and was against the formation of an army, meaning a major army to fight Franco. He said they should resort to guerrilla war.”
During the Barcelona May Days, as squads of Communist Party of Spain members (apparently under orders from Joseph Stalin) took to the streets in order to hunt down leading anarchists, Berneri was dragged from his home and murdered. His body, riddled with bullets, was found during the night, near the headquarters of the Generalitat de Catalunya.
He was married to Giovanna Berneri, and was father of Marie-Louise Berneri and Giliana Berneri, all of whom were also anarchists.

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Denjirō Kōtoku (幸徳 傳次郎 Kōtoku Denjirō?, November 5, 1871 – January 24, 1911), better known by the nom de plume Shūsui Kōtoku (幸徳 秋水 Kōtoku Shūsui?), was a Japanese socialist and anarchist who played a leading role in introducing anarchism to Japan in the early 20th century, particularly by translating the works of contemporary European and Russian anarchists, such as Peter Kropotkin, into Japanese. He was a radical journalist, and he was executed for treason by the Japanese government.
He also contributed articles to Sekai fujin (Women of the World), a socialist women's paper.
Kōtoku moved from his birthplace, the town of Nakamura in Kōchi Prefecture, to Tokyo in his mid-teens and after graduating from the Tokyo School of English, became a journalist there in 1893. He joined Katayama Sen in the “Society of the Study of Socialism”. From 1898 onwards he was a columnist for the Yorozu Chōhō (Everything Morning News), one of the more radical daily papers of the time; however, he resigned that position when the paper switched to a pro-war stance in October 1903 in the buildup to the Russo-Japanese War.
The following month he co-founded the Heimin Shimbun (Common Peoples' Newspaper) with another Yorozu Chōhō journalist, Toshihiko Sakai. This paper's outspoken anti-war stance and disregard of the state's press laws landed its editors in trouble with the government on numerous occasions, and Kōtoku himself served a five-month jail sentence from February to July 1905.
In 1901, when Kōtoku together with Katayama, Sakai and Abe Isoo took part in the first attempt to found the Japanese Social Democratic Party, he was not an anarchist, but a socialist — indeed, Sakai and Kōtoku were the first to translate The Communist Manifesto into Japanese, which appeared in an issue of the Heimin Shimbun and which got them heavily fined.
His political thoughts first began to turn to a more libertarian philosophy when he read Kropotkin's Fields, Factories and Workshops in prison. In his own words, he "had gone [to jail] as a Marxian Socialist and returned as a radical Anarchist."
In November 1905 Kōtoku travelled to the United States in order to freely criticise the Emperor of Japan, whom he now saw as the linchpin of capitalism in Japan. During his time in the United States, Kōtoku was further exposed to the philosophies of anarchist communism and European syndicalism.
He had taken Kropotkin's Memoirs of a Revolutionist as reading material for the Pacific voyage; after he arrived in California, he began to correspond with Kropotkin and by 1909 had translated The Conquest of Bread from English to Japanese.
One thousand copies of his translation were published in Japan in March of that year and distributed to students and workers.
On Kōtoku's return to Japan, in June 1906, a public meeting was held to welcome him. At this meeting, on June 28, he spoke on "The Tide of the World Revolutionary Movement", which he said was flowing against parliamentary politics (i.e. Marxist party politics) and in favour of the general strike as "the means for the future revolution."
This was an anarcho-syndicalist view, and one which, because anarcho-syndicalism was growing in the United States at the time, with the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World, showed the American influence clearly.
He followed this speech with a number of articles, the most well-known of which was "The Change in My Thought (On Universal Suffrage)". In these articles, Kōtoku was now advocating direct action rather than political aims such as universal suffrage, which was a shock to many of his comrades and brought the schism between Anarchist Communists and Social Democrats to the Japanese working class movement.
This split was made clear when the re-launched Heimin Shimbun folded in April 1907 and was replaced two months later by two journals: the Social Democrat Social News and the Osaka Common People's Newspaper, which argued from an anarchist position, in favour of direct action.
Although there were anarchists who preferred peaceful means, such as the dissemination of propaganda, many anarchists in this period turned to terrorism as means of overthrowing the state and achieving Anarchist Communism, or at least hitting out against the state and authority. Repression of publications and organizations, such as the Socialist Party of Japan, and "public peace police law", which effectively prevented trade union organizations and strikes, were both factors in this emerging trend in Japan.
In the episode which became known as The High Treason Incident (Taigyaku Jiken), police arrested five anarchists for possessing bomb-making equipment, which was allegedly intended for a plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji.
This was followed by a wave of arrests of political dissidents, including Kōtoku. Though there was conclusive evidence against five, on January 18, 1911 twenty-six anarchists were convicted - mostly on circumstantial evidence. Twenty-four were sentenced to death, and twelve were actually executed - Kōtoku among them. While he may have known of the plot to kill the Emperor in its initial stages, he had certainly distanced himself from it.
Kōtoku was hanged along with ten others on January 24, 1911 (the one woman, Suga Kanno, was executed the following day because it was already turning dark).
In 1965 the Japanese Supreme Court refused a plea to reopen his case and that of the others executed with him.
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Here is a very good video about Emma Goldman I found at Feminist Frequency on facebook.


