Weidt
10th January 2004, 07:20
ANNOUNCEMENT: DEBS TENDENCY OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY USA
January 10, 2004
Comrades, brothers and sisters,
We are in a powerful and dynamic time. On the one hand, we have seen the rise of a far-right movement within the ruling capitalist class, which seeks to once and for all break all resistance to its agenda of unrestricted exploitation and control of the world. On the other hand, we have seen the growth of mass movements around the world in opposition to war, imperialism and repression. That great contradiction was best seen over the last year, when the U.S. invaded and occupied Iraq, while confronted by the largest worldwide movement against war in history.
The period ahead looks to be even sharper in its contradictions and conflicts. Regardless of the intentions of the main political parties of capital, the 2004 elections, and the debates that will swirl around them, will center on what kind of country and world we want and believe possible. The ongoing, endless “war on terror,” the attacks on basic democratic rights and living standards, and the very meaning of freedom will be discussed among friends, family, co-workers and neighbors. Now more than ever, a viable Socialist alternative must be raised, in order to point a way out of the mess that capitalism has made of the world.
However, in the midst of this great convergence of events, the Socialist Party stands at a crossroads. Years of existence as a small political party, especially during the turbulent 1990s, has led sections of the Party to feel that there is little, if anything, we can do to influence events and build ourselves as a key force in the existing movements for social justice and change. This impasse in the work and development of the Socialist Party has led to an inward-looking perspective, where internal divisions are endlessly debated in sterility, instead of being turned outward and subjected to the test of history and the class struggle.
The 2003 Socialist National Convention was a wake-up call for the Socialist Party and its members. The hotly contested issues and narrow votes, including the selection of the Party’s candidate for President, told a story of division and dissent. Far from being the unifying force a National Convention should be, the 2003 SNC yielded a Party more politically divided than in previous years, and a membership asking more questions and making more demands than has been seen in quite a while.
This turn of events, if left to continue unchanged, threatens to destroy the Socialist Party. Already, the impasse in our work, inward-focused sterility and division has resulted in the loss of valuable comrades, the development of a “revolving-door” membership and an entrenched core of comrades in the leadership imbued with an overwhelming sense of failure. This steady erosion of the organization has also affected the politics and revolutionary spirit in which the Party was born. The revolutionary democratic socialist principles that guided the founding leaders of the Socialist Party have been lost in a sea of pessimism and defeat.
After the close of the 2003 SNC, members of the Socialist Party from across the country, concerned about the ongoing problems they see in the work and perspectives of the organization, came together to fight for the revolutionary democratic socialist principles that initially built the Party and gave it its strongest presence in the American body politic. These comrades came together to return the Socialist Party to its roots as a revolutionary working-class party committed to democratic socialism and the classless society. The comrades united to defend and promote the historical legacy and traditions of Debs and his vision of the Party.
Thus, the Debs Tendency of the Socialist Party USA has been launched.
The mission of the Debs Tendency is to build the Party as a revolutionary democratic socialist party of the working class, fighting to sweep away capitalism and its repressive state, which can help to build a democratic workers’ republic that will open the path to socialism and the classless society.
The Debs Tendency is organized around a series of Points of Unity, which generally outline revolutionary democratic socialist principles and serve as a guide to practical action. The Points represent the collective lessons of the working class in its centuries-long struggle against capitalism, as well as reflect many of the points of political understanding that define us as a coherent movement within the Socialist Party. Beginning with an understanding of the importance and central role of class and the class struggle, and concluding with the kind of work and organization needed to carry out the transition to a classless society, the Points of Unity represent a framework that we believe enhances and strengthens the democratic socialist principles embodied in the Party’s basic statement, Socialism as Radical Democracy.
However, even though the Points of Unity represent a strong common bond among the comrades of the Debs Tendency, it would be a mistake to regard them as the full extent of the politics of its members. Quite the contrary. The members of the Debs Tendency come from diverse political histories, and it is on the basis of their common work and understanding that they have achieved this level of agreement. However, some key questions remain under discussion among Tendency members. For example, we will soon be discussing the formulation of demands around the question of the right of oppressed nations and peoples to self-determination. We do not share complete theoretical agreement on key issues of (revolutionary) nationalism, but we are resolute on our demands of the right of oppressed nations and peoples to self-determination. Just as we believe that the Socialist Party should not be afraid of open, honest political discussion among the various tendencies and trends found in the membership, so too the members of the Debs Tendency welcome open, honest debate, and are willing to carry out discussions on outstanding questions out in the open, in front of the party membership and the working class as a whole.
