Log in

View Full Version : Neoliberalism has hijacked our vocabulary



blake 3:17
12th June 2013, 04:38
Excellent article.

Neoliberalism has hijacked our vocabulary
'Customer'; 'growth'; 'investment'. We should scrutinise the everyday language that shapes how we think about the economy

Doreen Massey

At a recent art exhibition I engaged in an interesting conversation with one of the young people employed by the gallery. As she turned to walk off I saw she had on the back of her T-shirt "customer liaison". I felt flat. Our whole conversation seemed somehow reduced, my experience of it belittled into one of commercial transaction. My relation to the gallery and to this engaging person had become one of instrumental market exchange.

The message underlying this use of the term customer for so many different kinds of human activity is that in all almost all our daily activities we are operating as consumers in a market – and this truth has been brought in not by chance but through managerial instruction and the thoroughgoing renaming of institutional practices. The mandatory exercise of "free choice" – of a GP, of a hospital, of schools for one's children – then becomes also a lesson in social identity, affirming on each occasion our consumer identity.

This is a crucial part of the way that neoliberalism has become part of our commonsense understanding of life. The vocabulary we use to talk about the economy is in fact a political construction, as Stuart Hall, Michael Rustin and I have argued in our Soundings manifesto.

Another word that reinforces neoliberal common sense is "growth", currently deemed to be the entire aim of our economy. To produce growth and then (maybe) to redistribute some of it, has been a goal shared by both neoliberalism and social democracy. In its crudest formulation this entails providing the conditions for the market sector to produce growth, and accepting that this will result in inequality, and then relying on the redistribution of some portion of this growth to help repair the inequality that has resulted from its production.

This of course does nothing to question the inequality-producing mechanisms of market exchange itself, and it has also meant that the main lines of struggle have too often been focused solely on distributional issues. What's more, today we are living with a backlash to even the limited redistributional gains made by labour under social democracy. In spite of all this, growth is still seen as providing the solution to our problems.

The second reason our current notion of wealth creation, and our commitment to its growth, must be questioned is to do with our relationship with the planet. The environmental damage brought about by the pursuit of growth threatens to cause a catastrophe of which we are already witnessing intimations. And a third – and perhaps most important – defect of this approach is that increased wealth, especially as measured in the standard monetary terms of today, has few actual consequences for people's feelings of wellbeing once there is a sufficiency to meet basic needs, as there is in Britain. In pursuing "growth" in these terms, as a means to realise people's life goals and desires, economies are pursuing a chimera.

Instead of an unrelenting quest for growth, might we not ask the question, in the end: "What is an economy for?", "What do we want it to provide?"

Our current imaginings endow the market and its associated forms with a special status. We think of "the economy" in terms of natural forces, into which we occasionally intervene, rather than in terms of a whole variety of social relations that need some kind of co-ordination.

Thus "work", for example, is understood in a very narrow and instrumental way. Where only transactions for money are recognised as belonging to "the economy", the vast amount of unpaid labour – as conducted for instance in families and local areas – goes uncounted and unvalued. We need to question that familiar categorisation of the economy as a space into which people enter in order to reluctantly undertake unwelcome and unpleasing "work", in return for material rewards which they can use for consuming.

This is a view that misunderstands where pleasure and fulfilment in human lives are found. Work is usually – and certainly should be – a central source of meaning and fulfilment in human lives. And it has – or could have – moral and creative (or aesthetic) values at its core. A rethinking of work could lead us to address more creatively both the social relations of work and the division of labour within society (including a better sharing of the tedious work, and of the skills).

There are loads of other examples of rarely scrutinised terms in our economic vocabulary, for instance that bundle of terms clustered around investment and expenditure – terms that carry with them implicit moral connotations. Investment implies an action, even a sacrifice, undertaken for a better future. It evokes a future positive outcome. Expenditure, on the other hand, seems merely an outgoing, a cost, a burden.

Above all, we need to bring economic vocabulary back into political contention, and to question the very way we think about the economy in the first place. For something new to be imagined, let alone to be born, our current economic "common sense" needs to be challenged root and branch.

• Doreen Massey will be discussing Vocabularies of the Economy at a Soundings seminar on 13 June, 6.30-8.30pm, at the Marx Memorial Library, London. More information [email protected]

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jun/11/neoliberalism-hijacked-vocabulary

blake 3:17
12th June 2013, 04:45
On a related note:


I recently received a circular from the Local Authority of the district in London where I live, which addressed me as a ‘customer.’ I should really be inured by now to neoliberalism’s relentless penetration of the ‘life world,’ but it took me aback all the same. I don’t buy anything from my local council; on the contrary, it is supposed to represent me. I elect it, and it spends my taxes. But in the mind of the official who wrote the circular it is evidently more like a corporation with something to sell: satisfaction,perhaps.

