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View Full Version : Overthrowing Dilma Rousseff [Brazil]: It’s Class War, and Their Class is Winning



ckaihatsu
25th March 2016, 19:42
Overthrowing Dilma Rousseff


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( T h e B u l l e t ))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
A Socialist Project e-bulletin .... No. 1237 .... March 23, 2016
__________________________________________________ _

Overthrowing Dilma Rousseff:
It’s Class War, and Their Class is Winning

Alfredo Saad Filho

Every so often, the bourgeois political system runs into crisis. The machinery of the state jams; the veils of consent are torn asunder and the tools of power appear disturbingly naked. Brazil is living through one of those moments: it is dreamland for social scientists; a nightmare for everyone else.

Dilma Rousseff was elected President in 2010, with a 56-44 per cent majority against the right-wing neoliberal PSDB (Brazilian Social Democratic Party) opposition candidate. She was reelected four years later with a diminished yet convincing majority of 52-48 per cent, or a majority of 3.5 million votes.

Dilma's second victory sparked a heated panic among the neoliberal and U.S.-aligned opposition. The fourth consecutive election of a President affiliated to the centre-left PT (Workers’ Party) was bad news for the opposition, because it suggested that PT founder Luís Inácio Lula da Silva could return in 2018. Lula had been President between 2003 and 2010, and when he left office his approval ratings hit 90 per cent, making him the most popular leader in Brazil's history. This likely sequence suggested that the opposition could be out of federal office for a generation. The opposition immediately rejected the outcome of the vote. No credible complaints could be made, but no matter; it was resolved that Dilma Rousseff would be overthrown by any means necessary. To understand what happened next, we must return to 2011.

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Brazil: Who is Fomenting the Attempted Coup and Why? -- A Dossier


[to subscribe/unsubscribe, contact [email protected]]
http://www.socialistorganizer.org/brazil-coup-2/


Brazil: Who is Fomenting the Attempted Coup and Why?

The political crisis continues to deepen in Brazil, taking on more and more the form of a class vs. class confrontation.

Events are moving very quickly, and workers and their allies are becoming more radicalized by the day. On the one side you have the Brazilian oligarchy, assisted every step of the way by a compliant judiciary system inherited from the military dictatorship (1964-1980). All are demanding and orchestrating the removal of President Dilma Rousseff of the Workers Party.

On the other side, as was demonstrated with full force on Friday, March 18, there are the more than 1.5 million workers and activists who took to the streets in 23 major cities across Brazil to express their strong determination to stop the coup by any means necessary.

Popular Committees Against the Coup are rising up in working class neighborhoods and shantytowns throughout Brazil. A Manifesto of the Periferias [shantytowns on the city's outskirts] of Sao Paulo -- distributed publicly on March 22 with the endorsements of 120 popular organizations -- shows how the fight against the coup is being coupled with the fight for workers' pressing demands, which the PT government, for the most part, has failed to address.

The Manifesto Das Periferias de Sao Paulo reads, in part:

"We - dwellers in the city's periferias - are here to send a wake-up call to the fascists: We are against the coup under way - a coup that affects us directly.

"We defend the Workers Party (PT) government against the ongoing coup, while at the same time noting its contradictions, as it's a government that has given us only crumbs while allying itself with the very same people who exploit us. . . .

"We, who have come from all the periferias, are against the coup being plotted against the current federal government, which is promoted by conservative politicians, businessmen, and a manipulative media, all of whom have absolutely no commitment to the people.

"We have nothing in common with those who have taken to the streets with their hate speech: the fascists and their hangers-on, who talk about the 'fight against corruption' only because they are motivated by their own private interests.

"We have nothing in common with those who in the name of the 'fight against corruption' want to weaken the public sector and the State to line their own pockets, to break with legality and democracy, and to put down the working class and the oppressed.

"We know that democracy will only be real and effective when we expand our rights and conquests as Black people, as poor people living in the periferias, as workers, on a left platform, from the bottom up.

"We, who have only obtained one part of the dream that we have sought for so long, are not going back. We will not allow it. We call for the respect of the voting booth [a reference to Dilma's election] and of democratic rights. We call for freedom of expression. We call for the defense and expansion of policies strengthening the public sector and social services, of policies advancing our civil and social rights."

On Tuesday, March 22, more than 4,000 workers at the Ford Factory in the ABC industrial triangle of Sao Paulo met in a general assembly outside the plant gate with their CUT union officers and voted a motion to oppose the coup and to defend workers' rights.

"The coup is already happening," stated Joao Cayres, general secretary of the CUT-SP metalworkers' union. "If it is consummated, the next step will be to attack our labor and civil rights," Cayres added.

Cayres told the gathering that bills are already in the docket in the National Congress, all drafted by the political forces preparing the coup, that call for generalizing the outsourcing of jobs to non-union subcontractors, lowering the minimum wage, and increasing labor law "flexibility." With a coup, the path will be freed up to further these attacks, Cayres concluded.

At the end of the general assembly, the following motion was put to a vote: "Do you want to fight against the coup and in defense of labor rights?" The answer came in the form of thousands of upraised hands and voices in unison. [See photo of Ford Assembly vote.]

General assemblies such as this one at the Ford plant are beginning to take place in factories across Brazil.

We are publishing below the Declaration Against the Coup by the Internationalist Communist Faction (FCI) of the O Trabalho current of the Workers Party (PT). -- A.B.

- - - - -


BRAZIL DECLARATION:
A Coup D'etat Is Under Way!
No to the Coup! For Democracy and Social Rights!

A coup d'etat is under way, there can be no doubt about it! This coup is in progress via the legal, illegal, and arbitrary actions of Judge Sergio Moro against Lula [Past President Luis Inacio da Silva] and Dilma [Brazilian President Dilma Rouseff]. These are actions that target the Workers Party (PT). The coup preparations also include the possibility of Dilma's impeachment by most of the hacks in the House of Representatives, led by Eduardo Cunha (PMDB).

The coup is an effort undertaken jointly by the bosses, the judicial system, and the reactionary political forces - involving the San Paulo Chamber of Industry (FIESP); the Supreme Court; parties such as the PSDB and the PMDB; and the mainstream media, such as Globo and others. All aim to create a "state of exception."

The president of the CUT trade union federation, Wagner Freitas, stated: "I know that workers only have rights and conquests in a democracy. Coups like this one are for the purpose of enslaving the workers for capitalism."

He's right.

On the one side, you have the working class, the youth, the landless peasants, the oppressed of the country. On the other side, you have imperialism, the financial oligarchy and big business, to whose interests the judicial system has shown to be subordinate - a system that is making use of all the means inherited from the military dictatorship that have still not been fully dismantled.

We must state this clearly: To defend the PT, the CUT and all organizations of workers and popular sectors, and to put a stop to the coup, requires first and foremost breaking with all the dictates of imperialism and taking immediate action to implement the measures that the masses - the workers and the youth - have been demanding for the past 12 years, ever since the first victory of Lula.

This is not about pointing fingers at anyone. It is about understanding what is at stake in order to take action!