Over the coming weeks and months, the Debs Tendency will develop its presence in the Party through the establishment of greater channels of communication between members of the Party and the Tendency. Our goal will be to initiate an ongoing dialogue and discussion on what kind of an organization we, as members of the Socialist Party, regardless of political stripe, want to see built. We encourage all members of the Party to participate in these discussions, whether through the pages of our discussion journal, e-mail lists or Internet discussion board. At the same time, we invite comrades to look over our Points of Unity, discuss them with us, and, if you find them acceptable, to join with us.
We, the undersigned, declare our membership in the Debs Tendency:
Ben Burgis (Socialist Party of Michigan)
Raul Cano (Partido Socialista de Valle)
Joe DeNeen (Socialist Party of Michigan)
Matt Erard (Socialist Party of Michigan)
Jesse Heiwa (Socialist Party of New York City)
John Kirkland (Socialist Party of New Jersey)
Jan Michael (Socialist Party of Florida)
Samuel Morales Jr. (Chicago Socialist Party)
Martin Schreader (Detroit Socialist Party/SPMI)
Jim Strelnikov (Detroit Socialist Party/SPMI)
Erik Carlos Torén (Partido Socialista de Valle)
Lisa Weltman (Detroit Socialist Party/SPMI)
------------------------------
MISSION STATEMENT AND POINTS OF UNITY
Debs Tendency of the Socialist Party USA
Adopted January 4, 2004
The Debs Tendency is a political tendency in the Socialist Party USA. The primary task of the DT is the development of the SPUSA as a revolutionary democratic socialist political party of the working class. The mission of such a party would be the defeat of capitalism and capitalist rule, the establishment of a democratic workers’ republic, the abolition of the old system, which rests on class antagonism and minority rule, and the foundation of a new society without classes and without the tyranny of capitalist private property.
The Debs Tendency is organized around the following points of unity:
1. The working class is the only class that, as a mass social force, can lead humanity toward a classless, socialist society. Because the working class has nothing but its labor (skilled and unskilled) to sell in order to survive, and because it is the majority class, it holds great potential power and its liberation means the liberation of all humanity. Nothing in society can run without the working class. It is this power that gives the working class the ability to transform society. The victory of the working class is the vehicle by which all classes will be dissolved and a classless society brought into being.
2. The liberation of the working class is the responsibility of the workers themselves. A political party of the working class is the most advanced and conscious recognition of this responsibility. A party of the working class does not stand above or otherwise apart from the class as a whole, but represents in organizational form its most active and conscious elements.
3. The working class needs its own political party, with a program that expresses its collective interests independent of the parties of capital. This independent party is the political expression of the interests of the working class, and fights for the liberation of all oppressed people. A party cannot represent the exploiter and the exploited, the robber and the robbed. A party that attempts to represent the interests of all classes, or more than one class, can only, in the final analysis, really represent the interests of the ruling class because all other classes are based upon the subjugation of the working class.
4. A socialist party of the working class is organized primarily for political action, both in the streets and through the ballot box. The ballot box is used by the party to present a socialist alternative to the ruling class parties, press for radical reforms and advocate social revolution; it assists in and allows us to gauge the development of political consciousness. The party holds in contempt vote-seeking for the sake of votes and office-seeking for the sake of office.
5. Since the working class transcends national boundaries, socialism must be international in order to achieve and maintain a classless society. The working class has no “homeland,” but rather holds an internationalist bond that creates an identity that transcends all other divisions and necessitates the development of an international political movement to strengthen this bond and provide the most organized means by which workers can challenge global capitalist rule.
6. Workers have no common “national interest” with the capitalists, and that is especially true in times of war. We call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all combatants of all of the contending powers, the fraternization of troops of belligerent powers, and united action to transform capitalist war into class war and the fight for socialism.