https://www.facebook.com/femfreq/videos/10154310000586355/

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Lucy Parsons Lucy Eldine Gonzalez Parsons (c. 1853 – March 7, 1942) was an American labor organizer, radical socialist and anarchist communist. She is remembered as a powerful orator. Parsons entered the radical movement following her marriage to newspaper editor Albert Parsons and moved with him from Texas to Chicago, where she contributed to the newspaper he famously edited - The Alarm. Following her husband's 1887 execution in conjunction with the Haymarket Affair, Parsons remained a leading American radical activist as a founder of the Industrial Workers of the World and member of other political organization.
Described by the Chicago Police Department as "more dangerous than a thousand rioters" in the 1920s, Parsons and her husband had become highly effective anarchist organizers primarily involved in the labor movement in the late 19th century, but also participating in revolutionary activism on behalf of political prisoners, people of color, the homeless and women.
She began writing for The Socialist and The Alarm, the journal of the International Working People's Association (IWPA) that she and Parsons, among others, founded in 1883. In 1886 her husband, who had been heavily involved in campaigning for the eight-hour day, was arrested, tried and executed on November 11, 1887, by the state of Illinois on charges that he had conspired in the Haymarket Riot — an event which was widely regarded as a political frame-up and which marked the beginning of May Day labor rallies in protest.
Parsons was invited to write for the French anarchist journal Les Temps Nouveaux and spoke alongside William Morris and Peter Kropotkin during a visit to Great Britain in 1888.
In 1892 she briefly published a periodical, Freedom: A Revolutionary Anarchist-Communist Monthly. She was often arrested for giving public speeches or distributing anarchist literature. While she continued championing the anarchist cause, she came into ideological conflict with some of her contemporaries, including Emma Goldman, over her focus on class politics over gender and sexual struggles.
In 1905 she participated in the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and began editing the Liberator, an anarchist newspaper that supported the IWW in Chicago. Lucy's focus shifted somewhat to class struggles around poverty and unemployment, and she organized the Chicago Hunger Demonstrations in January 1915, which pushed the American Federation of Labor, the Socialist Party, and Jane Addams' Hull House to participate in a huge demonstration on February 12. Parsons was also quoted as saying: "My conception of the strike of the future is not to strike and go out and starve, but to strike and remain in and take possession of the necessary property of production." Parsons anticipated the sit-down strikes in the US and, later, workers' factory takeovers in Argentina.
Parsons continued to give fiery speeches in Chicago's Bughouse Square into her 80s, where she inspired Studs Terkel.[16] One of her last major appearances was at the International Harvester in February 1941.
Parsons died on March 7, 1942, in a house fire in Chicago, Illinois. Her lover, George Markstall, died the next day from injuries he received while trying to save her. She was believed to be 89 years old. After her death, police seized her library of over 1,500 books and all of her personal papers. She is buried near her husband at Waldheim Cemetery, near the Haymarket Monument (now Forest Home Cemetery), in Forest Park, Illinois (then part of the city of Chicago).
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Raphael Friedeberg Raphael Friedeberg (14 March 1863 – 16 August 1940) was a German physician, socialist, and later anarchist.
Earlier in his political life Friedeberg embraced social democracy. He studied medicine and political economy at the University of Königsberg, but was expelled in 1887 for "abetting social democratic endeavors". Friedeberg moved to Berlin, where he worked as a private teacher and continued his studies at the University of Berlin after the sunsetting of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890, graduating in 1895.
After several years spent as a member, campaigner and even municipal councilman elected under the banner of Berlin's SPD, Friedeberg became disillusioned with the party and especially the SPD's Free Trade Unions.
He was frustrated by the SPD's focus on parliamentary rather than revolutionary action and by the unions' political neutrality. He blamed the socialist movement's inability to gain influence rather than just votes after the end of the Anti-Socialist-Laws on these two policies.
Friedeberg came into contact with the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG), a federation, more radical than the Free Trade Unions, which had been founded in 1897. It criticized the separation of political and union action and opposed centralist control over the unions. Becoming increasingly influential in the FVdG, Friedeberg held the central lecture at the federation's 1904 congress in Berlin, intervening in the mass strike debate, which was taking place in the SPD at the time, and advocating the general strike as a means of class struggle. In 1907, all members of the FVdG were given the choice of either leaving this federation and joining the centralized unions or losing their SPD membership. Friedeberg opted for the latter.
During this period, he conceived what he called anarcho-socialism. Despite the socialist movement's growing number of supporters, he claimed little had been done to improve the conditions the German working class lived under.
One problem, said Friedeberg, was to be found in the SPD's political theory. The SPD adhered to a dogmatic interpretation of Karl Marx's writings, particularly the view that the course of history can be deduced from the state of the relations of production, that "social being determines consciousness".
Though correct at the time Marx set historical materialism down, Friedeberg stated, technological development had made this view obsolete. He conceived the term historical psychism, holding that the "spiritual relations [...] have the greatest power over the material relations". The socialist movement's theoretical errors had then led to mistakes in its political strategies, according to him. The working class opposition was now focused on gaining influence in the German parliament the Reichstag.
This had led to the "flattening out of the revolutionary movement" from a "great, all-encompassing cultural movement" to a "purely economic, even a pure stomach question". From this, he saw the need to replace political methods of class struggle with economic and psychological means.
Above all, he advocated the general strike as a means of revolutionizing society. It encompasses the proletariat fighting for their own interests rather than having representatives do it for them. However, in order to be capable of doing this, proletarians must first liberate themselves from the constraining ideologies of capitalist society: namely religion, belief in laws and the state, nationalism and militarism.
Friedeberg's synthesis of anarchism and socialism was criticized by anarchists and socialists alike. Erich Mühsam, a prominent German anarchist, said historical psychism was no more than a new version of historical materialism, the "replacement of one fabricated regularity by a very similar one". Karl Kautsky, a leader in the SPD, on the other hand accused him of "theoretical confusion, which does not comprehend the necessity of the connection between politics and economy".
He first set foot in Ascona, Switzerland, in 1904 to recover from a blood infection, which led to a heart dilatation, following a carbuncle operation. Ascona had probably been recommended to him by Erich Mühsam. Not long after leaving the SPD, Friedeberg started to become disillusioned even with the FVdG. He told Fritz Kater, a leader in the FVdG, that he had drifted "further to the left". He no longer believed that radical views and tactics could be introduced to the labor movement.
He started collaborating with the non-syndicalist anarchist movement, especially with the Anarchist Federation of Germany, which had been founded in 1903. He also came into contact with Swiss radicals, lecturing about the First Russian Revolution in Zurich in 1906. He started visiting Ascona frequently and also moved out of Berlin to the suburb of Friedrichshagen.
In August 1907, he attended the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam. In 1908, he visited Peter Kropotkin in London. In 1909, he held his last large public lecture, titled "Anarchism, its Ideas and Tactics", at the Anarchist Federation of Germany's conference in Leipzig. He started turning his back on organized anarchism, moving to a more individualist understanding of anarchism. Moreover, he was by now both in poor health and deeply resigned as to the possibility of a socialist revolution. He still followed German and European politics, but felt no need to participate.
He remained the attending physician of August Bebel and Karl Kautsky.
From 1911 to 1931, Friedeberg worked as a physician in the spa town of Bad Kudowa (Silesia) throughout the summer and at the sanatorium of Monte Verità in Ascona in the winter. Friedeberg turned Ascona into "a center for itinerant anarchists" like Erich Mühsam (who called Monte Verità a "Saladorium") and Johannes Nohl.
He introduced a "fresh air and nature therapy" and built "air huts" for his patients' recreation. The mixture of vegetarianism and anarchism attracted such visitors as Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Lenin and Leo Trotsky.
In 1931, he permanently settled in Ascona. Otto Braun, former Prime Minister of Prussia, lived in his house after he escaped from Nazi Germany.
Friedeberg died in Ascona in 1940.
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Gino Lucetti (August 31 1900 - September 17 1943) was an Italian anarchist. He was born in Carrara, Italy. He fought in World War I. Later Lucetti went to France, from where he returned to try to kill the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini.
On September 11, 1926, in the Porta Pia square in Rome, he threw a bomb against Mussolini's car, but without effect. Arrested, Lucetti was condemned to spend his life in prison. In 1943, Lucetti escaped from prison with the help of others, but died shortly during a bombing of Ischia.
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Jacob Margolis Pittsburgh based Immigrant labor, union and IWW lawyer and gifted public speaker. Margolis was an anarcho-syndicalist, and a leading voice in the Pittsburgh branch of the Socialist party of America. He played an important role in Pittsburgh unionism, both as a lawyer and as the secretary for the Pittsburgh Vehicle Workers union.
Margolis was a fierce pacifist, and anti-war and conscription activist. Margolis was the attorney in 1917 for the International Molders' Union. He was also a legal adviser for the National Civil Liberties Bureau, which later became American Civil Liberties Union.
In September of 1917, as a member of the International Workers' Defense League of Pittsburgh, Margolis wrote a letter to the American Federation of Labor (AFL) on behalf of the International Workers' Defense Conference, urging a general strike in protest of the Supreme Court of California's refusal to grant Tom Mooney a new trial.
When the August 1917 edition of Mother Earth was banned from the mail, issues for Pittsburgh were sent to Margolis to be distributed. Margolis corresponded frequently with Emma Goldman during her imprisonment. In her autobiography Goldman reminisces about the debates she had with Margolis on Soviet Russia and praises him as her "very able friend."
Until late 1918, Margolis lauded the Bolsheviki political aims as intrinsically linked to the aims of the IWW. He retracted this view point in early 1919 and criticized the Bolsheviks as he felt they no longer represented the Russian workers and had become a political dictatorship. Margolis also worked hard to solicit money for the IWW and other political prisoners' defense funds. On 25 and 26 November 1919 Margolis spoke with Goldman and Alexander Berkman on political prisoners and deportations in Detroit, Michigan.
Margolis, who represented the IWW during the 1919 Steel Strike, told Senator William Kenyon of Iowa that he was an anarchist during a Senate investigation of the Steel Strike. When he returned home to Pittsburgh, he found that the Allegheny County Bar Association was moving to have him disbarred. During the legal battle that followed, the ACBA was fed information from the FBI. Margolis lost his license to practice law in 1920 following arguments before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, but was reinstated within the bar in 1928. He spent most of the rest of his career as a writer and lecturer, retiring to Santa Barbara, California during the 1940s.
Margolis died in 1959.