A question is posed: How is it possible that after 12 years of the PT in the presidency and government we have reached a situation today that is so incredibly dangerous for the workers, the youth, the landless peasants -- and for democracy itself, which was won more than 30 years ago against the military dictatorship through bitter struggle? How is it possible that imperialism and its lackeys in Brazil can now feel so emboldened to again target democracy in our country?

If imperialism and its reactionary forces are so disposed to launch a new coup d'etat today, 36 years after the military was swept from power, it's because for 12 years at the helm of the government, the top leadership of the PT never stopped bending to the demands of imperialism.

Certain measures of a social-assistance character were carried out under the pressure of the struggles waged by the landless peasants, the youth, and the poor people of our country. But what was done to address the more fundamental and essential questions that concern the popular masses of the country?

What happened with the agrarian reform?

What was done to end the "primary-surplus" [superávit primário] policy that imposed drastic restrictions and budget cuts in education and public health -- for the sole purpose of ensuring the timely payment of the infamous foreign "debt" that was not contracted by the people? What was done in terms of canceling that bloody debt, which the Brazilian people have already paid back many times over -- but which keeps on getting bigger?

What was done to re-nationalize the corporations and public services delivered into the hands of the private sector by the privatizing forces of the PSDB and other sectors linked to the "privataria tucana"?

Lula has just been brought into the Dilma government as the president's Chief of Staff. On the day his new post was announced, Dilma took the opportunity to announce the privatization of four more large airports, stating, "I am certain that we will be turning over four airports -- Porto Alegre, Florianopolis, Salvador and Fortaleza -- to the private sector."

It is precisely this policy that has led us to the difficult situation we are facing today. This is the policy that me must break with -- urgently!

This requires:

* Ending the fiscal adjustment and budget policy based on the "primary surplus" that cuts and restricts social and public service spending -- all for the purpose of paying the bankers and speculators the interests on an illegitimate debt;

* Repealing the misnamed Protection Program for Employment (PPE), which guarantees no jobs whatsoever and only lowers the workers' wages in the name of job preservation -- instead of doing what should be done, that is, prohibiting all layoffs so as to prevent the workers from shouldering the burden of the crisis;

* Stopping privatization, guaranteeing control over all deep-water oil reserves by Petrobras, ensuring Dilma's veto of bill PL 555, which delivers our public enterprises to the control of private shareholders.

* Suspending all new measures that undermine the retirement and pension systems, which have already been hard hit in recent years;

* Suspending all the cuts to public education and public services.

This National Congress -- which is led by corrupt individuals -- has no legitimacy to remove Dilma from the presidency nor to modify the Constitution in favor of the plans of recession on behalf of imperialism, the IMF, and its national friends. Therefore, it is urgent and necessary to convene a National Constituent Assembly in which the people, in a sovereign manner, can decide their own destiny.

-- IC Faction of O Trabalho
March 18, 2016

ckaihatsu
2nd April 2016, 19:14
Urgent: Pls Endorse Solidarity Letter to Brazil CUT Union Federation: No to the Coup! U.S. Hands Off Brazil!


[NOTE: We call on all supporters of labor and democratic rights across the United States to endorse this solidarity statement by filling out the coupon below.]

Solidarity Letter to CUT National President Vagner Freitas:

No to the Coup! U.S. Hands Off Brazil!
Solidarity with our Union Brothers and Sisters in Brazil

Dear Brother Freitas,
Dear Sisters and Brothers of the CUT:

Like millions of workers the world over, we have followed with great alarm the coup that is being orchestrated against the Workers Party (PT) government and against the Brazilian working class and its organizations -- particularly against the CUT trade union federation -- by the right-wing forces which, having been defeated at the ballot box, are using extra-legal means in an attempt to dismantle the democratic, labor and social rights of the Brazilian people.

We are at your side in the struggle to stop the coup in its tracks and to prevent the Brazilian oligarchy from being able to impose by decree the scores of anti-labor bills already in the docket of the National Congress aimed at turning back the clock to the dark days of the military dictatorship (1964-80).

We agree with you, Brother Freitas when you state -- as you did in your International Appeal of March 23 -- that, "The current moment requires courage, unity, strategy and a willingness to confront the coup against the working class. The attempt to overthrow President Dilma is an assault on democracy. What they want is to destroy all our rights."

We, trade union activists and supporters of labor rights in the United States, know full well the role of the U.S. government and of U.S.-based transnational corporations in promoting the coup in Brazil in 1964 - just as we are aware of the heinous role that they played in instigating the coups that overthrew the democratically elected governments of Salvador Allende in Chile (September 1973), Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Haiti (February 2004), and Manuel Zelaya in Honduras (June 2009).

There is no doubt in our minds that powerful financial interests in the United States are lining up behind the coup plotters in Brazil today to launch this assault on the Brazilian people and nation. To all of them we say, "U.S. Hands Off Brazil!"

We are heartened to learn about the general assemblies being organized by the CUT in factories across Brazil against the coup and in defense of labor rights, and by the statements adopted by dwellers in the shantytowns (periferias) of major cities, which affirm that:

"We have nothing in common with those who have taken to the streets with their hate speech: the fascists and their hangers-on, who in the name of the 'fight against corruption' only want to weaken the public sector and the State to line their own pockets, to break with legality and democracy, and to put down the working class and the oppressed." (Manifesto Das Periferias de Sao Paulo, March 22)

We are at your side in this decisive fight for democracy and labor rights. Please convey our solidarity to all your members and supporters, who are resisting this coup and fighting to defend and expand their democratic and labor rights.

In solidarity,

Alan Benjamin
U.S. Hands Off Brazil campaign coordinator
Member, Executive Committee, San Francisco Labor Council (*)
San Francisco, CA

Nancy Wohlforth (*)
Secretary-Treasurer Emerita
OPEIU
Washington, D.C.

Baldemar Velasquez
President
Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC)
Toledo, Ohio

Saladin Muhammad (*)
Southern Workers Assembly
Rocky Mount, North Carolina

Eduardo Rosario
Co-Convener
OWC Continuations Committee
Brooklyn, New York

Donna Dewitt (*)
Secretary-Treasurer Emerita
South Carolina AFL-CIO
Charleston, South Carolina

Colia Clark
Organizer
Judicial Violence Symposium
Coordinator,
Haiti-Guadeloupe Campaign Committee
New York, New York

Gene Bruskin
Co-Founder
US Labor Against the War
Member, NWU/UAW
Washington, D.C.

Michael Eisenscher (*)
National Coordinator Emeritus
US Labor Against the War
Oakland, California

Carol Gay (*)
President
New Jersey State Industrial Union Council
Newark, N.J.

