Could Reviving the Strike Revive the Labor Movement?

[ckaihatsu]

Could Reviving the Strike Revive the Labor Movement?

On YouTube at:
fnOYPV7AABc

Also archived at:
laborbeat.org

Joe Burns, author of Strike Back, was the guest speaker of the Chicago Labor Speakers Club on March 21, 2015. His topic was "Could Reviving the Strike Revive the Labor Movement?"

Burns provides useful historical perspective for workers looking to reverse the downward trend in union membership in the last several decades.

He reminds us of what the essence of trade unionism is -- the strike. "Anyone who's sat at the bargaining table really knows that they don't care about your arguments or your words, and at the end of the day it's about power. And our power is based upon our ability to stop production of the employer and cause economic harm to the employer."

Beginning with the strike upsurges in the 1930s and the rapid evolution of labor legislation in the 1930s-40s -- from the Wagner Act, Taft-Hartley legislation, creation of the NLRB -- Burns talks about how legislation which originally was used by unions as a form of protection was transformed through employer-controlled governments to thwart unions. "What basically you have over the years is an increasingly tightening noose around the labor movement."

Burns then goes to the heart of the matter: "So when we ask ourselves why do we have a weak and ineffectual trade union movement today...we have to look at the fact that the rules of the game are rigged."

The history of public sector unions since the 1960s shows a way forward. They simply defied laws prohibiting them from striking and, through mass membership and public support mobilizations, created the critical mass to control the political climate, leading to changed legislation.

Burns makes an important distinction between public sector and private sector strikes. When public employees strike, management doesn't experience financial stress. They still collect money (taxes). Therefore, public employee unions find additional ways (such as what is now called social unionism) to overwhelm management and anti-labor governments. But when private industry strikes happen, the name of the game is to put the employer under financial duress (stop production). For private sector strikes, public support in and of itself will not win the strike. "An example would be the Jefferson, WI strike against Tyson in 2004...They had great community support...or the Detroit newspaper strike...but we weren't able to translate that support into economically harming the employer."

Summing up his historical overview, Burns suggests how the labor movement can regain power. And that is by a return to the basics of unionism: strikes and strike upsurges -- including general strikes, though such are not predictable, nor can they be easily brought about by decree.

The political aspects -- whether such a new strike upsurge today can lead to similar or greater political/legislative transformations as in the 30s -- was not specifically addressed.
Speech is edited for time fit. Enhanced with archival footage and photos. Length - 22:58

http://s16.postimg.org/5l636wi8l/150330_Joe_Burns_Labor_Beat.jpg
Joe Burns, author of Strike Back. Photo: Labor Beat

http://s16.postimg.org/gysmi3sr9/150330_Teachers_in_NYC_in_1960_Labor_Beat.jpg
Teachers in NYC in 1960 paved the way to legalizing strikes by public employees.



Produced by Labor Beat. Labor Beat is a CAN TV Community Partner. Labor Beat is a non-profit 501(c)(3) member of IBEW 1220. Views are those of the producer Labor Beat. For info: [email protected], www.laborbeat.org. 312-226-3330. For other Labor Beat videos, visit YouTube and search "Labor Beat".

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To order this dvd from Labor Beat (Committee for Labor Access):

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(Put title of DVD, "Reviving the Strike" in Description box. Put $15 in Unit Price box. $20 for Canada, and $25 for other countries outside the U.S. NTSC format only.)

[Creative Destruction]

i'd figure it's the other way around: the labor movement has to be revived before the strike can be. the strike depends on, for its strength, the strength of the movement, so if there is no strike or hesitancy to strike, it's because there's a lack of strength in the movement.

[G4b3n]

In terms of the private sector, strikes in the American fast food industry have began for the first time in history in the past couple of years. So, we are witnessing some historic changes and possibly upsurges in the labor movement in terms of the twenty-first century.


I would argue that the labor movement is drawn from striking. Which is derived from economic and material necessity, it is a cry for the survival of the working class in bourgeois society. The labor movement builds itself around this necessity, so yes, I believe the labor movement can be benefited if not revived from striking.