7. For more than half a century, the capitalists have not fought wars between themselves (although they may do so again in the future), but have waged a continual and bloody campaign of terror and violence, often under noble pretenses of “democracy” and “humanitarianism,” against so-called “Third World” countries and anti-imperialist movements. However, imperialism has been and is guilty of supporting and propping up the most vile and repressive regimes that can be found as their proxies -- as long as they were “anti-communist” (today, “anti-terrorist”). We categorically oppose all such interventions and demand imperialist hands off. Where such attacks take place, we demand unconditional and immediate withdrawal of all imperialist forces. We support the right of the peoples of these countries to resist attacks and attempts at occupation, and the right to overthrow regimes that collaborate with imperialism and oppress their people.
8. Socialism and the classless society can only come about through a transition period, administered by a democratic workers’ republic , based on radically democratic assemblies, that break down class antagonisms, organizes production in a way that will provide for all, advances scientific, technological and cultural development, and aids the extension of socialism around the world. The machinery of a workers republic must be based on the principles of democratic elections and decision-making, the immediate recall of all elected officials and that no official will receive a wage greater than that of a skilled worker.
9. Capitalism cannot be reformed into socialism. Reforms under capitalism can be enacted, but they are, at best, measures that can only be kept through constant struggle. Nevertheless, we fight for the most radical and democratic reforms possible. Such reforms provide immediate relief and improvements in the conditions of working class struggle, and the fight for them points toward the understanding that it will take a complete social revolution to set humanity on the path to a classless society.
10. Democracy is not an abstraction, devoid of class content. Even the most democratic capitalist republic still exploits and oppresses. This is because democracy is limited to the political arena, and is kept out (by force, if necessary) of the economy. A democratic workers’ republic is the only form through which democracy can be extended to all sectors of society (political, economic, cultural, social), and thus genuinely represent the interests of the majority.
11. Socialism will come about on a wave of democratic renewal. That is, the earliest phases of the transition from class to classless society will appear as a sweeping democratic revolution, which breaks down the barriers between politics and economic, cultural, and social relations. However, a democratic revolution cannot be separated from, and must develop into, a social revolution, or else it will stall, degenerate and ultimately lead to defeat.
12. No section of the capitalist class can carry out fundamental democratic change, because they have a class interest in preserving undemocratic economic and social structures. No section of the so-called “middle class” -- independent producers, self-employed professionals, small shopkeepers, bosses with the power to hire and fire, etc. -- can fulfill democratic tasks to their completion because they, too, are beneficiaries of undemocratic structures. Only the working class, at all levels and of all types, can carry democratic renewal to its completion, by extending it to all aspects of society and transforming it into a socialist revolution.
13. Capitalism maintains its rule through the instrument of the state, which is the collection of armed forces (police, military, etc.) into a centralized power. In order for capitalism to be replaced, these bodies of capitalism’s agents must be dissolved or disbanded, and replaced by bodies of workers’ defense forces, fully accountable to the new society.
14. Class-based exploitation and oppression are not the only ways capitalism maintains its control. Additional forms of exploitation and oppression based on race and nationality, gender, sexuality, age, religion, ability, etc., exist as ways that capitalism keeps the working class, and human society as a whole, divided. The fight against superexploitation and superoppression is key to the victory of socialism, not a distraction or impediment. Indeed the fight against superoppression has its own validity -- before, during and even after the victory of a working class revolution. Socialism and a classless society cannot be fully achieved until superoppression is completely rooted out and ended for all time.
15. Unity of the working class demands systematic work in mass organizations and other groups where they operate. Workers’ political parties, labor unions, cultural/recreational groups and mass movements aimed at progressive change are schools where workers can learn how to administer their own affairs. However, it will take socialist political leadership in these organizations to allow them to develop to their full potential.
16. The American socialist movement is fractured and weak, and could re-emerge as a strong movement through regroupment. A single, unified multi-tendency revolutionary democratic socialist party is the most effective means to advocate socialism and overturn capitalism. Open dialogue with groups, organizations and parties committed to revolutionary democratic socialism is a step toward a united left front, like the Socialist Alliances of Australia and the UK, en route to a single party, like the Scottish Socialist Party.