The example is trivial, but sobering all the same. The dream of contemporary capitalism is that everything should become a terrain of profitable enterprise, including most of what has hitherto been seen as the business of government. The political rationale
offered for this is that in a globalized world national competitiveness depends on maximising efficiency, including the efficiency of public services, and that competition between market actors makes for efficiency. The local government official who had learned to think of electors not as sovereign citizens but as customers was merely reflecting this doctrine. But I was struck by an analogy: the vision of society implied by seeing citizens as customers – a society totally dedicated to capitalism – is not unlike the concept of ‘total war’ developed in the early years of the first World
War – ‘a war fought…between entire societies and not just between armies’ (see: Encyclopaedia Britannica online: http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-32826).

Of course the organisational principle of total war is differentin a crucial respect from that of the total capitalism advocated byneoliberals today. Under total war, ‘in all the belligerent nations, to a greater or lesser degree, civil and economic liberties, the free
market, even national sovereignty, gave way to a kind of military socialism’, with a proliferation of state agencies and controls.Under total capitalism, by contrast, the free market is the supreme value to which not just national sovereignty and civil liberties, but all public and private life, are increasingly subordinated – to the point where the distinction between public and private serves increasingly as a useful fiction. Public transport, education, health care, social services, scientific research, telecommunications, broadcasting, publishing, pensions, foreign aid, land use, water,
the public infrastructure, the arts, and even policy-making itself (since it is increasingly entrusted to private sector personnel seconded into government ministries): all become subject to market driven policy-making in the name of ‘efficiency’, and are treated more and more as fields for profitable private investment rather than as means to a better society.

http://www.socialistproject.ca/relay/relay17_leys.pdf

Martin Blank
21st June 2013, 11:15
Did these self-described socialists sleep through Capitalism 101, specifically the lesson that showed how everything is a commodity?

blake 3:17
22nd June 2013, 11:23
Did these self-described socialists sleep through Capitalism 101, specifically the lesson that showed how everything is a commodity?

That's simply not true. Maybe you're making a joke.

Martin Blank
23rd June 2013, 09:56
That's simply not true. Maybe you're making a joke.

Unfortunately, no. I'm not making a joke. Maybe it's just that it's now making its way into the UK, but this has been going on in the U.S. for decades. The ruling classes regularly place everything and everyone in the cultural context of consumerism. Even economic "stimulus" programs are placed in this context, with the government "stimulating" the economy by sending every adult a check to go spend on shit. Being repeatedly and regularly called a "consumer", a "customer" or some other corporate euphemism for a human being is commonplace here, and the trend toward this has been gathering pace since the Gilded/late-Victorian Age.

This is not "neoliberalism" at work. This predates "neoliberalism". This is capitalism in all its obscene glory.

Tim Cornelis
23rd June 2013, 12:57
The government treating its citizens as customers is related to New Public Management, which emerged alongside neoliberalism.


New public management (NPM), a term first referred to by Hood (1991),[1] denotes broadly the government policies, since the 1980s, that aimed to modernise and render more effective the public sector. The basic hypothesis holds that market oriented management of the public sector will lead to greater cost-efficiency for governments, without having negative side-effects on other objectives and considerations. Ferlie et al (1996)[2] describe 'New Public Management in Action' as involving the introduction into public services of the 'three Ms': Markets, managers and measurement.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_public_management

blake 3:17
24th June 2013, 09:03
Unfortunately, no. I'm not making a joke. Maybe it's just that it's now making its way into the UK, but this has been going on in the U.S. for decades. ...

This is not "neoliberalism" at work. This predates "neoliberalism". This is capitalism in all its obscene glory.

I think we're speaking at cross purposes. Neo-liberal policy in the US and UK began proper with Thatcher and Reagan, so that's almost 35 years.

What the articles are talking about are particular changes in language which are more recent but further an economic political agenda.

What I thought you were saying was that since capitalism began, the whole world had been commodified, as if capitalist social relations were universal. It was a misunderstanding.

Ceallach_the_Witch
25th June 2013, 17:50
I think I read something about this only a few weeks ago - how we're described as "consumer" rather than "citizen". Very intersting issue and I'd like to know more about how it affects the way we think and so on.

Jimmie Higgins
26th June 2013, 13:12
Interesting article... which provoked some random thoughts:

I have to admit that until the economc crisis I think I had a pretty 2-dimensional view of neoliberalsim. I really thought about it mostly in terms of a shift in capitalist policies and not really some of the deeper social ramifications. Not that I thought that capitalism or specifically capitalist governments would switch on a dime out of choice, but I think I sort of concieved of the social ramifications in the ways workers and people generally see things and relate to eachother and broader society as just an example of "false consiousness" the same as generally exists in capitalism.

But looking at the Keynsian era in the US, it really took a little over a generation for a radicalism to develop (i.e. both in terms of existing revolutionaries finding ways to navigate a society that had changed in this way as well as for broader layers of workers and oppressed people to realize the limits of mid-century liberalism and begin to break from relying on federal programs and such as a way forward) which could wrap their head around what Keynsianism meant in practice and begin to figure out some effective independant strategies. Today there's obviously a totally different set of problems for workers, but I think that there also has to be a similar class adaptation in terms of figuring out what can really work as far as resistance (by which I mean both reformist and revolutionary attempts).