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Mollie (or Molly) Steimer (November 21, 1897 – July 23, 1980) was born as Marthe Alperine in Tsarist Russia. She immigrated to the United States with her family at the age of 15. She became an anarchist and activist who fought as a trade unionist, an anti-war activist and a free-speech campaigner.
Arrested in 1918 for printing and distributing leaflets denouncing the U.S. military action in Russia opposing the Bolshevik revolution, she was convicted under the Sedition Act and sentenced to 15 years in prison. She was deported to her native Russia in 1921, where she met anarchist Senya Fleshin who would become her lifelong partner. After protesting Bolshevik persecutions of anarchists in Russia, the two were deported to Germany in 1923. When Hitler came to power in Germany they fled to France and eventually made their way to Mexico where they spent the rest of their lives together.
Standing just 4'9", Steimer went to work in the garment factories of New York's Lower East Side. She soon became involved in trade union activities, and became interested in anarchism. She was influenced by works such as August Bebel's Women and Socialism, Mikhail Bakunin's Statehood and Anarchy, Peter Kropotkin's Memoirs of a Revolutionist and Emma Goldman's Anarchism and Other Essays. She later became a friend of Emma Goldman's. Goldman described Steimer as a hardened anarchist militant, completely devoted to armed struggle, with "an iron will" and a "tender heart".
In 1917, aged 19, Steimer helped form a clandestine collective called Der Shturm ("The Storm") with other Jewish anarchists. Several of the members, including Steimer, shared a six-room apartment at 5 East 104th Street in Harlem where they held meetings. After reconciling their internal conflicts they renamed themselves Frayhayt ("Freedom"). With the aid of a hand-operated printing press, they published a journal of the same name out of the 104th St. apartment.
Frayhayt was distributed in secret, because it had been outlawed by the federal government for its opposition to the American war effort. The masthead read "The only just war is social revolution." The motto was a Henry David Thoreau quote: "That government is best which governs not at all" (in Yiddish: "Yene regirung iz di beste, velke regirt in gantsn nit").
Copies of the paper were tightly folded and stuffed into mailboxes around the city after dark. Between January 1918 and May 1918 the group published five issues with cartoons by Robert Minor and articles by Maria Goldsmith and Georg Brandes among others.
Federal authorities were aware of the group and their publication but were unable to discover who the members were and track them down.
In 1921 a U.S. immigration court ruled that Steimer and her co-defendants be deported. Initially she refused to leave her cell and said that she would not leave until all political prisoners were free. Eventually she relented, but again refused to be transported to Ellis Island until a railroad strike was resolved, since she would not use a train run by strike breakers. Ten days later the strike was called off and Steimer was transported to Ellis Island. She was deported to her native Russia on November 1, 1921 on the S.S. Estonia, arriving in Moscow a month and a half later, on December 15.
Upon arrival, Steimer soon saw the Bolshevik communist revolution as one that had taken a "wrong turn". Faced with obvious repression by Leon Trotsky and the Bolshevik government, which had already begun arresting, and in some cases executing members of anarchist organizations, Steimer sought to support her anarchist comrades.
While in Russia she met fellow anarchist Senya Fleshin, who had recently been released from prison for criticizing the new Bolshevik government. Fleshin and Steimer became lovers, and together formed the Society to Help Anarchist Prisoners to aid anarchist prisoners in Bolshevik jails. Both were soon re-arrested and charged with "aiding criminal elements" (i.e. supporting other imprisoned anarchists) in Soviet Russia. Both went on a hunger strike, and after pressure by Emma Goldman and others, Soviet authorities ordered their deportation to Germany, where they joined Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman in Berlin. When Hitler came to power, Steimer and Fleshin were forced to flee to Paris, France.
Disappointed by the revolution in Russia, the couple continued writing and agitating for anarchist causes, first in Germany, and later in France. From Berlin Steimer sent two articles to the London anarchist journal Freedom, On Leaving Russia (January 1924) and The Communists As Jailers (May 1924), in which she described her recent experiences. When deported from America two years before, her "heart was light," she said, but she was "deeply grieved" to be deported from Russia, even though the "hypocrisy, intolerance, and treachery" of the Bolsheviks "aroused in me a feeling of indignation and revolt."
In her homeland, she declared, a great popular revolution had been usurped by a ruthless Communist government, using the secret police (Cheka) to wipe out political opposition. In a 1923 letter to a friend, she declared: "No, I am NOT happy to be out of Russia. I would rather be there helping the workers combat the tyrannical deeds of the hypocritical Communists."
After Germany came under the control of the National Socialist Party led by Adolf Hitler, Steimer and Fleshin fled to France, where they were placed under surveillance by the French police. On May 18, 1940, French officials arrested Steimer and imprisoned her at an internment camp, Camp Gurs. She remained there incommunicado for seven weeks, before escaping with the aid of May Picqueray and other friends[3] during the chaotic transfer of power to the Vichy government.
She then traveled to German-occupied (non-Vichy) France, where she reunited with Fleshin. Picqueray and other friends helped smuggle the couple out of France; they eventually traveled to Cuernavaca, Mexico.
Steimer settled in Cuernavaca, Mexico, with Fleshin, her lifelong companion, where they ran a photographic studio. Together they retired in 1963. She continued to advocate anarchist ideals and correspond with various comrades around the world.
In 1976, she was filmed by a Dutch television crew working on a documentary about Emma Goldman. She was also filmed and interviewed by Pacific Street Films for their project, Anarchism in America. Steimer spoke briefly about Goldman, and at length about her own life and struggles.
Steimer died of heart failure in her Cuernavaca home on July 23, 1980, aged 82.
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Audrey Goodfriend was an anarchist her entire life. Born to anarchist immigrants in New York, Audrey grew up speaking Yiddish at home and lived in the Sholem Aleichem House; a radical cooperative housing project in the Bronx. She was a girl when Sacco and Vanzetti were executed in Boston in 1927 and their letters were instrumental in shaping her anarchism, continuing to move her throughout her life.
As an adolescent and young adult, Audrey sent care packages to anarchist comrades fighting in Spain, read Living My Life against the express wishes of her parents who felt it was too sexually explicit, and traveled to Toronto with a friend to have tea with Emma Goldman.
During World War II, she was part of the Why? Group, a publishing collective that printed an anti-war anarchist periodical at a time when many radicals were choosing to support the state in what they saw as a just war against fascism. Anti-zionist since before there ever was a state of Israel, Audrey and her comrades believed strongly that no state violence was ever justified.
In 1942, Audrey Goodfriend, then a twenty-two-year-old Hunter College graduate who had been a driving force in the Bronx Vanguard Juniors, launched the newspaper Why? with her roommate, Dorothy Rogers, and a few other close friends. Rogers was an older woman with personal ties to Italian anarchists of the insurrectionary school, who published the weekly newspaper L’Adunata dei Refretarri (The Summoning of the Unruly).
Sam and Esther Dolgoff, founding members of the Vanguard Group, contributed to the first issues of Why?, which difered little in content from Vanguard. An early reviewer noted, “The political position of WHY? is anarcho-syndicalism, with emphasis on Bakunin and the CNT of Spain. Its position on the war has not been made very clear.” A majority of the members of the Vanguard Group had sided in 1939 with Rudolf Rocker, a leading spokesperson of anarcho-syndicalism, when he urged qualified support of the allies in order to defeat the menace of fascism.
Soon, however, Why? began printing critiques of the war and commentary questioning the possibility of bringing about an anarchist society through a violent seizure of the means of production. The Dolgoffs withdrew from the group, with Sam writing the younger radicals off as “Village anarchists” and “professional bohemians."
In fact, the younger members of Why? were drawing closer to the L’Adunata anarchists, who had butted heads continuously over the previous decade with the Vanguard Group and the Italian syndicalists who looked to Carlo Tresca for political direction.
Ties between the Why? Group and L’Adunata were strengthened when Diva Agostinelli, the daughter of anarchist coal miners in Jessup, Pennsylvania, joined the Why? Group after graduating from Temple University.
Why?’s move away from the axioms of anarcho-syndicalism was also affected by its members’ analysis of the Spanish Civil War and by their encounters with the writings of the Dutch anarchist-pacifist Bart De Ligt. De Ligt was a former minister, heavily influenced by Leo Tolstoy and Peter Kropotkin, who served for a time as chair of the War Resisters International. In 1937, De Ligt published The Conquest of Violence, a book that introduced the maxim, “the more violence, the less revolution,” and laid out an ambitious plan to defeat fascism via pacifist noncooperation. After fighting in the Spanish Civil War, the individualist anarchist Brand developed a perspective similar to De Ligt. “Some of us took part in revolution under the illusion that something better might come out of it,” he said. “But through violent revolution we cannot inaugurate anarchism. Revolutions are inherently authoritarian.”
Audrey Goodfriend of Why? recalls, “At that time, thinking about Spain and how the anarchists entered the government, and all the things that beset the anarchists in Spain, and realizing how many people had been killed, had died—I just realized that change is not going to happen through violence. That was a very pivotal thing for me.”
Although she still believed in fundamental change, Goodfriend came to reject the idea of revolution as a singular event when radicals destroyed the state and implemented a new society immediately.
Audrey’s antiwar position was seconded by Why? Group member David Thoreau Wieck. After dabbling with the Communist Party in his early teens, Wieck participated in the Vanguard Juniors study group that Goodfriend had helped organize in the Bronx. He recalls, “It wasn’t by reading Thoreau that I was persuaded to anarchism; it was Kropotkin and Emma Goldman whose lives were an effort to save the world from itself.”
Wieck attended Columbia University, receiving a bachelors degree in philosophy in 1941, and contributed articles under a variety of pen names to early issues of Why?.
When the United States entered the war, Wieck applied for conscientious objector (CO) status, writing the draft board, “I am conscientiously opposed to participation in any war in which it is necessary, for the successful prosecution of the war, to compel men to fight and to centralize society so that the evils whose eradication is the aim of the war, become an internal menace to the home country.” The fear that efforts to combat totalitarian regimes were making the United States itself increasingly totalitarian was widely held on the libertarian left throughout the decade.
The judge found that “the Registrant’s views are of an economic and political, rather than a religious nature,” and denied his application. Wieck refused induction and skipped town, making it to New Orleans before he was turned over to the FBI in February 1943 by local police who had arrested him for violating a local “vagrancy, loitering” ordinance. He was given a three-year sentence in the Federal Penitentiary at Danbury, Connecticut.
In 1946, after the war, Goodfriend went on a speaking tour with her partner David Koven and some friends from their circle to raise money for the anti-draft movement. They ended up in San Francisco and decided to stay.
They knew Paul Goodman and Kenneth Rexroth and were part of a generation of anarchists who laid the groundwork for the cultural movements that defined San Francisco in the fifties and sixties. Audrey once said that she was too busy raising children to pay much attention to the beat generation, but followed this by saying she had attended the event where Ginsberg read Howl for the first time. Raising her two daughters directed Audrey’s interests toward anarchist education and the Modern School movement, leading her to help found the Walden School in Berkeley in 1958.
She worked as a teacher at Walden until the early seventies and was the bookkeeper at her friend Moe Moskowitz’s Berkeley bookstore for many years after. In her fifties, she had hip surgery, separated from her partner David, and began swimming at the YMCA every day. At sixty, she started acting with Stagebridge, the country’s oldest senior theater company, and continued to perform with them for over twenty-five years. She was still taking an improv class there this fall and spoke about the power and importance it had for her.
Audrey Goodfriend died in 2013.
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Pietro Gori (14 August 1865 – 8 January 1911) was an Italian lawyer, journalist, intellectual and anarchist poet. He is known for his political activities, and as author of some of the most famous anarchist songs of the late 19th century, including Addio a Lugano ("Farewell to Lugano"), Stornelli d'esilio ("Exile Songs"), Ballata per Sante Caserio ("Ballad for Sante Geronimo Caserio"), Inno del Primo Maggio ("May, 1 Anthem").
The next year, as secretary of the students' union, he organized a memorial for philosopher Giordano Bruno. Gori received a law degree in 1889 with a thesis called La miseria e il delitto ("Poverty and Crime"). In November, under the pseudonym Rigo (an anagram of his last name), he published the texts of his first conferences in a booklet called Pensieri ribelli ("Rebel Thoughts"), resulting in his arrest for "inciting class hatred". A legal team composed of his professors and fellow students defended him; he was cleared of the charges and released.
On May 13, 1890, he was arrested again, this time for helping to organize May Day demonstrations in Livorno. He was convicted and sentenced to a year in prison (later reduced in appeal), remaining in jail until November 10, first in Livorno, then in Lucca.
After prison, Gori moved to Milan and worked as a lawyer with Filippo Turati. In January 1891, he was a supporter of Errico Malatesta in the Congress of Capolago during which the Socialist Revolutionary Anarchist Party (Partito Socialista Anarchico Rivoluzionario) was founded. That year he also attended the Italian Workers' Party Congress in Milan. He translated Karl Marx' and Friedrich Engels' Communist Manifesto into Italian for the Popular Socialist Library. Towards the end of that year, he began publishing L'amico del popolo, a "Socialist-Anarchist" periodical. He published 27 issues, all of which were seized by the authorities, which netted him more arrests and trials.
On April 4, 1892, he attended the Legal Socialism and Anarchist Socialism conference, at the "Labor Embassy" in Milan. There he presented Socialist views strongly critical of the reformist Socialism, which he considered authoritarian and parliamentarian. The August 14 of that year he attended the National Congress of Worker's and Socialist Organizations in Genoa where, unsurprisingly, he was among the strongest opponents to the majority of reformers who decided to create the Italian Workers' Party.
By then Gori was well known to the police: a secret memorandum from the Luigi Pelloux's Ministry of the Interior of November 22, 1891, sent to all the Italian regions, requested that he be kept under special surveillance. As a precaution, authorities regularly arrested him just before demonstrations each May Day.
During one of these detentions, in 1892, in San Vittore prison, he wrote the lyrics for one of his best known songs: Inno del primo maggio ("Hymn to the 1st of May"). Gori published his first poetry books in the following months: Alla conquista dell’Avvenire ("Conquering the Future") and Prigioni e Battaglie ("Jails and Battles"). Despite a print run of 9,000 copies, they quickly sold out. In the meantime he continued legal work, defending his political comrades.
In August 1893 he attended the Socialist Congress in Zürich, from which he was expelled. He then founded Lotta Sociale magazine, but because it was constantly seized by the authorities it was short-lived.
A sudden increase in the price of bread in 1898 led to riots throughout Italy. The government responded with a crackdown; in Milan, General Fiorenzo Bava Beccaris ordered his troops to fire into the crowds, and somewhere between 80 and 300 people were killed (depending on the account). The concomitant repression of leftist political organizations and unions was even more fierce, and Gori was forced to flee again, after which he was condemned in absentia to 12 years in prison.
From Marseille, he sailed to Argentina. There, he became known not only for his political activities, but also for his scientific work. He was a union organizer, taught courses in criminology at the University of Buenos Aires in Buenos Aires and started the magazine Modern Criminology.
Thanks to an amnesty, and for family and health reasons, he was able to return to Italy in 1902. The next year, he founded the magazine Il pensiero with Luigi Fabbri. Other than a trip to Egypt and Palestine in 1904, he spent his remaining years in Italy, pursuing his usual activities: political activism, writing, and providing legal support for his jailed comrades. He died 8 January 1911 in Portoferraio, leaving behind a large body of literary work, ranging from the political essays to theater, from criminology to poetry, from harangues to conferences.
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Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin (born 1947) is an American writer, activist, and black anarchist. He is a former member of the Black Panther Party. He was born in Chattanooga, Tennessee, and has lived in Memphis, Tennessee, since 2010.
When he was 12, Ervin joined the NAACP youth group and participated in the sit-in protests that helped end racial segregation in Chattanooga. He was drafted during the Vietnam War and served in the army for two years, where he became an anti-war activist. In 1967 he joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and, a short time later, the Black Panther Party.
In February 1969, Ervin hijacked a plane to Cuba to evade prosecution for allegedly trying to kill a Ku Klux Klan leader. While in Cuba and Czechoslovakia, Ervin became disillusioned with state socialism. After several unsuccessful attempts, the American government eventually extradited Ervin and brought him to the U.S. to face trial. Ervin was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment.
Ervin first learned about anarchism while in prison in the late 1970s. He read numerous anarchist books, and his case was adopted by the Anarchist Black Cross, a political prisoner support organization. While in prison, Ervin wrote several anarchist pamphlets, including Anarchism and the Black Revolution, which has been reprinted many times and may be his best-known work.
Eventually, Ervin's legal challenges and an international campaign led to his release from prison after 11 years.
After his release Ervin returned to Chattanooga, where he became involved with a local civil rights group called Concerned Citizens for Justice, fighting police brutality and the Klan. In 1987, Ervin helped file a class action civil rights lawsuit that resulted in the restructuring of the Chattanooga government and the election of several black city council members.
On April 26, 2008, Ervin and his wife organized a march and rally in Nashville, Tennessee, to protest the deaths of two youths in Tennessee facilities at the Chad Youth Enhancement Center, and the deaths of a number of prisoners at the Nashville Detention Center, allegedly by guards at that facility.
In June 12, 2012, the Ervins and other black activists held a conference called "Let's Organize the Hood", and there created the Memphis Black Autonomy Federation to fight the high levels of unemployment and poverty in African American communities, rampant police brutality, including the unjustified use of deadly force, and the mass imprisonment of blacks and other peoples of color by the United States government through its War on Drugs, which Ervin and other activists claim are unjustly directed to black/POC communities.