Fred Hirsch (*)
Delegate to South Bay Labor Council
and to Building and Construction Trades Council
of Santa Clara and San Benito Counties
San Jose, California

Jerry Gordon (*)
UFCW Retiree
Cleveland, Ohio

Maria Guillen (*)
SEIU Local 1021 Delegate to
San Francisco Labor Council
South San Francisco, California

Peter Olney (*)
Past Political Director
International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU)
San Francisco, California

Allan Fisher (*)
Delegate to SF Labor Council, AFT 2121
San Francisco, California

Al Rojas
President
Frente de Mexicanos en el Exterior
Sacramento, California

Jerry Levinsky (*)
Steering Committee member
Labor Fightback Network
Amherst, Massachusetts

Thomas Bias (*)
New Jersey State Industrial Union Council
Flanders, New Jersey

(*) titles and organizations listed for id. purposes only

* * * * * * * * * *

ENDORSEMENT COUPON

[ ] Please add my name to the list of endorsers of the Solidarity Letter to Brazilian CUT Trade Union National President Vagner Freitas

NAME

TITLE/ORG (list if for id. only)

CITY AND STATE

EMAIL

Fill out and return to:

U.S. Hands Off Brazilian Campaign
Email: [email protected]
PO Box 40009
San Francisco, CA 94140

ckaihatsu
13th April 2016, 16:50
http://www.liberationnews.org/there-wont-be-a-coup-there-will-be-struggle/?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=shared_article&utm_campaign=Liberation%20News

Brazil: There won’t be a coup! There will be struggle!

By Toya MilenoApr 09, 2016

Brazil: There won’t be a coup! There will be struggle!

http://www.liberationnews.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Screen-Shot-2016-04-09-at-10.20.50-PM-e1460265741454.png
This article is based on a talk given at a PSL forum on April 8.

“Não vai ter golpe! Vai ter luta!” (There won’t be a coup! There will be struggle!) was one of the slogans calling for demonstrations against the coup process in Brazil. But before I go into all that, I want to share a video with you. This is a seven minute clip from Al Jazeera talking about the role of the media in all this. It is fundamental to bring this up because the media a big force in what is going on in Brazil right now. You will see how the scenario is very similar to Venezuela in 2002, so let’s play it:

kL-Sl3P6XTY

Brazil is facing a coup process, let’s make it clear from the beginning.

Because as this is happening, the golpistas, those who are conspiring to make the coup, will deny it and give many excuses and justifications for their actions. Corruption is one of the justifications, just like in 1964.

If this capitalist elite that is accusing Dilma really wanted to end corruption, they would start by arresting themselves.

Globo [the media monopoly behind the coup] has it’s name all over the Panama Papers. So corruption here is a pretext.

Parallels to Argentina and Venezuela

And before I explain what is happening in Brazil, I also would like to make sure everyone knows that there is a connection with that and what is happening in Venezuela and Argentina as well.

It is very important that people make these connections to understand what is happening in the region, because they are not isolated cases.

And the U.S. plays a role in all this. When Obama took office he said that Bush ignored the region too much. Now Obama is about to leave his second term in office and we see he did pay attention to the region, from the Honduras coup in 2009 until his visit last month to Cuba and Argentina.

Of course there are points of difference. Brazil is in the worst place to deal with this situation compared to Argentina and Venezuela.

Argentina had the “ley dos meios,” the media law that broke the monopoly of the media in that country, which was a big win for the democratization of information that Macri is destroying. Venezuela had a big political formation process of the working class led by Chávez. These situations are different from Brazil where the Workers Party has distanced itself from the base while focusing too much on pleasing the opposition forces.

But there is optimism now in Brazil, since March 31—when 2 million people took the streets on the anniversary of 1964 coup— we have seen an escalation of protest against the coup from different sectors of society.

Religious leaders, telenovela artists, singers, unions, students and many others are speaking out and mobilizing in the streets. I would say that the last time Brazil had so many sectors mobilized like this, was back in the 1980s when we were building a new constitution and there was a call for direct vote for the presidency.

But just having the people mobilized in the streets is not enough to stop a coup. Lets go back to Venezuela again in 2002, when the right with the capitalists tried a coup against Chávez.

The working class came out in the streets and surrendered the Miraflores palace. But forces from inside the government, the pro-Chávez military forces that took over the palace, were equally important to turn things around and bring Chávez back to power.

And this is something that we don’t know yet how it will play out in Brazil. How the leadership of the Workers Party, that is in the government, will act. And I say leadership because there is a division inside of the Party. There has always been since the first mandate of Lula.

Reviewing the history of the Workers Party

I was looking for analyses on the situation and I found a great talk from one of the PT’s leadership, Valter Pomar, presenting the mistakes of the leadership that didn’t prepare the party or the government for the escalation of the situation that we see now. It is the worst moment in the party’s history.

For us to understand all this, we need to review the past decade or so, because none of this started yesterday. This has been being orchestrated for a long time. The capitalist forces in Brazil never wanted the Workers Party in the government.

Brazil’s capitalist status quo can’t co-exist with democracy, not to mention the social democracy the PT wanted to implement.

To give you a perspective on what I am talking about, right now we are living the longest democratic period in Brazil’s history. And I am older than that. It had been 27 years since we voted for president in 1989, and I was 10 when those elections happened.

So, how did things develop into what is happening right now, what are the forces behind it, and what are the near future predictions for what’s next?

To help keep it short, lets split into two periods the years that the PT has been in power. You have the first period with Lula’s government, 2003 to 2010. And the second one with Dilma’s government, 2010 to now.

The offensive forces in Brazil, the opposition, the 1 percent of the country, never wanted the Workers Party in the government. The thing is that in this first period they were in a less favorable position because:

1. Brazil had yet to feel the effect of the 2008 economic crisis
2. On the other hand, it saw significant economic growth and the working class was benefiting from it via social benefit programs that distributed the wealth. (40 million people were lifted out of poverty and 30 million entered into the middle class.)
3. The ruling class was also benefiting from it, because of the concessions
4. And of course, Lula—as a charismatic figure—was a huge factor and made it is impossible to win against him in Brazil.

But there were attacks still. The 2006 reelection of Lula was full of attacks that resulted in two of the main leaders of the Workers Party sent to jail. Lula was re-elected despite Globo and the Supreme Federal Court media show against him and the PT.

What was different in the second period, was that the majority leadership of the party prepared a plan for Dilma’s government thinking it would be just like Lula’s second turn.

They thought the economic crisis wouldn’t hit the country as much, that with the World Cup and the Olympics the decade was guaranteed. The country would see enough money circulating to keep its economy growing.

And none of that happened. Dilma created a government with more concessions to the opposition forces than Lula; pushing away the social movements, which is a great part of its base.

The crisis hurt the poor, unemployment went up, food prices went up. And then you had the protests of 2013, before the World Cup.

And from there the offensive forces started the same script they did in Venezuela, seeking to create a state of destabilization in the country, to make it ungovernable.

The media used all its power calling people to go out in the streets against Dilma and the PT. This woke up a group that is extremely intolerant and violent, this upper middle class that is super extreme rightwing.

PT election victory infuriated the right wing

The protests continued along with the corruption scandal propaganda and the right thought that in 2014 they would win the elections. But they lost it, by a small margin with Dilma getting 52 percent of the votes.

And that just pissed them off completely. They left the elections already calling them invalid, and they started building up the impeachment idea continuing throughout 2015. In December, the president of the lower House accepted the request for impeachment of Dilma in retaliation against the PT who had voted for his deposition due to corruption.

Dilma is the only person that never had a charge placed against her. Everyone else around this story has some charge or has been found to be connected somehow.

The social movements took it to the streets with big demonstrations on December 16, 2015. But the government went on to make more concessions to the opposition.