Which makes me think of all the protests of the square that have emerged with the crisis. I hope that these represent a starting point for people really begining to try and figure out how to deal with current situations. It seems like a pretty interesting thing that Occupy in the US was generally focused on creating a geographic hub of organizing... the square or park... and how this is an interesting development considering how much the neoliberal era has erradicated the sense of "public space" in US cities. I don't think that "public space" would be the only or main or even most effective way to begin to organize (though again, I hope it's a start), I just think it's sort of symbolically tantalizing.

bad ideas actualised by alcohol
26th June 2013, 13:24
Funny, Engels was already talking about the same sort of hijacking of language (the example he uses would also apply to the Dutch language)back when Capital was published:


Thus not a single word was changed in this third edition without my firm conviction that the author would have altered it himself. It would never occur to me to introduce into “Das Kapital” the current jargon in which German economists are wont to express themselves — that gibberish in which, for instance, one who for cash has others give him their labour is called a labour-giver (Arbeitgeber) and one whose labour is taken away from him for wages is called a labour-taker (Arbeitnehmer). In French, too, the word “travail” is used in every-day life in the sense of “occupation.” But the French would rightly consider any economist crazy should he call the capitalist a donneur de travail (a labour-giver) or the worker a receveur de travail (a labour-taker).

blake 3:17
27th June 2013, 17:55
Interesting article... which provoked some random thoughts:

I have to admit that until the economc crisis I think I had a pretty 2-dimensional view of neoliberalsim. I really thought about it mostly in terms of a shift in capitalist policies and not really some of the deeper social ramifications. Not that I thought that capitalism or specifically capitalist governments would switch on a dime out of choice, but I think I sort of concieved of the social ramifications in the ways workers and people generally see things and relate to eachother and broader society as just an example of "false consiousness" the same as generally exists in capitalism.

But looking at the Keynsian era in the US, it really took a little over a generation for a radicalism to develop (i.e. both in terms of existing revolutionaries finding ways to navigate a society that had changed in this way as well as for broader layers of workers and oppressed people to realize the limits of mid-century liberalism and begin to break from relying on federal programs and such as a way forward) which could wrap their head around what Keynsianism meant in practice and begin to figure out some effective independant strategies. Today there's obviously a totally different set of problems for workers, but I think that there also has to be a similar class adaptation in terms of figuring out what can really work as far as resistance (by which I mean both reformist and revolutionary attempts).

Which makes me think of all the protests of the square that have emerged with the crisis. I hope that these represent a starting point for people really begining to try and figure out how to deal with current situations. It seems like a pretty interesting thing that Occupy in the US was generally focused on creating a geographic hub of organizing... the square or park... and how this is an interesting development considering how much the neoliberal era has erradicated the sense of "public space" in US cities. I don't think that "public space" would be the only or main or even most effective way to begin to organize (though again, I hope it's a start), I just think it's sort of symbolically tantalizing.

We're pretty much 100% in agreement here.

One of biggest things in the rise and extension of precarious work is the amount of constant anxiety people feel about working and not working and not having a schedule. A charity here did a study on the subject and amongst other effects noted were people not able to sustain relationships because of work cycles and a big drop off in volunteering.

I (and many others on the militant Left) were kind of hostile to a number of public space and local democracy campaigns. They seemed kind of flakey and not proletarian enough or something. That was a bit of a mistake. Often the campaigns were pretty flakey, but certainly no worse than a lot of what we were doing.

I was struck by the Colin Leys article a few years ago when it was published. Right around that time, the language in a number of public institutions/services started referring to users of the services as 'customers'. I found it bizarre. Every time I'm on the subway and announcement comes on, "Attention Customers, etc" I am ready to scream not nice words. "I'm not a customer! I'm just riding the train!!!!!!!!!"

I was a recent workshop for a large public employer and most of it was fine, but then it got to "Customer service" -- no, it's public service! You are there to help people, regardless of anything else, the service is there not to make money or sell anything... Urggh. But it's one of those things... Did I dare put up my hand and question it? A few of the public sector unions have tried to do something about this, but it's not the easiest issue to start a struggle over.

Jimmie Higgins
1st July 2013, 17:53
I was struck by the Colin Leys article a few years ago when it was published. Right around that time, the language in a number of public institutions/services started referring to users of the services as 'customers'. I found it bizarre. Every time I'm on the subway and announcement comes on, "Attention Customers, etc" I am ready to scream not nice words. "I'm not a customer! I'm just riding the train!!!!!!!!!"

There's a long overdue, but limited, transit strike happinging in the Bay Area today - oh, the newspapers and their inconvenienced "customers". I could buy a slurpee, or I could board this train to get to work because I have to - oh how shall I spend my consumption dollar fifty?

blake 3:17
3rd July 2013, 02:11
Big spender!

MarxArchist
3rd July 2013, 02:17
Consumptionist profit generating flesh machine.