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Virgilia D'Andrea (11 February 1888 – 12 May 1933) was an Italian anarchist poet and political activist. A prominent free love advocate and noted anti-fascist, she may be best remembered as the author of Tormento (Torment), a book of poetry first published in 1922.
D'Andrea born in the town of Sulmona, located in the Abruzzo region of Italy, on 11 February 1888. Her family died when Virgilia was a young girl; thus from the age of six she was enrolled in a Catholic boarding school. D'Andrea would remain in Catholic boarding school until her eventual graduation to become a teacher.
During the course of her education D'Andrea read hundreds of books, developing an affinity for poetry and assimilating radical anarchist politics during her self-directed intellectual journey.
She joined the Socialist Party of Italy as a vehicle to help advance her political beliefs. In 1917 she met leading anarchist journalist Armando Borghi at a meeting of a radical trade union which Borghi headed. D'Andrea and Borghi became companions and lovers, a relationship which flouted the moral sensibilities of the day. Although an advocate of free love, D'Andrea is believed to have maintained a monogamous commitment to Borghi throughout her life.
D'Andrea was politicized by the bloodshed of World War I and she left teaching to join the movement against Italian participation in the war. By 1917 state political security forces had begun a case file on D'Andrea, whom they deemed an effective and dangerous radical anti-war agitator. Following Italy's entry into the war, both D'Andrea and Borghi were subjected to house arrest and legally confined for the duration of the war.
In 1922, she published her first book of poetry, Tormento (Torment), a work featuring an introduction by leading Italian anarchist Errico Malatesta. Tormento was a collection of 19 poems written in the form of rhyme, many of which first saw print in the pages of the official organ of the Socialist Party, Avanti! (Forward!).
Thematically, her material reflected the tension of social protest prevalent in Italy in the aftermath of the war and expressed the author's anger and angst in the wake of political defeats dealt the Italian workers' movement in the period. The book was well received, with a total of 8,000 copies sold.
The rise of fascism in Italy forced D'Andrea to emigrate in 1923. Over the next six years D'Andrea lived in a series of residences in Germany, the Netherlands, and France. In 1925, while living in Paris, D'Andrea published a second book — a volume of prose entitled L'Ora di Marmaldo (The Time of Marmaldo).
D'Andrea emigrated to the United States of America in the fall of 1928, settling in the Borough of Brooklyn, New York.
In 1929 a second edition of Tormento was published in Italy, the government of which was by then firmly controlled by fascist leader Benito Mussolini. This second printing was immediately seized by the authorities, who charged that its words "excited the spirits" and inspired revolt.
Citing her outspoken advocacy of the doctrine of free love, Italian authorities charged D'Andrea with "reprehensible moral behavior" and asserted that she was committed to violence, with her verses "carefully composed to instigate lawbreaking, to incite class hatred, and to vilify the army.
D'Andrea died of breast cancer in New York City on 12 May 1933, aged 45. A collection of writings, including poetry, prose, and autobiographical reminiscences, Torce nella Notte (Torches in the Night) was published in New York shortly after D'Andrea's death.
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Arturo Giovannitti A Wobbly poet/organizer of almost legendary proportions, later an associate of the Socialist Party, was Arturo Giovannitti (1884–1959). This Italian anarchist relocated to the USA in 1901 and became entrenched in the cause of radical labor and developed powerful journalism skills along the route.
Giovannitti worked as a coal miner and joined the Italian Socialist Federation of North America and soon his writing skills led him to the post of editor of Italian-language Left periodical Il Proletario. Quickly, Giovannitti joined the IWW and focused his efforts on organizing the textile workers in Lawrence Massachusetts.
He and organizer Joseph Ettor led this groundbreaking 1912 strike during which both men were arrested on a bogus murder charge.
The imprisonment of Ettor and Giovannitti became a cause celebre, attracting nationwide attention and inspiring activists who called for the guaranteeing of free speech. Workers from across the US contributed to the Ettor-Giovannitti Defense Fund, which eventually totaled $50,000.
During their jail term, Giovannitti was encouraged to write about it and he composed the multi-verse book-length Arrows in the Gale, which spoke of the struggle and brandished an introduction by Helen Keller.
It included the haunting poems “The Walker” and “The Cage” which told of the sense of eternal hopelessness of the men he encountered in jail. A 1913 article in Current Opinion magazine wrote of Giovannitti and his poetic works: He has the soul of a great poet, the fervor of a prophet and, added to these, the courage and power of initiative that mark the man of action and the organizer of great crusades…This jail experience of Giovannitti’s has given the world one of the greatest poems ever produced in the English language…“The Walker” is more than a poem. It is a great human document."