And this time, the opposition saw a pattern and they saw they had the advantage. So they started 2016 pushing forward. They had Dilma, now they went for Lula. Let’s fix today and 2018 in one move, they thought.

Who are they? They are the traditional rightwing parties, the organized fascist and extreme right groups, who have attacked offices from left parties and killed people. The media, a great part of the judiciary system and the police, the CEOs and businessmen, and of course, the international interests—the U.S. and its multinationals.

What do they want? First, they want to take Brazil out of the BRICS and Latin America alliances and bring it closer to the United States. Then, they want to destroy all social benefits and re-implement neoliberalism.

But that vision is unsustainable. Because if the right are the ones in the government with the level of mobilization that we are seeing right now in different sectors of society—in the unions, CUT, the Workers Party—out there mobilizing with the social movements, people will fight. So they will also have to destroy the social movements, the unions, the students movements and so on.

So we will see a very intense offensive coming against the left. And it is already happening. There was an arrest warrant against the MTST (Homeless Workers’ Movement) leadership.

But to be honest, I don’t know what is coming next in Brazil. This is what they are looking to do, but there are multiple ends to this story and we have seen in the past processes that were capable of stopping a coup.

Things are still developing and there are even discussions from both sides about calling for anticipation of elections.

The Brazilians are paying attention. The population that didn’t go out to the streets for either side, which is the majority, is watching. And they definitely don’t want the strategy that the opposition is offering, and they are also very worried about having this violent right wing that is in the streets controlling the country. So I strongly believe that the people will continue to fight it.

What you can do? You can denounce the intervention of the United States in Latin America. The best thing anyone in the United States can do for the situation in Brazil, is to change the situation here in this country.

This is what the Party for Socialism and Liberation is doing, while promoting solidarity with Latin America, we are here fighting to change the system from within the belly of the beast. And you can be part of it as well, so come join us.

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ckaihatsu
28th April 2016, 17:10
BRAZIL DECLARATION: Down with the Coup! Not to a Temer/Cunha Government! For Committees Against the Coup and Broad Unity for Democracy and Social Rights! For a General Strike and a Sovereign Constituent Assembly!

Declaration: To All Who Are Fighting Against the Coup and For Democracy and Social Rights

(April 24, 2016)

DECLARATION

TO THE WORKERS, YOUTH, AND TO ALL WHO ARE FIGHTING AGAINST THE COUP AND FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL RIGHTS

The Chamber of Deputies, with 367 lawmakers voting yes, decided to refer to the Brazilian Senate the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in what can only be described as a festival of patronage and legal aberrations promoted by the super-corrupt Eduardo Cunha of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB).

There is, in fact, no legal basis for the impeachment process; what the promoters of impeachment really want is to usurp a mandate given to Dilma by 54 million Brazilians in the presidential election held less than two years ago.

What is at work here is a coup, an attack on democracy. It is a collusion between imperialism, big business interests, finance capital, the mainstream press, and the judiciary to impose on the working class, the youth, the small farmers, the landless peasants, the middle class, and the intelligentsia an austerity policy of terrifying proportions, as envisaged in the "Bridge to the Future" governmental program put forward by PMDB leader Michel Temer.

It was this awareness of what is at stake that prompted millions and millions of people to take to the streets -- in a broad unity of the workers' organizations; their political parties; the landless peasants; the youth; the intellectuals; the lawyers; and notably the Workers Party (PT), the Unified Workers Central (CUT), and the Landless Peasants Movement (MST) -- and to cry out in unison: No to the Coup! Hands Off Our Democratic and Social Rights!

Everywhere mass assemblies, demonstrations, and popular committees have sprung up to organize the masses' response to this threat and to this parody.

The Frente Brasil Popular and the Frente Brasil Sem Medo [Brazil Front Without Fear] -- both of which bring together hundreds of trade union, youth and popular organizations -- stated publicly that any government formed by coup instigator and former Vice President Michel Temer (PMDB) would be illegitimate and would never be recognized by the people. On the contrary, they insisted, such a fraudulent government must be fought against in the streets. This same stance was taken by the National Directorate of the PT at their meeting on April 20, with Lula in attendance.

Such a stance, corroborated by the facts, is right on the mark: The vast majority of the Brazilian people and nation know that the Congress is dominated by corrupt coup-plotters without any legitimacy. Temer would only be a usurper -- on behalf on an unpopular Congress -- of the mandate given by the people at the voting booths. That is why the time has come to take up with full force the struggle for a Sovereign Constituent Assembly to give the people their voice.

The National Directorate of the PT reached the following conclusion:

"Making a self-criticism in practice, the Workers Party has relearned in its journey an old lesson that harks back to the founding of our party: the main political instrument of the left is social mobilization, in which the working class takes into its own hands the helm of society and State."

The simple truth is that the PT's policy of alliances with parties and political opponents of workers' interests collapsed, falling entirely to the ground.[1] Such a policy had led to the formation of an artificial governmental majority in Congress. The approval of Draft Law 4330 -- which freed up all outsourcing -- and the recent vote on "impeachment" have shown the real face of these so-called "allies" - of these forces that have stabbed the workers and the government in the back.

The options henceforth are the following:
-- Either the PT maintains its alliance with the PMDB (and through the PMDB to the other right-wing parties) -- meaning it maintains its alliance with a bourgeois party that is directly linked to big business, the landowners, the bankers and imperialism, thereby representing the interests of the ruling class; or

-- The PT promotes its alliance with the social basis out of which the PT was born and whose interests it must represent -- meaning the workers, the youth, the middle class, the landless peasants; that is, all the oppressed in the country.

To break with this alliance with the PMDB and its surrogates, which is needed to enable "the social mobilization through which the working class takes into its own hands the helm of society and State," will require breaking with all the regressive policies that the Lula and Dilma governments of the PT have implemented over the past 13 years. It will require:

* Breaking with the policy of debt repayments, which means immediately putting an end to the primary surplus policy and fiscal adjustment[2];

* Taking concrete steps for land reform, with a policy of settlements and land expropriations, reviewing land productivity rates;

* Promoting the intransigent defense of our State enterprises, beginning with Petrobras[3] and the Law in Defense of Deep Water Oil Reserves, with the cancellation of all new concessions / privatizations, in addition to the re-nationalization of the large corporations privatized during the presidency of coup-promoter Fernando Henrique Cardoso;

* Defending public services, ensuring increased funding and social investment in health, education, housing and sanitation, and the withdrawal of Public Law PLP 257;

* Ending the so-called Employment Protection Program (PPE), which has not put a brake on unemployment but has only lowered the wages of workers in the factories where it has been implemented, while it seeks to co-opt/integrate the trade unions into implementing the policies of the State and ensuring an increase in corporate profits with money from the Workers Relief Fund, or FAT. What is needed is to ensure the right to employment with benefits and a living wage - not more tax relief and tax incentives for big business;

* Adopting emergency fiscal measures that take the tax burden off the backs of the working class and middle class of the cities and countryside, enacting instead a progressive taxation system with a specific tax of the very wealthy.