17. Socialism will not be achieved spontaneously, without political direction and goals. Socialists utilize concrete demands that correspond to the objective needs of the working class, and bridge the gap between demands that stem from the daily struggles of working people, on the one hand, and the concrete tasks necessary for establishing a democratic workers’ republic and socialism, on the other.
18. A socialist political party of the working class must have the widest possible internal democracy and transparency. Every member of the party has a vote on every matter of importance, specifically on the party’s constitution and platform. Party members must be allowed to discuss and debate openly, including in meetings and in the pages of party publications. We affirm unrestricted right of party members to form political tendencies and caucuses for the purpose of influencing the party membership. At the same time, when the party makes a decision, it should not be seen as the end of the discussion; it is the opening of a new phase of debate, as action on the basis of democratic decisions is carried out by members who support it.
19. The unity of a political party is based on unity around political principle, not top-down administrative decree. Unity on political principle develops through education, discussion and debate. Thus, political education is essential not only for building party unity, but also for facilitating discussion, genuine democratic functioning and debate. Educational programs and discussions are necessary for a better understanding of the world, and for enriching the politics of the party.
General acceptance of these points of unity, in word and deed, is necessary for affiliation with the Debs Tendency of the Socialist Party USA.
------------------------------
JOIN THE DEBSIAN LIST!
PUBLIC DISCUSSION LIST OF THE DEBS TENDENCY
To help facilitate discussion among and between left-wing Socialist Party members, and the broader left socialist movement, and the Debs Tendency, we created a public discussion list. The list is available for anyone to join and discuss revolutionary democratic socialism, regroupment, the Debs Tendency and the Socialist Party USA.
To subscribe, e-mail [email protected]
To post once subscribed, e-mail [email protected]
To unsubscribe, e-mail [email protected]
------------------------------
CONTACT OR JOIN THE DEBS TENDENCY
The Debs Tendency welcomes your comments, suggestions and questions. Please e-mail them to us at [email protected] If you are a member of the Socialist Party USA, and accept the Points of Unity above, then you may join the Debs Tendency. E-mail us at [email protected] with your name, address, local/state chapter and a brief introduction of yourself.
Thank you!
January 10, 2004
Comrades, brothers and sisters,
We are in a powerful and dynamic time. On the one hand, we have seen the rise of a far-right movement within the ruling capitalist class, which seeks to once and for all break all resistance to its agenda of unrestricted exploitation and control of the world. On the other hand, we have seen the growth of mass movements around the world in opposition to war, imperialism and repression. That great contradiction was best seen over the last year, when the U.S. invaded and occupied Iraq, while confronted by the largest worldwide movement against war in history.
The period ahead looks to be even sharper in its contradictions and conflicts. Regardless of the intentions of the main political parties of capital, the 2004 elections, and the debates that will swirl around them, will center on what kind of country and world we want and believe possible. The ongoing, endless “war on terror,” the attacks on basic democratic rights and living standards, and the very meaning of freedom will be discussed among friends, family, co-workers and neighbors. Now more than ever, a viable Socialist alternative must be raised, in order to point a way out of the mess that capitalism has made of the world.
However, in the midst of this great convergence of events, the Socialist Party stands at a crossroads. Years of existence as a small political party, especially during the turbulent 1990s, has led sections of the Party to feel that there is little, if anything, we can do to influence events and build ourselves as a key force in the existing movements for social justice and change. This impasse in the work and development of the Socialist Party has led to an inward-looking perspective, where internal divisions are endlessly debated in sterility, instead of being turned outward and subjected to the test of history and the class struggle.
The 2003 Socialist National Convention was a wake-up call for the Socialist Party and its members. The hotly contested issues and narrow votes, including the selection of the Party’s candidate for President, told a story of division and dissent. Far from being the unifying force a National Convention should be, the 2003 SNC yielded a Party more politically divided than in previous years, and a membership asking more questions and making more demands than has been seen in quite a while.
This turn of events, if left to continue unchanged, threatens to destroy the Socialist Party. Already, the impasse in our work, inward-focused sterility and division has resulted in the loss of valuable comrades, the development of a “revolving-door” membership and an entrenched core of comrades in the leadership imbued with an overwhelming sense of failure. This steady erosion of the organization has also affected the politics and revolutionary spirit in which the Party was born. The revolutionary democratic socialist principles that guided the founding leaders of the Socialist Party have been lost in a sea of pessimism and defeat.