[Ethics Gradient, Traitor For All Ages]

Well it's been a few years now since the ourwalmart thing started but it certainly doesn't appear to have revitalized anything. In fact these strikes only seem to highlight the total defeat of labor. A handful of people, many of whom are not even employed at the business and cannot be said to be 'on strike' as a result, picket for a few hours in front of a spectacular assortment of cops and media types before it's broken up and everyone goes home. Strikes are meaningless without solidarity, and these groups have not even managed to get entire stores to go on strike yet, let alone gain outside support from a wider labor movement.

Obviously nothing happens overnight and sure this might all be the birth pangs of a new labor movement but I think it's putting the cart before the horse.

[Creative Destruction]

In terms of the private sector, strikes in the American fast food industry have began for the first time in history in the past couple of years. So, we are witnessing some historic changes and possibly upsurges in the labor movement in terms of the twenty-first century.

This was probably more of an anomaly than constituting a historic change or an upsurge. Once the initial fervor died down, I did not notice any further strikes from fast-food workers. It certainly didn't revitalize the labor movement in the United States.


I would argue that the labor movement is drawn from striking. Which is derived from economic and material necessity, it is a cry for the survival of the working class in bourgeois society. The labor movement builds itself around this necessity, so yes, I believe the labor movement can be benefited if not revived from striking.

Okay, but "belief" and "reality" are, often times, two different things. Had striking, as a tactic, been enough for a labor movement revival, we would've had a labor movement revival by now -- what with the dock workers strikes on the west coast, the many strikes from fast-food workers, the teacher's strikes, the campaigns to boycott Walmart and Starbucks, so on and so forth. That's a lot of striking, yeah, especially more than we've seen since 2000, but apart from the dock workers, all of them have been one-offs and never contributed, as far as I can tell, to any revitalized movement of workers. Union membership is still dropping and there are no worker's clubs or organizations to speak of.

[Hit The North]

i'd figure it's the other way around: the labor movement has to be revived before the strike can be. the strike depends on, for its strength, the strength of the movement, so if there is no strike or hesitancy to strike, it's because there's a lack of strength in the movement.

I think that wholly depends on the mood of the working class and the position of the organisation at the top of the labour movement. There are plenty of moments in history where strike waves erupt and produce great movements; less examples the other way around, unfortunately.

Class solidarity, which is necessary for successful strikes, is above all a political question; only secondarily is it a question of organisation.

[ckaihatsu]

[email protected] strike; also Joe Burns on "Reviving the Strike" - next Labor Beat on CAN TV 19, starts 4/9

Two-segment show




Refinery Strikers Protest at Chicago BP Headquarters

Chicago - CAN TV Channel 19
Thursday, April 9, 9:30 pm
Friday, April 10, 4:30 pm
Thursday, April 16, 9:30 pm
Friday, April 17, 4:30 pm

On April 6, the strike against the BP oil refinery in Whiting, Indiana entered its 2nd month. Three weeks ago (3/19/15), Labor Beat covered the strikers' protest rally in front of the multi-billion dollar corporation's Chicago headquarters in the Mercantile Exchange building. It was organized by USW Local 7-1, which includes about 1,100 members. They were joined by members from the Chicago Teachers Union.

Although the USW had settled a national contract with BP during this current strike, the contract for Local 7-1 still had not been finalized. Bob Lofton, USW International Field Rep., explained that the Whiting refinery workers have been on strike since Feb. 8. "There's two levels of bargaining, one at the national, one at the local. The national package settlement was reached, and that included the terms of the agreement and wages. That has yet to be put on the table at the various locations that will still go forward, but local issues in Whiting prevent us from getting an agreement even though the national package has been tentatively reached and settled at other locations."

Ebony Parker, USW 7-1 member from the Whiting refinery, pointed out that "it's not about the money. It's about safety. We're not working safely and we're tired and we can't get the proper rest. Six hours between a shift is not sufficient enough rest. People need to understand we're not making Legos. We're dealing with some of the most dangerous chemicals, the most flammable chemicals that you can even deal with...The danger in it is it affects not just the communities that the refinery sits in -- in Hammond, Whiting and Chicago -- but it affects the people that travel through."