* Expropriating (as a first step toward nationalization) all major construction companies involved in the corruption scandal of "Lava-Jato" -- or Operation Car Wash -- in order to put an end to the paralysis of the country's strategic construction sites and the bankruptcy of many of its companies, thereby ensuring thousands of jobs and the acquisition of new technologies.

For each worker and activist who has mobilized day after day against the coup, the continuation of the struggle to defeat the coup requires maintaining and expanding the mass mobilizations. The factory assemblies against the coup need to be generalized across Brazil; promoting these assemblies should be on the agenda of all trade unions. Existing committees should meet regularly and should be strengthened.

New Committees Against the Coup should be encouraged in every workplace, every neighborhood, every settlement of landless peasants, every housing project, and every place of study.

There is enormous will among the people to not give ground to the coup-promoters.

The Frente Brasil Popular, the Frente Brasil Sem Medo [Front Without Fear], the PT, and CUT have stated that they will convene major demonstrations on the 1st of May. This must be done. Every worker, every activist must understand that the Committees Against the Coup should become instruments of mobilization. All must strive to organize contingents and delegations in these mass mobilizations.

All workers, all activists, who have taken up the fight against the coup must seek to raise through their agitation and slogans in these demonstrations the need to prepare a Nationwide General Strike Against the Coup and For Workers' and Social Rights, as proposed by comrade Joao Pedro Stedile, leader of the MST.

On April 17, shortly after the vote in the Chamber of Deputies to impeach Dilma, both the president of the CUT, Wagner Freitas, and the Frente Brasil Sem Medo proposed, separately, the convening of a National Popular Assembly of Workers. This National Assembly could be very broad; it could include delegations of the factories in struggle against the coup (such as in the ABC triangle of Sao Paulo). It could represent the unions; the movements in the shantytowns; and the committees, local assemblies and meetings that are sprouting nationwide -- often spontaneously.

Such a National Assembly would be a moment to reaffirm the breadth and unity of the struggle against the coup. It would give impetus and resolve to the decision not to recognize the possible usurper government of Temer and its program at the service of the IMF, the corporate elite, the bankers and the large landowners.

All workers and activists -- indeed, all who have taken to the streets against the coup, will ask themselves: Wouldn't such a National Assembly be the moment to also re-launch a broad campaign for Political Reform through a Sovereign Constituent Assembly[4] that could sweep away the remnants, deformations and patronage systems left over from the military dictatorship that are rotten to the core and are totally divorced from the people?[5]

Those who have taken up the struggle against the coup have no doubt raised the following issue: Yes, we are fighting to defeat the coup-plotters, but we don't want the same Brazil as we have now. We want a Brazil with agrarian reform, where the people are sovereign, where they are the owners of the nation's wealth, where they have a country at peace and that rejects any military intervention or interference against other peoples, as is currently the case with Brazil's intervention in Haiti.

The coup-plotters are feeding on the current situation of crisis, which they helped to create, to seek to impose a profound social regression, just as the "market" (capitalism) has done in other countries.

The social program of the coup-plotters is the program of precarious jobs and rights; privatizations; the end of retirement protection; the attacks on public education, public services and culture; and the crushing of the middle sectors by higher taxes and interest rates.

In order to impose their program of social regression, the coup-promoters cannot coexist with democracy and national sovereignty. It is against what they stand for and what they are doing today that we must build the broadest unity, fostering the organization of the majority of the Brazilian people to defeat the coup so that we can move forward to advance the fundamental conquests that the Brazilian workers and people need so urgently.
DOWN WITH THE COUP! NO TO A TEMER/CUNHA GOVERNMENT!

FOR COMMITTEES AGAINST THE COUP AND BROAD UNITY FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL RIGHTS!

FOR A GENERAL STRIKE AND A SOVEREIGN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY!

Come and discuss this statement with the FCI.
-- Declaration issued by the Internationalist Communist Faction of the O Trabalho current, member of the Committee For the Reconstitution of the Fourth International (OCRFI)

* * * * *

ENDNOTES
[1] The Workers Party (PT) policy of alliances has been consummated at all levels of government. In fact, Michel Temer, a central leader of the PMDB, a bourgeois party, was Dilma's vice-presidential running mate before he became Brazil's vice president. Indeed, the very same people and parties that are now promoting the coup against Dilma and the PT are the ones who over the past many years have been called "our allied base" by the top PT leadership.

In fact, in February 2016, only two months before the impeachment proceedings were initiated by Cunha, Temer and the PMDB -- with the support of the PP and PSD political parties -- the National Directorate of the PT reaffirmed its policy of alliances with this "allied base" for the upcoming 2016 municipal elections.
[2] The Superavit Primario, or fiscal surplus policy, gives the federal government the power to apportion the payment of the foreign debt among all the country's state and municipal governments, thereby forcing them to cut their budgets for social services, public education, public hospitals, and more. All levels of government are thus locked into the austerity budgets to pay back the debt.

[3] Petrobras is the state-owned Petroleum Corporation.

[4] In June 2013, the youth of Brazil mobilized in huge numbers to protest the increase in the fares of public transportation and the undemocratic institutions of the regime. In the aftermath of these mobilizations, the CUT trade union federation and the MST held an unofficial popular referendum for a Constituent Assembly to reform the country's political system. Tens of thousands of activists mobilized to organize this referendum, staffing more than 20,000 voting booths across Brazil. The result was that 7.5 million people (more than 97% of those who voted in the referendum) supported the call for a Constituent Assembly. Such was the power of this movement that 180 members of the Brazilian Congress introduced a draft bill authorizing an official plebiscite for a Constituent Assembly.
In 2014, as her presidential election campaign was losing steam, Dilma announced that she was now heeding the people's will and would convene a Constituent Assembly to reform the political system. Her popularity soared after this public pledge. But no sooner was she elected than Dilma dropped the call for the Constituent Assembly on the grounds that her vice president, Michel Temer, and her allies in the PMDB opposed such a call. Such is the meaning of the coalition government -- a popular-front government -- between the PT and the PMDB.

[5] The coup instigators argued that impeachment proceedings against Dilma were needed to "preserve the Constitutional order." But the Constitution itself is nothing but a holdover from the military regime of 1964-80. The document was the result of an agreement between the military and the "pro-democracy" forces. It left in place an all-powerful Supreme Federal Tribunal -- the very body that is spearheading the impeachment of Dilma -- and an all-powerful Senate, one of the most reactionary institutions in Brazil, representing Brazil's ruling oligarchy. So when PT National President Ruy Falcão now calls on Brazil's Senate to reverse the impeachment proceedings initiated by the Chamber of Deputies, most people can only laugh in disbelief at such an ill-advised proposal.

ckaihatsu
6th May 2016, 15:44
SF Labor Council Resolution Against the Unfolding Coup in Brazil and for Labor Delegations to Brazilian Consulates Across the United States

[To subscribe / unsubscribe, contact [email protected]]

Dear Sisters and Brothers:

Please find attached, and in text format below, the resolution adopted by the Executive Committee of the San Francisco Labor Council (AFL-CIO) on Monday, May 2nd. As you can see, the resolution affirms the Council's strong opposition to the unfolding coup in Brazil, urges other unions and labor bodies to take a similar stand, and calls on unions to organize labor delegations to the Brazilian Embassy in Washington, D.C., and to Brazilian Consulates across California (and the rest of the United States) to convey the U.S. labor movement's opposition to the coup and its steadfast support for democracy and labor rights in that country.