After the close of the 2003 SNC, members of the Socialist Party from across the country, concerned about the ongoing problems they see in the work and perspectives of the organization, came together to fight for the revolutionary democratic socialist principles that initially built the Party and gave it its strongest presence in the American body politic. These comrades came together to return the Socialist Party to its roots as a revolutionary working-class party committed to democratic socialism and the classless society. The comrades united to defend and promote the historical legacy and traditions of Debs and his vision of the Party.
Thus, the Debs Tendency of the Socialist Party USA has been launched.
The mission of the Debs Tendency is to build the Party as a revolutionary democratic socialist party of the working class, fighting to sweep away capitalism and its repressive state, which can help to build a democratic workers’ republic that will open the path to socialism and the classless society.
The Debs Tendency is organized around a series of Points of Unity, which generally outline revolutionary democratic socialist principles and serve as a guide to practical action. The Points represent the collective lessons of the working class in its centuries-long struggle against capitalism, as well as reflect many of the points of political understanding that define us as a coherent movement within the Socialist Party. Beginning with an understanding of the importance and central role of class and the class struggle, and concluding with the kind of work and organization needed to carry out the transition to a classless society, the Points of Unity represent a framework that we believe enhances and strengthens the democratic socialist principles embodied in the Party’s basic statement, Socialism as Radical Democracy.
However, even though the Points of Unity represent a strong common bond among the comrades of the Debs Tendency, it would be a mistake to regard them as the full extent of the politics of its members. Quite the contrary. The members of the Debs Tendency come from diverse political histories, and it is on the basis of their common work and understanding that they have achieved this level of agreement. However, some key questions remain under discussion among Tendency members. For example, we will soon be discussing the formulation of demands around the question of the right of oppressed nations and peoples to self-determination. We do not share complete theoretical agreement on key issues of (revolutionary) nationalism, but we are resolute on our demands of the right of oppressed nations and peoples to self-determination. Just as we believe that the Socialist Party should not be afraid of open, honest political discussion among the various tendencies and trends found in the membership, so too the members of the Debs Tendency welcome open, honest debate, and are willing to carry out discussions on outstanding questions out in the open, in front of the party membership and the working class as a whole.
Over the coming weeks and months, the Debs Tendency will develop its presence in the Party through the establishment of greater channels of communication between members of the Party and the Tendency. Our goal will be to initiate an ongoing dialogue and discussion on what kind of an organization we, as members of the Socialist Party, regardless of political stripe, want to see built. We encourage all members of the Party to participate in these discussions, whether through the pages of our discussion journal, e-mail lists or Internet discussion board. At the same time, we invite comrades to look over our Points of Unity, discuss them with us, and, if you find them acceptable, to join with us.
We, the undersigned, declare our membership in the Debs Tendency:
Ben Burgis (Socialist Party of Michigan)
Raul Cano (Partido Socialista de Valle)
Joe DeNeen (Socialist Party of Michigan)
Matt Erard (Socialist Party of Michigan)
Jesse Heiwa (Socialist Party of New York City)
John Kirkland (Socialist Party of New Jersey)
Jan Michael (Socialist Party of Florida)
Samuel Morales Jr. (Chicago Socialist Party)
Martin Schreader (Detroit Socialist Party/SPMI)
Jim Strelnikov (Detroit Socialist Party/SPMI)
Erik Carlos Torén (Partido Socialista de Valle)
Lisa Weltman (Detroit Socialist Party/SPMI)
------------------------------
MISSION STATEMENT AND POINTS OF UNITY
Debs Tendency of the Socialist Party USA
Adopted January 4, 2004
The Debs Tendency is a political tendency in the Socialist Party USA. The primary task of the DT is the development of the SPUSA as a revolutionary democratic socialist political party of the working class. The mission of such a party would be the defeat of capitalism and capitalist rule, the establishment of a democratic workers’ republic, the abolition of the old system, which rests on class antagonism and minority rule, and the foundation of a new society without classes and without the tyranny of capitalist private property.