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A New World in Our Hearts: Durruti's Interview with Pierre van Paasen (1936), with Thanks to Stuart Christie
In September of 1936, after the liberation of Aragon from Franco's forces, Buenaventura Durruti was interviewed by Pierre van Paasen of the Toronto Star. In this interview he shares his views on Fascism, government and social revolution despite the fact that his remarks have only been reported in English-and were never actually written down by him in his native Spanish-they are worth repeating here.
"For us", said Durruti, "it is a matter of crushing Fascism once and for all. Yes; and in spite of the Government".
"No government in the world fights Fascism to the death. When the bourgeoisie sees power slipping from its grasp, it has recourse to Fascism to maintain itself. The Liberal Government of Spain could have rendered the Fascist elements powerless long ago. Instead it compromised and dallied. Even now at this moment, there are men in this Government who want to go easy on the rebels."
And here Durruti laughed. "You can never tell, you know, the present Government might yet need these rebellious forces to crush the workers' movement . . ."
"We know what we want. To us it means nothing that there is a Soviet Union somewhere in the world, for the sake of whose peace and tranquillity the workers of Germany and China were sacrificed to Fascist barbarians by Stalin. We want revolution here in Spain, right now, not maybe after the next European war. We are giving Hitler and Mussolini far more worry with our revolution than the whole Red Army of Russia. We are setting an example to the German and Italian working class on how to deal with Fascism."
"I do not expect any help for a libertarian revolution from any Government in the world. . . . We expect no help, not even from our own Government, in the last analysis."
"But", interjected van Paasen, "You will be sitting on a pile of ruins."
Durruti answered: "We have always lived in slums and holes in the wall. We will know how to accommodate ourselves for a time. For, you must not forget, we can also build. It is we the workers who built these palaces and cities here in Spain and in America and everywhere. We, the workers, can build others to take their place. And better ones! We are not in the least afraid of ruins. We are going to inherit the earth; there is not the slightest doubt about that. The bourgeoisie might blast and ruin its own world before it leaves the stage of history. We carry a new world here, in our hearts. That world is growing this minute."