We just learned that the Brazilian Senate will initiate Phase 2 of the "impeachment" process the middle of next week (May 11 or 12). It is extremely urgent that our labor resolutions and messages of solidarity be sent ASAP to the CUT trade union federation, care of CUT President Vagner Freitas ([email protected]) with a copy to Emily Nelson at <[email protected]>. These statements must be sent, and our labor delegations must take place, no later than May 10 so that they can have an impact in Brazil.

As many of you may have seen, hundreds of thousands of unionists and labor supporters rallied across Brazil on May 1st to oppose the coup and to demand the protection and expansion of their labor, social and democratic rights. On May 10, a National Day of Actions and Strikes will be organized with these same demands at the initiative of the CUT, the Workers Party (PT), the Landless Peasants Movement (MST) and the "Brazil Front Without Fear," among others.

The millions of people who have mobilized against the coup across Brazil are not relenting in their struggle for democracy and labor rights. They need our international labor solidarity,

Please heed this important message from the San Francisco Labor Council.

Many thanks, in advance, for your support,

In solidarity,

Alan Benjamin
OPEIU Local 29 delegate
to SF Labor Council


* * * * * * * * * *


RESOLUTION OPPOSING THE UNFOLDING COUP IN BRAZIL
AND IN SUPPORT OF DEMOCRACY AND LABOR RIGHTS

WHEREAS, on April 17, 2016, the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies, with 367 lawmakers voting yes, decided to refer to the nation's Senate the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff at the behest of right-wing forces which, having been defeated at the ballot box, are using extra-legal means in an attempt to dismantle the democratic, labor and social rights of the Brazilian people; and

WHEREAS, the nominal justification for this ongoing coup is the fight against corruption -- but this a total sham, as has been widely acknowledged by jurists, academics, as well as political and trade union leaders the world over. Even Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, founder of the conservative PSDB party and former cabinet member in the Sarney and Cardoso governments, acknowledged that, "Brazil would be going backwards if the Senate were to ratify the impeachment of President Rousseff. We would be exchanging a president for whom there has been no trial for any wrongdoing, for a vice president [Michel Temer], who has been implicated in the Operation Car Wash corruption scandal" (Folha de Sao Paulo, May 1, 2016); and

WHEREAS, on March 23, Vagner Freitas, president of the CUT trade union federation, issued an international appeal stating that, "The attempt to overthrow President Dilma is an assault on democracy. What they want is to destroy all our rights"; and

WHEREAS, on March 24, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka issued a statement in which he asserted that, "The AFL-CIO vehemently rejects the effort to invalidate the progressive policies and achievements designed to build inclusive democracy in Brazil. ... While there are many valid criticisms and frustrations with Brazilian politics and the current state of the country's economy, these do not justify the impeachment of a democratically elected president"; and

WHEREAS, millions of workers, students, landless peasants and others have taken to the streets across Brazil for the past six weeks at the initiative of the Workers Party (PT), CUT, MST [Landless Peasants Movement], and others in the struggle to stop the coup in its tracks and to prevent the Brazilian oligarchy from being able to impose by decree the scores of anti-labor bills already in the docket of the National Congress aimed at turning back the clock to the dark days of the military dictatorship (1964-80).

THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED, that the San Francisco Labor Council stands firmly in opposition to the unfolding coup against President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil and extends our solidarity to the Brazilian workers and their organizations, primarily the CUT, who are fighting to stop the coup; and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that the San Francisco Labor Council calls on the California Federation of Labor and its affiliated unions to take a firm stand in opposition to the coup; and

FINALLY BE IT RESOLVED, that the San Francisco Labor Council will organize a delegation to the Brazilian Consulate in San Francisco to deliver this resolution and to urge that it be forwarded to the proper authorities in Brazil, while we also urge central labor councils and unions across California to organize labor delegations to the Brazilian consulates to express our unswerving support for democracy and labor rights in Brazil.

Submitted by Alan Benjamin, OPEIU Local 29, and adopted by the Executive Committee of the San Francisco Labor Council on May 2, 2016.

Respectfully,

Tim Paulson,
Executive Director
San Francisco Labor Council (AFL-CIO)

ckaihatsu
6th May 2016, 17:06
http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1254.php


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Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1254
May 6, 2016
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“Dilma's Mistake Was to Promote Class Conciliation”
Interview With João Pedro Stédile

The economist and leader of the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) of Brazil, Joao Pedro Stédile, affirmed that left-wing forces won't allow the Parliamentarian right to fulfill their wish to force Dilma Rousseff out of the presidency to reinstall neoliberalism in the country.

Stédile was interviewed by LibreRed, where this article was first published, and the English translation on The Dawn website.

LibreRed (LR): What will be the reaction of the Brazilian people and the MST in particular if Dilma Rousseff is destituted?

http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/b1254.jpg
Thousands rallied in major cities across Brazil on May Day to support the embattled President Dilma Rousseff.

João Pedro Stédile (JPS): First of all, we're confident that it's possible to stop the coup in process now that it has reached the Senate. We believe that the government has a greater representation in the Senate than in the Chamber of Deputies [where the vote was in favor of the impeachment], the Senators themselves are older, more experienced in politics and know that a Parliamentary coup like the ones that took place in Honduras or Paraguay would lead Brazil to a deeper crisis.

But if this coup is consolidated in the Senate, we, as part of the movements that are organized in the Popular Brazil Front won't hesitate in denying any kind of legitimacy to a Michel Temer-Eduardo Cunha government. It would be an illegitimate government completely stained by corruption. It's now public that they gave out a lot of money to get the votes of the deputies. Besides denying their legitimacy, and not participating in any process, we will keep taking to the streets to exert pressure and lead people to become conscious of what will happen.

As for now, on April 29 – next Friday – there will be mobilizations in several cities and on May 1 we want there to be a massive protest action. For that, we almost certainly will coordinate with several union organizations – there are eight of them, and only one supports the coup. We are in discussions with the seven unions (that are with the people), the possibility of doing a general strike before the vote in the Senate. We want to point out to the businessmen that despite their money and their plan to impose the comeback of neoliberalism and the subordination of our economy to the interests of yankee companies, we the working-class are the ones that produce riches. And if we make a general stoppage, it will be a signal to them that says “you may want to increase your profits and your exploitation again, but those who produce the riches in this country in the industry and agriculture are we, and we won't allow a coup that destroys democracy in our country.”

LR: Now the right is saying, in Brazil and in the rest of the continent and the world, that this is not a coup but the mere application of Constitutional laws.

JPS: Sure, that's what they said in Honduras, as well as in Paraguay, and it's a trap. In Brazilian law, there is a provision that says that if a President commits a crime of responsibility or corruption against the country, the Parliament can punish and expel him or her. But in fact President Dilma didn't commit any crime at all, the accusation they used against her in the process they started in the Parliament has to do with a mechanism of public accounting that the Government uses to meet its social obligations in health, education, and seeked other funds that were in public banks or in the provision for other areas. But this is not a crime, it's an artifice of any government, even Michel Temer did it himself when he was in the Presidency of the Republic, replacing the President, and in the states of Brazil there are 24 governors, several of them from the right, but also from the center, left and any other ideological convictions, that use that form of accounting.