The Debs Tendency is organized around the following points of unity:
1. The working class is the only class that, as a mass social force, can lead humanity toward a classless, socialist society. Because the working class has nothing but its labor (skilled and unskilled) to sell in order to survive, and because it is the majority class, it holds great potential power and its liberation means the liberation of all humanity. Nothing in society can run without the working class. It is this power that gives the working class the ability to transform society. The victory of the working class is the vehicle by which all classes will be dissolved and a classless society brought into being.
2. The liberation of the working class is the responsibility of the workers themselves. A political party of the working class is the most advanced and conscious recognition of this responsibility. A party of the working class does not stand above or otherwise apart from the class as a whole, but represents in organizational form its most active and conscious elements.
3. The working class needs its own political party, with a program that expresses its collective interests independent of the parties of capital. This independent party is the political expression of the interests of the working class, and fights for the liberation of all oppressed people. A party cannot represent the exploiter and the exploited, the robber and the robbed. A party that attempts to represent the interests of all classes, or more than one class, can only, in the final analysis, really represent the interests of the ruling class because all other classes are based upon the subjugation of the working class.
4. A socialist party of the working class is organized primarily for political action, both in the streets and through the ballot box. The ballot box is used by the party to present a socialist alternative to the ruling class parties, press for radical reforms and advocate social revolution; it assists in and allows us to gauge the development of political consciousness. The party holds in contempt vote-seeking for the sake of votes and office-seeking for the sake of office.
5. Since the working class transcends national boundaries, socialism must be international in order to achieve and maintain a classless society. The working class has no “homeland,” but rather holds an internationalist bond that creates an identity that transcends all other divisions and necessitates the development of an international political movement to strengthen this bond and provide the most organized means by which workers can challenge global capitalist rule.
6. Workers have no common “national interest” with the capitalists, and that is especially true in times of war. We call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all combatants of all of the contending powers, the fraternization of troops of belligerent powers, and united action to transform capitalist war into class war and the fight for socialism.
7. For more than half a century, the capitalists have not fought wars between themselves (although they may do so again in the future), but have waged a continual and bloody campaign of terror and violence, often under noble pretenses of “democracy” and “humanitarianism,” against so-called “Third World” countries and anti-imperialist movements. However, imperialism has been and is guilty of supporting and propping up the most vile and repressive regimes that can be found as their proxies -- as long as they were “anti-communist” (today, “anti-terrorist”). We categorically oppose all such interventions and demand imperialist hands off. Where such attacks take place, we demand unconditional and immediate withdrawal of all imperialist forces. We support the right of the peoples of these countries to resist attacks and attempts at occupation, and the right to overthrow regimes that collaborate with imperialism and oppress their people.
8. Socialism and the classless society can only come about through a transition period, administered by a democratic workers’ republic , based on radically democratic assemblies, that break down class antagonisms, organizes production in a way that will provide for all, advances scientific, technological and cultural development, and aids the extension of socialism around the world. The machinery of a workers republic must be based on the principles of democratic elections and decision-making, the immediate recall of all elected officials and that no official will receive a wage greater than that of a skilled worker.
9. Capitalism cannot be reformed into socialism. Reforms under capitalism can be enacted, but they are, at best, measures that can only be kept through constant struggle. Nevertheless, we fight for the most radical and democratic reforms possible. Such reforms provide immediate relief and improvements in the conditions of working class struggle, and the fight for them points toward the understanding that it will take a complete social revolution to set humanity on the path to a classless society.
10. Democracy is not an abstraction, devoid of class content. Even the most democratic capitalist republic still exploits and oppresses. This is because democracy is limited to the political arena, and is kept out (by force, if necessary) of the economy. A democratic workers’ republic is the only form through which democracy can be extended to all sectors of society (political, economic, cultural, social), and thus genuinely represent the interests of the majority.
11. Socialism will come about on a wave of democratic renewal. That is, the earliest phases of the transition from class to classless society will appear as a sweeping democratic revolution, which breaks down the barriers between politics and economic, cultural, and social relations. However, a democratic revolution cannot be separated from, and must develop into, a social revolution, or else it will stall, degenerate and ultimately lead to defeat.