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Manuel Pardinas Serrano died on this day in 1912, and by his own hand, after executing
José Canalejas, the Prime Minister of Spain. Pardiñas shot Canalejas in front of the San Martin Library in Madrid on November 12, 1912. Pardiñas then turned the gun on himself and committed suicide. He was reportedly from the town of El Grado in the province of Huesca. MANUEL PARDINAS by Pedro Esteve.
Pedro Esteve, “Manuel Pardinas,” Mother Earth 7, no. 11 (January 1913): 379-381.
HE died without being able to explain the motives that induced him to suppress Canalejas. Those of us who have known him can, nevertheless, understand them.
Pardinas was an intelligent workingman, industrious, simple and kind. His life was full of suffering. He left his native town to seek mental expansion and comfort for the body, and wherever he went he found misery, ignorance and persecution. He was in Catalonia, in France, in Cuba, in North America, and, notwithstanding the fact that he was an expert painter and decorator, sober in the extreme—he drank absolutely no liquor and nourished himself solely with fruits and vegetables in small quantities—he was out of work for long periods and, consequently, suffered much hardship.
“Why live,” he said to me one day, “if life is to be one long-continued suffering?” To toil and eat (when you are able), sleep restlessly, always thinking of the morrow and having to contemplate innumerable injustices without being able to prevent or remedy them. No pleasures, not even that of finding among your comrades in distress collaborators in the work of redemption!
“Life is attractive even when you suffer, knowing that your own labor will benefit our fellow creatures,” I replied.
“Sacrifice yourself for others! It isn’t even an emulation, not even a consolation. Death is our only consolation.”
And notwithstanding, he dreamed only of finding work, in order to save sufficiently to go to fight in Mexico, and, while waiting for this anxiously desired moment to arrive, wherever there was a comrade, or a child of a comrade, sick, there he went to assist, to apply the curative • methods called natural, and of which he was a fervent advocate.
Even now it seems to me I can see him giving baths to my children and constructing a sun parlor in the yard of the house in which he lived, in order to give them a sun-bath!
Pie discussed, reasoned, and above all, he had feeling.
I never saw him in a provocative mood, or loquacious, nor brutal. In preference to disputing, he preferred being silent. He was very studious. He spoke French, studied English, and read with fondness every book or periodical which fell into his hands and which he knew could illuminate him. He had a great predilection for astronomy.
He looked for the desired consolation in spiritualism, and- served as medium in spiritualistic seances; but the illusion could not satisfy him and he returned to ask of science that which science could not give him, because a few privileged ones had usurped the means of obtaining it: the full unfolding of his being. Study made him more wretched, because it made him glimpse a world of beauty,—which he knew was not within his reach ever to enjoy.
There appeared before him, one day one who could have given him encouragement, who could have made life agreeable, even in the midst of great sufferings—a woman who liked him, who loved him, who knew how to instill in him an intense passion. But is was forbidden fruit, the enjoyment of which would have caused suffering to another man and to innocent, tender creatures, and, through fear of seeing these children suffer (he believed in the economic ideas of Malthus), he fled from the amorous incarnation.
What should he do? Life in Tampa was to him loathsome. He had little work and under very poor conditions. At last he obtained steady employment, and as he spent almost nothing for food and clothes—he went so far as to buy second-hand clothing in order not to reduce his modest stock-^-when he finished his job he had a hundred dollars in his pocket and thought of returning to old Europe, where, if the lack of necessities is felt the same as in America, or worse, there are at least more intellectual joys. There there are people who propagate, who agitate, who struggle for their redemption.
Perhaps he expected that by becoming absorbed in the whirlwind of life, he would return to life.
But it seems that there he not only encountered the dreaded spectre of unemployment, but also the persecution of the police, who would not let him rest day or night: who denounced him as a dangerous Anarchist to anyone who employed him and to the people with whom he resided, and followed him constantly and— drove him to be, in truth, really dangerous.
He was by nature sensitive and they assuredly overexcited his sensitiveness. They made life more loathsome to him, and death more desirable. Being in this state or condition, the deceit practised by Canalejas upon the railway employees may have created an intense impression upon him and he may have decided to Hie killing, and he did kill and then he committed suicide. Perhaps it was the only happy moment of his life!
May these have been the motives that induced him to suppress Canalejas? He did not say so. Probably no one will ever know them: but those among us who have known him, who have been on intimate terms with him as a comrade, and who know how he thought, knew his feelings and how he acted, can permit themselves deductions of this nature.
Once again, he who would least have been suspected of a disposition to commit such an act, was the one to realize it. Another repetition of the case of Caserio, of Bresci, of nearly all the heroic paladins of the social vindication. His acquaintances, his friends perhaps, have been those most surprised at his act.
Of what use are the special laws promulgated to prevent such acts, the photographic galleries and the anthropometric departments? Of what use will it be to arrest hundreds of men who neither knew him, nor have ever heard the name of this destroyer of a tyrant previous to this attempt ? At the utmost, to over-excite some other sensitive person.
Accomplices, inducers! Yes, there is one, an accomplice and an inducer at the same time, whom we want to decapitate—the present social regime.
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Anarchism Without Adjectives: The 150th Anniversary of the Birth of Voltairine de Cleyre
One of the most prolific anarchist writers of her time, Voltairine de Cleyre was born 150 years ago this week on November 17, 1866 in Leslie, Michigan. Her father named her after the famed French Enlightenment author Voltaire.
De Cleyre was educated in a Catholic convent in Ontario, Canada, upon her father’s insistence that she become a nun. She remained there for more than three years, sometimes running away, always disobedient, and forever despairing that she had no means of permanent escape.
When she emerged at age 19, she was a crusading atheist who believed religion was a repulsive and oppressive institution. Upon hearing a speech by Clarence Darrow, she decided that capitalism should be added to the litany of world evils. She was soon reading Benjamin Tucker's journal Liberty. Her commitment to anarchism was sealed by the Haymarket affair.
Through the years she moved from individualistic anarchism tinged with pacifism to the direct-acton approach of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). In addition to European influences, she posited American roots for her ideas in the work of Thoreau, Jefferson, Paine and Emerson.
Whatever the momentary emphasis, she always directed her efforts to working-class audiences. She was enthusiastic about the educational ideas proposed by Francisco Ferrer and was among the first writers to argue that detective stories, sports writing, pornography, and even advertising could be regarded as literature in that they reflected the lives of common people. She frequently criticized anarchists such as Emma Goldman for being too elitist and directing their work to intellectuals and the middle class.
De Cleyre’s personal life was tragic. Most men were put off by her learning and her lack of physical beauty; and the one man she felt she loved died when she was only twenty-seven. She later had an affair that resulted in the birth of a son. When she refused to live with the child’s father, the baby was taken from her and she did not see her son again for 17 years.
This harsh collision with sexist laws and culture reinforced a feminism that found expression in poetry, oratory, fiction and essays. A second tragedy took place in 1902, when she was shot by an opposing anarchist. Although she recovered, her always fragile health was shattered. Characteristically, she refused to press charges, stating her assailant should be sent to a mental facility, not a prison.
Emma Goldman argued that women must free themselves from internal as well as external tyrants, and brave public opinion to free their true natures as women and as mothers. De Cleyre, herself a working-class mother, had a different take on tyranny, drawing on bitter experience to warn women that living with their lovers would mean becoming at best mere housekeepers, at worst slavish dependants: ‘Men may not mean to be tyrants when they marry, but they frequently grow to be such. It is insufficient to dispense with the priest or the registrar. The spirit of marriage makes for slavery.’
She praised the domestic arrangements of Mary Wollstonecraft and William Godwin, who lived apart during their marriage, as a model for preserving the spontaneity of love. On her speaking tour of Britain in the winter of 1897-8, de Cleyre spoke to large audiences, who applauded her most radical points on ‘The Woman Question’. In Scotland, one of her most popular topics was ‘The Life and Work of Mary Wollstonecraft’. De Cleyre called for an annual commemoration of Wollstonecraft: ‘Let us have a little bit of she-ro worship to even things up a bit.’
Her base of operations from 1889 to 1910 was Philadelphia, where she lived among poor Jewish immigrants. She taught English and music, and she learned Yiddish well enough to add the Fraye Arbeter Shtime (Free Workers’ Voice) to the many journals to which she contributed.
As she grew closer to anarcho-syndicalism, she began to study Spanish in order to participate directly in the Mexican Revolution. Before she cold relocate to Mexico she became ill from septic meningitis and died in Chicago on June 12, 1912. She is interred near Emma Goldman, the Haymarket defendants, and other social activists at the Waldheim Cemetery (now Forest Home Cemetery), in Forest Park, a suburb west of Chicago.
De Cleyre’s work soon went out of print and she was rarely cited. More than 50 years passed before her writing enjoyed a revival in conjunction with the reemerging women’s movement. In many ways her chief work seemed to be the uncompromising manner in which she had led her life. A statement she made shortly before her death spoke directly to the new feminists: “I die, as I have lived, a free spirit, an Anarchist, owing no allegiance to rulers, heavenly or earthly.”