Also interviewed on the picket line in Whiting is USW 7-1 member Ralph Ford. Also can be viewed at:

uGZCZ8XV_xo

http://s3.postimg.org/6cr3alecz/150319_Strikers_from_Whiting_Indiana_Labor_Beat.jp g
Strikers from Whiting, Indiana refinery protest at BP HQ in Chicago.
Photo: Labor Beat

Second Segment:
Could Reviving the Strike Revive the Labor Movement?

Joe Burns, author of Strike Back, was the guest speaker of the Chicago Labor Speakers Club on March 21, 2015. His topic was "Could Reviving the Strike Revive the Labor Movement?"

Burns provides useful historical perspective for workers looking to reverse the downward trend in union membership in the last several decades.

He reminds us of what the essence of trade unionism is -- the strike. "Anyone who's sat at the bargaining table really knows that they don't care about your arguments or your words, and at the end of the day it's about power. And our power is based upon our ability to stop production of the employer and cause economic harm to the employer."

Beginning with the strike upsurges in the 1930s and the rapid evolution of labor legislation in the 1930s-40s -- from the Wagner Act, Taft-Hartley legislation, creation of the NLRB -- Burns talks about how legislation which originally was used by unions as a form of protection was transformed through employer-controlled governments to thwart unions. "What basically you have over the years is an increasingly tightening noose around the labor movement."

Burns then goes to the heart of the matter: "So when we ask ourselves why do we have a weak and ineffectual trade union movement today...we have to look at the fact that the rules of the game are rigged."

The history of public sector unions since the 1960s shows a way forward. They simply defied laws prohibiting them from striking and, through mass membership and public support mobilizations, created the critical mass to control the political climate, leading to changed legislation.

Burns makes an important distinction between public sector and private sector strikes. When public employees strike, management doesn't experience financial stress. They still collect money (taxes). Therefore, public employee unions find additional ways (such as what is now called social unionism) to overwhelm management and anti-labor governments. But when private industry strikes happen, the name of the game is to put the employer under financial duress (stop production). For private sector strikes, public support in and of itself will not win the strike. "An example would be the Jefferson, WI strike against Tyson in 2004...They had great community support...or the Detroit newspaper strike...but we weren't able to translate that support into economically harming the employer."

Summing up his historical overview, Burns suggests how the labor movement can regain power. And that is by a return to the basics of unionism: strikes and strike upsurges -- including general strikes, though such are not predictable, nor can they be easily brought about by decree.

The political aspects -- whether such a new strike upsurge today can lead to similar or greater political/legislative transformations as in the 30s -- was not specifically addressed.
Speech is edited for time fit. Enhanced with archival footage and photos. Can also be viewed at:

fnOYPV7AABc

http://s16.postimg.org/5l636wi8l/150330_Joe_Burns_Labor_Beat.jpg
Joe Burns, author of Strike Back. Photo: Labor Beat

Produced by Labor Beat. Labor Beat is a CAN TV Community Partner. Labor Beat is a non-profit 501(c)(3) member of IBEW 1220. Views are those of the producer Labor Beat. For info: [email protected], www.laborbeat.org. 312-226-3330. For other Labor Beat videos, visit YouTube and search "Labor Beat".

Labor Beat's facebook page:
http://www.facebook.com/pages/LABOR-BEAT/167503422257

To order this dvd from Labor Beat (Committee for Labor Access):

BUY DVD - CLICK HERE (https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=9872013)

(Put title of DVD, "Refinery Strikers/BP + Joe Burns" in Description box. Put $15 in Unit Price box. $20 for Canada, and $25 for other countries outside the U.S. NTSC format only.)

[Comrade Jacob]

I agree with creative destruction here. You need a movement to move.

[Working Class Hero]

I think you can't underestimate the role worker's centers are playing in the recreation of the new labor movement. They're not unions in the traditional sense, but they're the first step in the fight toward unionization.