12. No section of the capitalist class can carry out fundamental democratic change, because they have a class interest in preserving undemocratic economic and social structures. No section of the so-called “middle class” -- independent producers, self-employed professionals, small shopkeepers, bosses with the power to hire and fire, etc. -- can fulfill democratic tasks to their completion because they, too, are beneficiaries of undemocratic structures. Only the working class, at all levels and of all types, can carry democratic renewal to its completion, by extending it to all aspects of society and transforming it into a socialist revolution.
13. Capitalism maintains its rule through the instrument of the state, which is the collection of armed forces (police, military, etc.) into a centralized power. In order for capitalism to be replaced, these bodies of capitalism’s agents must be dissolved or disbanded, and replaced by bodies of workers’ defense forces, fully accountable to the new society.
14. Class-based exploitation and oppression are not the only ways capitalism maintains its control. Additional forms of exploitation and oppression based on race and nationality, gender, sexuality, age, religion, ability, etc., exist as ways that capitalism keeps the working class, and human society as a whole, divided. The fight against superexploitation and superoppression is key to the victory of socialism, not a distraction or impediment. Indeed the fight against superoppression has its own validity -- before, during and even after the victory of a working class revolution. Socialism and a classless society cannot be fully achieved until superoppression is completely rooted out and ended for all time.
15. Unity of the working class demands systematic work in mass organizations and other groups where they operate. Workers’ political parties, labor unions, cultural/recreational groups and mass movements aimed at progressive change are schools where workers can learn how to administer their own affairs. However, it will take socialist political leadership in these organizations to allow them to develop to their full potential.
16. The American socialist movement is fractured and weak, and could re-emerge as a strong movement through regroupment. A single, unified multi-tendency revolutionary democratic socialist party is the most effective means to advocate socialism and overturn capitalism. Open dialogue with groups, organizations and parties committed to revolutionary democratic socialism is a step toward a united left front, like the Socialist Alliances of Australia and the UK, en route to a single party, like the Scottish Socialist Party.
17. Socialism will not be achieved spontaneously, without political direction and goals. Socialists utilize concrete demands that correspond to the objective needs of the working class, and bridge the gap between demands that stem from the daily struggles of working people, on the one hand, and the concrete tasks necessary for establishing a democratic workers’ republic and socialism, on the other.
18. A socialist political party of the working class must have the widest possible internal democracy and transparency. Every member of the party has a vote on every matter of importance, specifically on the party’s constitution and platform. Party members must be allowed to discuss and debate openly, including in meetings and in the pages of party publications. We affirm unrestricted right of party members to form political tendencies and caucuses for the purpose of influencing the party membership. At the same time, when the party makes a decision, it should not be seen as the end of the discussion; it is the opening of a new phase of debate, as action on the basis of democratic decisions is carried out by members who support it.
19. The unity of a political party is based on unity around political principle, not top-down administrative decree. Unity on political principle develops through education, discussion and debate. Thus, political education is essential not only for building party unity, but also for facilitating discussion, genuine democratic functioning and debate. Educational programs and discussions are necessary for a better understanding of the world, and for enriching the politics of the party.
General acceptance of these points of unity, in word and deed, is necessary for affiliation with the Debs Tendency of the Socialist Party USA.
------------------------------
JOIN THE DEBSIAN LIST!
PUBLIC DISCUSSION LIST OF THE DEBS TENDENCY
To help facilitate discussion among and between left-wing Socialist Party members, and the broader left socialist movement, and the Debs Tendency, we created a public discussion list. The list is available for anyone to join and discuss revolutionary democratic socialism, regroupment, the Debs Tendency and the Socialist Party USA.
To subscribe, e-mail [email protected]
To post once subscribed, e-mail [email protected]
To unsubscribe, e-mail [email protected]
------------------------------
CONTACT OR JOIN THE DEBS TENDENCY
The Debs Tendency welcomes your comments, suggestions and questions. Please e-mail them to us at [email protected] If you are a member of the Socialist Party USA, and accept the Points of Unity above, then you may join the Debs Tendency. E-mail us at [email protected] with your name, address, local/state chapter and a brief introduction of yourself.
Thank you!