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Born Jón Gunnar Kristinsson, Jón legally changed his middle name in 2005 to the way his mother pronounced it when he was a boy. He prefers to be addressed as Jón Gnarr as he does not wish to carry his father's name. Under national law overseen by the Icelandic Naming Committee, he has not been allowed to legally drop "Kristinsson" from his name as seen on his passport until 2015.
He was a well-known comedian and actor starting in the 1990s, including teaming with Sigurjón Kjartansson as the duo Tvíhöfði on radio and television. In 2009, he formed the Best Party, a political party that began as political satire but quickly turned into a real political player due to its electoral successes, which were perceived to be a reaction to the 2008–11 Icelandic financial crisis.
Jón Gnarr was misdiagnosed with severe intellectual disability as a child and was treated between the ages of five and seven at the children's psychiatry ward at the State Hospital at Dalbraut, Reykjavík. He has dyslexia and had learning difficulties. Jón Gnarr recounts these experiences in his book The Indian, an autobiographical account of his childhood.
Jón was known as Jónsi Punk as a teenager and played bass in a punk band called Nefrennsli ("Runny Nose"). While attending a number of high schools, he didn't complete the university entrance exam, Stúdentspróf. As a young man, he held jobs with car maker Volvo and drove a taxi in Reykjavík.
During the 1980s, he and his future wife, Jóhanna Jóhannsdóttir, became acquainted with the members of the Reykjavík-based alternative rock band the Sugarcubes, including Björk Guðmundsdóttir and Einar Örn Benediktsson. Björk remained a close friend to Jóhanna, dedicating a song to her on her 1997 album Homogenic.
In late 2009, Gnarr formed the Best Party with a number of other people who had no background in politics, including Einar. The Best Party, which is a satirical political party that parodies Icelandic politics and aims to make the life of the citizens more fun,[10] managed a plurality in the 2010 municipal elections in Reykjavík, with the party gaining six out of 15 seats on the Reykjavík City Council (34.7 percent of the vote). Einar, who was second on the party's list behind Jón, won one of the seats on the city council.
Jón ended up defeating the centre-right Independence Party-led municipal government of Hanna Birna Kristjánsdóttir, which came as "a shock" to Icelandic Prime Minister Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir. Jón's victory is widely seen as a backlash against establishment politicians in the wake of Iceland's 2008-2011 financial crisis.
His political platform included promises of "free towels in all swimming pools, a polar bear for the Reykjavík zoo, all kinds of things for weaklings, Disneyland in the Vatnsmýri area, a 'drug-free' Althing by 2020, sustainable transparency, tollbooths on the border with Seltjarnarnes, to do away with all debt, free access to Hljómskálagarðurinn (orchestral rotunda park)."
Both before and after being elected, Jón announced that he would not enter a coalition government with anyone that had not watched the HBO series The Wire.
He is an avid watcher of the series, and stated his favourite character is Omar. Ultimately, his Best Party entered into a coalition with the social-democratic Social Democratic Alliance (Samfylkingin) as its junior partner to govern Reykjavík.
After Gnarr became mayor of Reykjavík, it was jokingly proposed that the city be nicknamed Gnarrenburg, the title of an earlier television talk show featuring Gnarr. As mayor, he has appeared at the 2010 Gay Pride parade as a drag queen, posting a video holiday greeting wearing a Darth Vader mask and a Santa Claus cap, and suggesting a merger with neighboring municipality Kópavogur.
Gnarr protested about the Chinese government's treatment of human rights activist Liu Xiaobo, before the announcement of Liu's award for the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize. He has also stated that he believes the importance of the European Union is highly over-rated. His government also included the granting of long-awaited permission for the construction of Iceland's first purpose-built mosque.
On 30 October 2013, Gnarr announced that he would not seek a second term in office when his first term expired in June 2014.
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20th November 1936: The Death of Buenaventura Durruti
Today we remember the inspirational life of the anarchist military leader, Buenaventura Durruti, who died on this day 1936 in a mysterious and hotly disputed shooting accident. For although his death occurred a mere four months into the Spanish Civil War, Durruti’s leadership of the legendary Column to which he gave his name, combined with the rigorous, even heroic manner in which he’d practiced his anarchism – gun running, robbery and even attempted assassination of the Spanish monarch Alphonso XIII – made him the emblem of the entire Catalonian anarchist movement.
For Durruti was a truly militant anarchist, a man for whom even the concept of leadership was highly questionable. But for the Barcelona anarchists of 1936, their unexpected success confronted the very core of their ideals as anarchist militia found themselves policing public situations. And yet Durruti’s familiar red-and-black military cap, always worn at a jaunty angle, made him look not like other contemporary military authoritarian figures but instead like some harlequin lawman: with hindsight, a perfect metaphor for the blip in the social order which this strange period tragically turned out to have been.
http://bit.ly/2g8YYiV

19569

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The most important lessons consistently taught by schools under the state are to obey arbitrary authority, to accept the imposition of other people’s priorities on our lives, and to stop daydreaming. When children start school, they are self-guided, curious about the world they live in, and believe everything is possible. When they finish, they are cynical, self-absorbed, and used to dedicating forty hours of their week to an activity they never chose. They are also likely to be miseducated about a number of things, perhaps unaware that a majority of human societies throughout history have been egalitarian and stateless; that the police have only recently become an important and supposedly necessary institution; that their government has a track record of torture, genocide, and repression; that their lifestyles are destroying the environment.