Therefore, there is no crime, and if there were, then Temer would have to be ousted too, and that's why we denounce that a single innocent person can't be judged for an action that was made by two partners: President and Vice President. But the bottom of the issue is not removing the President or not, apart from being a true blow to democracy, the problem is that we are going through a serious economic crisis and the capitalists’ way to deal with that crisis and restore their profit rate is to return to the neoliberal model, that is, to take away workers’ rights, hand out our resources, such as oil, mining, water, and biodiversity to transnational companies and keep interest rates high – President Dilma was an obstacle to that.

Temer has already announced his government plan, which is completely neoliberal. That's why the Brazilian people's organizations say that Temer is to Brazil what Mauricio Macri is to Argentina, but the difference resides in that Macri earned the votes to become President and he didn't. Not only that, but he's so unpopular that in recent polls 80 per cent of the people said that they don't want him, and that if he ran for President, he'd get only one per cent of the vote in Brazil. That's the state of affairs: it's a coup against democracy.

LR: How come President Dilma chose him as Vice President?

JPS: That's the sort of moves that we in the MST always criticized. In reality, Lula (in both of his terms) and Dilma always proposed a formula for class conciliation, like in Chile, so there were always seats reserved for sectors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie.

When Lula was President, that strategy worked well because his Vice President was a nationalist, serious and even honest businessman from the textile industry, whose business depended also on the internal market and therefore he was interested in having wealth distribution because that way he could sell more, but Mr. Temer is a lumpen bourgeoise. His only role is to defend the bourgeoisie, but he's not actually a bourgeoise per se, and because of that, because he's a lumpen, he betrayed the President. When the President publicly spoke to denounce that betrayal, the right started a process in the Supreme Federal Court to prevent her speech from being broadcast on the national network, to silence her speech against this man and the whole coup that was being schemed by more than a hundred corrupt Parliamentarians, who are themselves being investigated by the Supreme Federal Court. There's no explanation as for why, to this day, the judicial power hasn't had the courage to accelerate those processes, because most of the Parliamentarians that voted against Dilma could even go to jail for the millions they stole from public coffers, and in the form of kickbacks from companies.

LR: As an economist, could you explain how much the current economic crisis weighed in the current political crisis of Brazil?

JPS: The economic crisis is the reason why the class conciliation ceased to be possible, because when Lula was President, he designed a conciliation that was based on three pillars: firstly, to make the economy grow through industry (which he accomplished), secondly, to recover the role of the state of making productive investments such as education and health, to better the living conditions of the population and thirdly, to distribute income through an increase in the minimum wage. What happened? With the international crisis of capitalism the economy of Brazil, as a country on the periphery of capitalism, suffered greatly, and for three years the economy hasn't grown.

Twenty years ago industry accounted for 50 per cent of our GDP and now, due to deindustrialization and competition from Chinese and U.S. companies, national industry accounts for only 9 per cent of the GDP, and there's a deep economic crisis that can only be solved by recovering, again, the role of the state, controlling financial capital so that instead of accumulating wealth through speculation, the state can use that money to make productive investments in the industry and agriculture sectors, oriented toward the internal market. With that, the economy would grow again, and we'd have a new role for the workforce (because nowadays we have an unemployment rate of 10 per cent) and we could have social programs again.

The political crisis we're going through is a consequence of the elites trying to get back the state and restore neoliberalism, but the working class isn't going to accept that. It's going to take years to get out of this, because the only way out of a crisis of this magnitude is through an agreement between social classes – not just parties – over a new model of the country, that can be hegemonic in most of society.

And now, at this moment, there's no project being discussed in the country, not even within any of the classes – neither the bourgeoisie nor the petite bourgeoisie, nor the working class, have a clear project for the country. This is why we're in this confusion and why the bourgeoisie is stupid enough – because they're subordinated to the interests of imperialism – to think it's enough to change the President of the Republic to magically solve the problems of the economy, but that's not true. On the contrary, that would deepen the contradictions of inequality, deepen the institutional crisis and, hopefully, send the masses back to the streets so that they, with their political force, debate a new project for the country.

LR: Have some sectors of the working class, that have benefited by the social policies of Dilma and Lula, been co-opted by the right in Brazil?

JPS: It wouldn't be fair to say they've been co-opted, because in that process of mobilization there was a sector of the petite bourgeoisie that went out on the streets to defend the coup. But they are the eight per cent of the population, and we, the left, went out on the streets and even in greater numbers, but we were all militants, organized sectors, the mediation between the masses and the leaders. The masses are still silent, still afraid. They haven't mobilized yet but they were also not co-opted by the right.

But why is it so? At that point we have to be self-critical, because during the eight years that Lula governed, there was almost no work to elevate the level of political and cultural consciousness of those masses, who got better policies and better salaries but without a change in their views, and the government did nothing to change that. Unlike Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, there was no effort to break with the monopolies in communications, therefore the TV station O Globo puts garbage in people's heads every day and they remain perplexed while they watch the political game as if it was just another soap opera.

LR: Let's conclude with a message from you to the people of Latin America. What would you like to say to them?

JPS: Times are hard but we mustn't be discouraged or pessimistic, as the great thinkers of Latin America told us. We have to be pessimistic in our analysis but optimistic toward the future. It's true that our continent, as everything else, is in crisis, but that's not the fault of a leader, a government or a party.

Capitalism is to blame – the capitalist way of organizing production and life in society is in crisis around the world and because we in Latin America are in the periphery of world capitalism, capitalists see our continent as a bigger opportunity to dominate natural resources, markets and the workforce. These are hard times because we have to confront the empire, but this brings contradictions.

It's time to put more energy into bringing awareness and organizing people, because in the coming years we'll see a new, rising, mass movement on our continent and in this movement there will be new liberation projects and new leaders, and we'll surely see the dream of Chavez, Martí, and Che come to life again. A project that unifies the dreams of Latin America. We must have hope because we have to fight every day. Those who fight, always win. •
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ckaihatsu
9th May 2016, 21:05
VIDEO - Parliamentary Coup in Brazil

View Online (https://cts.vrmailer1.com/click?sk=aIo8B2JgQjBJNLfxVAO8F5HL6_w5xCOXsuQLp-jk4j8g=/aHR0cHM6Ly92cjIudmVydGljYWxyZXNwb25zZS5jb20vZW1haW xzLzE3NTkyMTg2MDkwOTYwP2NvbnRhY3RfaWQ9MTc1OTIxOTAx MzY5MjQ=/OYAbMyTesc6BMhbkeZIfXA==&merge_field_type=%7BVR_HOSTED_LINK%7D)

https://vr2-assets.verticalresponse.com/email_images/17592186331421/17592186048178/original/Jeff-Frank-1-s.jpg

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Parliamentary Coup in Brazil​

Jeff Frank -- of the National Lawyers Guild and Friends of MST (Brazil's Landless Workers Movement) -- spoke at a meeting at DePaul University in Chicago on the subject of an attempted parliamentary coup in Brazil. Frank's 45-minute presentation is condensed into 27 minutes and generously enhanced with historic and contemporary photos. This is an introduction to the basics of the current move by the right-wing-controlled Brazilian parliament to kick President Dilma Rousseff out of office, apparently without any constitutional basis. Frank revisits the 1964 right-wing military overthrow of an elected government, the 1996 massacre of a leftist peasants' march, the rise of the PT (Workers Party) in the Lula era, election of PT candidate Dilma Rousseff, expansion and contraction of Brazil's economy, Petrobras and the "car wash" scandal, and the current political showdown now playing itself out in the world's 9th-ranked economy. Taped on May 3, 2016.