—
Peter Gelderloos, Anarchy Works.

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(https://tmblr.co/mQ0q-3XZ9Y_IgdJvud3UzyA)

Noe Itō was an anarcha-feminist and social critic was born on the 21nd of January, 1895 in Kyushu, J (http://t.umblr.com/redirect?z=https%3A%2F%2Fen.wikipedia.org%2Fwiki%2 FJapan&t=ZGIwNTQ0MGM0NmQzNzczMGE5NTMyNWU4MTNiNTk0OWI3ZTdi N2ZjNCxqUmRBRXIwbA%3D%3D&b=t%3AUcv90vBqdANP-A5tf33ILQ&p=http%3A%2F%2Fcultural-goldmanism.tumblr.com%2Fpost%2F157250762428%2Fcomr ade-rozko-noe-it%C5%8D-was-an&m=0)apan.
Itō joined the Seitosha (Blue Stocking Society) group in 1913, where she went on to become one of the lead editors of the feminist magazine Seitō in 1915 to 1916. In Itō’s writing, she opened discussion on issues that had gone relatively untouched within such magazines, such as abortion, prostitution, and free love.
In addition to her writing for Seitō, Itō wrote over 80 articles for various other publications, wrote several novels (such as Zatsuon and Tenki) on breaking tradition in her adolescence, and translated the works of Emma Goldman into Japanese.
In collaboration with Sakae Ōsugi, Wada Kyutaro, and Kondo Kenji, Itō helped to create the first Labor Movement magazine in Japan in 1919 - Rōdō undō, seeking to provide information on anarchism to the industrial working class. In 1921, Itō acted as an advisor alongside socialist activist Yamakawa Kikue for the Sekirankai (Red Wave Society) - the first women’s socialist group in Japan.
For a time, Itō was married to the author Jun Tsuji - an egoist/individualist anarchist. She also developed a relationship with Sakae Ōsugi, an anarchist translator with a rather extensive history of being imprisoned for direct political action - including punishment for being associated with the socialist-anarchist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, historically referred to as the “High Treason Incident”.
In 1923, following the Great Kantō earthquake, Noe Itō was captured during a police raid on anarchists and social militants along with Ōsugi and his nephew. They were beaten and murdered via strangulation by the Kempei-tai secret police in their cells. The killing of Itō and Ōsugi sparked shock and anger throughout Japan, and is now referred to as the Amakasu Incident.

When asked if she was afraid that the authorities might come for her because of her outspoken support of anarchism by Dora Russell as recounted in Bertrand Russell’s autobiography, Itō had drawn her hand across her throat and responded “I know they will sooner or later.”

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Maria Nikiforova, affectionately thought of as the “anarchist Joan of Arc,” widely known as Marusya.

She was born in the Ukraine in 1885 and by age 16 she was a self described terrorist, staging bombings and expropriation missions. She was sentenced to life imprisonment in Siberia in 1910 but broke out after possibly organizing a prison riot. She traveled to Japan to the US to Paris, meeting many fellow anarchists and anarchist-communists along the way and served in the Macedonian front. When the Russian revolution broke out she organized and spoke at anarchist rallies in Kronstadt.

In 1917 she escaped back to her home in Alexandrovsk and organized a force of Black Guards to terrorize city authorities, especially army officers and landlords. Marusya played an important role in overthrowing Ukrainian nationalists in her city. Throughout the time Free Territory was secured she worked very closely with leader Nestor Makhno, and in fact was far more famous than him when they first met. She was also appointed assistant deputy to the revolutionary committee of her city, though this tie was broken when in August of 1917 she robbed a military storehouse (executing all captured officers) and passing the spoils to Makhno’s Black Guards rather than the Red Army.

In 1919, she was put on trial for pillaging and insubordination by the Bolsheviks (although she had sometimes allied with them, she had expropriated from Red storage at some points because she didn’t think Soviet state banks were actually the peoples’). She was banned from holding any political position afterwards, though she still gave speeches alongside Makhno.

Finally, in June 1919, anarchist armies were outlawed. The Reds had essentially thought they were useful while still fighting the Whites and other anti-revolutionary groups, but were now a threat to soviet State power. Marusya then intended to form terrorist cells (rather than traditional fighting) and took part in a sabotage mission against the Whites, where she was recognized, arrested, and sentenced to death on September 16, 1919.

Despite the impact she held in the revolution, Nikiforova is widely ignored by Soviet historians.

Required reading:
· Atamansha: the Story of Maria Nikiforova, the Anarchist Joan of Arc
· Kontrrazvedka: the Story of the Makhnovist Intelligence Service

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“Can any one feel any respect for a government that accords rights only to the privileged classes, and none to the workers? We have seen but recently how the coal barons combined to form a conspiracy to raise the price of coal, while at the same time reducing the already low wages of their men. Are they accused of conspiracy on that account? But when working men dare ask an increase in their wages, the militia and the police are sent out to shoot then down.
For such a government as this I can feel no respect, and will combat them, despite their power, despite their police, despite their spies.”

George Engel, Haymarket Martyr, speaking in his own defense at his trial, 1886

[IbelieveInanarchy]

https://68.media.tumblr.com/tumblr_luhetkKVUH1qcrg73o1_500.jpg


“Can any one feel any respect for a government that accords rights only to the privileged classes, and none to the workers? We have seen but recently how the coal barons combined to form a conspiracy to raise the price of coal, while at the same time reducing the already low wages of their men. Are they accused of conspiracy on that account? But when working men dare ask an increase in their wages, the militia and the police are sent out to shoot then down.
For such a government as this I can feel no respect, and will combat them, despite their power, despite their police, despite their spies.”

George Engel, Haymarket Martyr, speaking in his own defense at his trial, 1886 very strong. I recently found this song on anarchism, the spoken part at 2:25 is very strong to.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e_K1wYiD2gU

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https://68.media.tumblr.com/31ffe74b78ef88bcac34f848d4898538/tumblr_mz42w5z9Qb1qeu6ilo1_1280.jpg (http://howboutthatbreadtho.tumblr.com/image/157404522644)
Octave Garnier, a French anarchist and member of the infamous Bonnot gang in Belle Epoque France. He died in a stand-off with police at just 22.


On May 14, 1912 Garnier and René Valet were killed in a shootout with French authorities when their safe house in Nogent-sur-Marne was raided by police. Armed with seven 9 mm Browning semi-automatics and two long-barreled Mausers, the two outlaws, who had barricaded themselves inside the rental house, faced 50 detectives, 250 police from Paris, Republican Guards, and 400 Zouaves from Nogent. As the six-hour stand-off stretched on, Valet and Garnier burned 10,000 stolen francs but managed to hold back the army outside.
At midnight, having failed to remove the bandits, French authorities succeeded in positioning one and a half kilograms of melinite in the house. The resulting explosion rendered the structure's inhabitants unconscious, and Garnier was then executed by a 9 mm shot to the right temple. Both men were buried in unmarked graves.
A memoir, found by police on Garnier's body explained his criminal activities and summed up: "It's for all these reasons that I rebelled, it's because I didn't want to live this life of present-day society, because I didn't want to wait and maybe die before I'd lived, that I defended myself against the oppressors with all the means at my disposal..."

: “It’s for all these reasons that I rebelled, it’s because I didn’t want to live this life of present-day society, because I didn’t want to wait and maybe die before I’d lived, that I defended myself against the oppressors with all the means at my disposal…”