Length 27:42. Video url: https://youtu.be/6qu6jtxA80A

6qu6jtxA80A

Produced by Labor Beat. Labor Beat is a CAN TV Community Partner. Labor Beat (Committee for Labor Access) is a non-profit 501(c)(3) member of IBEW 1220. Views are those of the producer Labor Beat. ​For info: [email protected], www.laborbeat.org. 312-226-3330. For other Labor Beat videos, visit YouTube and search "Labor Beat". Labor Beat is on as a cable-tv series in six U.S. cities; check our website for more info. Chicago schedule: CAN TV 19, Thurs. 9:30 pm, Fri. 4:30 pm.

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ckaihatsu
6th September 2016, 19:32
BRAZIL: Down with Temer ["Fora Temer!"] and the Coup Government in the Service of Imperialism and Exploitation: For a Sovereign Constituent Assembly! (Editorial of Tribuna dos Trabalhadores/Workers Tribune No. 4 (Sept. 5, 2016)


Down with Temer ["Fora Temer!"] and the Coup Government in the Service of Imperialism and Exploitation: For a Sovereign Constituent Assembly!
[Declaration of the FCI Public Faction of the O Trabalho Current of the Workers Party / Brazil, reprinted from Tribuna dos Trabalhadores (Workers Tribune), No. 4 (Sept. 5, 2016).]

The impeachment of President Dilma Roussef by 61 senators was on the agenda of the coup plotters from the get-go.

Dilma's mandate was revoked, but, contradictorily, her political rights were maintained, which is further proof that there was never any crime to justify impeachment.

Scoundrels. This is how one of the anti-impeachment senators characterized those who instigated the coup. There can be no doubt about it: They are scoundrels!

The National Executive Committee of the Workers Party (PT), held September 2 with the presence of Luis Inacio (Lula) da Silva, correctly identified in its political resolution who really is behind the coup:

"The usurper government . . . is part of the conservative offensive in the region, whose logic is the recovery of lost economic, political and ideological ground by the main imperialist country, the United States."

It is no coincidence that on the same day that Dilma was impeached -- August 31 - the Obama administration, through the spokesperson of the U.S. State Department, John Kirby, blessed the charade in the Brazilian Congress, stating: "Brazil's democratic institutions acted within their constitutional authority."

Lula had already denounced the imperialist drive to take over Brazil's wealth when addressing a meeting the National Directorate of the CUT (United Workers Central):

"Just take a look at what the U.S. government did when we discovered our deep-water oil reserves. They mobilized the U.S. Navy's Fourth Fleet in the Atlantic Ocean. Since then, they have been eyeing our oil reserves; they were very upset when we approved the mixed-capital joint venture."

On the very day that he took over as president -- and in the very same Senate session that ousted Dilma -- Michel Temer issued a statement that made it clear that his government is in a hurry to put an end to labor rights, to increase the minimum age for retirement, to attack public services and social spending, and to accelerate the privatization drive. All this, to give more money to those who speculate with the public debt.

This is the class nature of the coup promoted by the corporate and financial oligarchy against the working class, the youth, and the majority of the population --with the aim of increasing their already exorbitant profits.

The parties that claim to represent the working class -- such as the Workers Party (PT), the PSOL and the PCdoB - have taken a stand against the illegitimate Temer government and are demanding "Fora Temer!" [Down with Temer!] The CUT trade union federation and the National Students Union (UNE) have taken a similar stand. The Landless Peasants Movement (MST) made it clear that it would refuse to recognize the government of Michel Temer. Street demonstrations are taking place every day to demand "Fora Temer!" The street actions are growing in size by the day, with the youth taking center stage, thus showing that the coup government is a minority and has no popular support -- which is why it must react with police repression.

In this context, the bankworkers are preparing a nationwide strike that is set to start on September 6. The strike is against the shameful proposal by the coup organizers to offer a wage increase well below the level of inflation and to downgrade other rights. It is vital to build the broadest support and solidarity of all workers and youth with this bankworkers' strike. It is necessary to defeat Temer and the bosses who sponsored the coup.

On September 22, the CUT is calling for a NATIONAL DAY OF WORK STOPPAGES AND STRUGGLE in support of the workers' demands and against the threats to their rights. The National Confederation of Education Workers (CNTE) responded to this call by urging a national mobilization of its members, which number in the millions across the country. This appeal, coupled with the growing willingness to fight for "Fora Temer!", could make September 22 a key date for the working class to emerge on the political scene with its own methods - namely, the weapon of the strike -- to help bring down Temer, defeat the putschist bosses, and impose a Sovereign Constituent Assembly giving the voice to the people themselves.

Some are treating the September 22 day of action as a "warm-up" to the general strike, but given the worsening situation, and with the illegitimate government beginning to attack all our rights and gains, this day of work stoppages and struggle could be prepared in all sectors of the labor movement, in all universities and schools, and in all farms across the country, thus making it possible to trigger the General Strike on September 22 itself. The Frente Popular Brazil and the CUT could revisit the proposal of a National Popular Assembly to prepare the General Strike and bring down once and for all this usurper government.

The PT's Executive Committee has put forward a proposal of a national campaign for Direct Elections Now for President. A similar stance was taken by the PSOL, the PCdoB (which is calling for a presidential election to be preceded by a referendum), and by some trade unions and popular organizations. This would be a way to give back to the people the democratic right to choose their own president -- a right usurped by Michel Temer, by the majority of the National Congress, and by the Supreme Court.

The question is what to do with this National Congress of corrupt fraudsters and coup promoters? Can this Congress be left alone to continue to push its political blackmail -- a blackmail that threatens the very sovereignty of the popular vote on behalf of corporate and financial oligarchy?

We agree with the MST when it proposes the following:

"The solution to the political, economic, and social crisis we are experiencing is the unconditional defense of democracy. We believe that fundamental changes to the Brazilian political system are needed, and we support the convening of an Exclusive Constituent Assembly to change the political system. We must ensure the inclusion of the people in all the decision-making processes of the country. We must ensure popular participation in all issues of national interest, such as genuine and progressive structural reforms, which historically have been prevented by the ruling class. "

We are not opposed to those who are calling for "Down With Temer, Direct Presidential Elections Now!" or who are calling for "General Elections." But we believe that both these positions do not respond to the fight to put an end to the current political system, which was inherited from the military dictatorship, and its Congress of coup-promoters. Putting an end to this system can only be done through a Sovereign Constituent Assembly to give the voice to the people and put an end to the current corrupt and anti-democratic institutions.