The 19th Congress of the KKE: April 11 - 14, 2013

[Delenda Carthago]

The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) is now advancing towards its 19th Congress, which according to the decision of the CC of the party will be held from the 11th to the 14th of April 2013. The Congress will approve the new Programme and Statutes of the CC, it will examine the CC’s report of work, it will determine the duties of the Party up until the 20th Congress and will elect the new leading bodies of the KKE.



The CC of the KKE last Sunday 9/12 published the “Theses of the CC”, which include the new Draft Programme and Statutes, announcing the beginning of the pre-congress discussion, which will be held in the pages of the daily newspaper “Rizospastis” and the bimonthly journal “Communist Review”.



As is mentioned in the prologue of the Theses of the Central Committee, “The capitalist system in Greece, as in every other country as well, is not going to collapse on its own, due to its contradictions. The major sharpening of the social contradictions will lead to conditions of a revolutionary situation, in conditions of a serious sharpening of the class struggle and while an all-powerful labour movement in alliance with popular strata which are suffering will have matured and will have come to the fore. In the conditions of the revolutionary situation, what will be judged is the will and decision of the people to break and abolish the chains of class exploitation, oppression, the entanglement in the imperialist war, with the suitable choice of slogans and all the forms of struggle. It requires a labour movement, which is not trapped in misleading alternative solutions, which the bourgeois political system utilises to organize the breaking of the movement, the striking against radicalism, the revolutionary attitude and will, in order to prevent or negate, for as long a period as it can, its overthrow.

The 19th Congress will elaborate the specific guidelines for the political tasks of the party and KNE, which will be in force until the 20th Congress, based on the report of work, the developments and the evaluation of the tendencies.



The basic task of the Congress is the contemporary elaboration of the party’s Programme, taking into account the developments which have taken place and the demands of today, and of its Statutes. A lot of water has passed under the bridge since 1996, when the 15th Congress formed the party’s Programme which is in force until today, regarding economic developments, trends and changes in the international imperialist system, in the EU, the position of Greece in the wider region of the South Eastern Mediterranean. The same is true of developments and processes regarding the reformation of the political system in Greece, with as its chief characteristic the relative destabilization of the post-junta bourgeois political system. There are also important developments in the working and living conditions of the workers, due to the economic crisis and the strategy of capital, resulting in the generalised increase of relative and absolute destitution, the rapid increase of unemployment, the immigration question etc. Important struggles have developed, strikes and other mobilizations, the impact of which was felt beyond Greece’s borders.

An integral element of the reformation of the bourgeois political system is the greater turn to reaction, repression and state-employer violence, the anti-communist and anti-socialist offensive which considers the large majority of the people to be a problem.



The anti-communist offensive seeks alternatively the following: to pressure the KKE, so that the hopes are fulfilled regarding the adulteration of its character and its transformation into a component of the governmental left or its isolation or even that the achievement of outlawing its activity, an issue which must be dealt with decisively by the people, in order for exceptionally negative consequences for the labour and people’s movement to be avoided. Consequently, new duties emerge for the labour movement, the People’s Alliance, that is to say issues of strategic importance.



The Draft Programme incorporates the conclusions from the construction of socialism in the USSR and the countries of socialist construction more generally, the conclusions for the course of the international communist movement, which were approved at the 18th Congress, as well as the conclusions of the Nationwide Conference on the “History Essay of the KKE, Volume 2 (1949-1968)” which are of strategic importance.



Finally, it is the fruit of a long collective process, which continued after the 15th Congress in all its course until today, in the middle of struggles and tough class confrontations. The experience of the party and the labour and people’s movement is valuable living material which was utilised as far as possible in the elaboration of the Theses, the report of work and the Draft Programme. The Draft Programme was based on data and evaluations which emerge from the long term investigation of the developments in Greece and internationally, from the standpoint of the working class and people’s interests, i.e. with Marxist-Leninist theory as a compass, which constitutes the ideology of the KKE.

In the framework of the pre-congress discussion, the CC publishes the Theses for the 19th Congress of the KKE, which are comprised of three sections based on the agenda of the work of the Congress.



The first section includes the report of work of the party from the 18th Congress and the assessment of the CC which was elected at the 18th Congress. It also includes the political tasks of the party, along general lines, until the next 20th Congress.



The second section includes the Draft Programme of the KKE. The existing Programme of the Party was decided at the 15th Congress (22-26 May 1996). The Programme was enriched, brought up to date at the next congresses, the 16th (14-17 December 2000), the 17th (9-12 February 2005) and the 18th (18-22 February 2009), based on the international and domestic developments.

The third section includes the draft Statutes, in which older and more recent experience has been utilised.



The CC calls the members of the Party and KNE to study the text of the Theses, to contribute to their improvement with reflection, proposals, recommendations, so that the final documents will be the fruit of a collective process, to crystallise the rich experience accumulated in recent years.



The pre-congress discussion also includes the discussion of the Theses, with the aim of collecting opinions and comments from the friends and supporters of the party, from every militant who-irrespective of their particular views- understand that without a strong KKE with scientifically elaborated positions, the recovery of the labour and people’s movement is not possible, nor is its endurance in the face of the bends and turns it will pass. Nor will the defence against the barbaric offensive of capital, and nor even more so the aggressive activity of the people for social and political overthrow be possible.”



http://inter.kke.gr/News/news2012/2012-12-10-19synedrio

[Q]

19th congress? So, one congress every 5 years or so (since the KKE was established in 1918)? Wow. Hallmark of democracy there.

Why aren't they held more often? How do common members have a say in between congresses?

By comparison, the Belgian CWI section just had its 13th congress (since the 1990 split). And the Dutch SP also had its 19th congress this year (since 1972).

[Yet_Another_Boring_Marxist]

Well I guess it's progress, but I didn't see anything about revolution in there.

[Die Neue Zeit]

19th congress? So, one congress every 5 years or so (since the KKE was established in 1918)? Wow. Hallmark of democracy there.

Why aren't they held more often? How do common members have a say in between congresses?

By comparison, the Belgian CWI section just had its 13th congress (since the 1990 split). And the Dutch SP also had its 19th congress this year (since 1972).

Congresses can be more sparse or dispensed with, comrade, if tools like Liquid Democracy are considered more systematically.

[Q]

Congresses can be more sparse or dispensed with, comrade, if tools like Liquid Democracy are considered more systematically.

Somehow I doubt the KKE has that ;)

[Flying Purple People Eater]

Congresses can be more sparse or dispensed with, comrade, if tools like Liquid Democracy are considered more systematically.
What in the world is liquid democracy!? Is it any better than solid democracy!?

[Q]

What in the world is liquid democracy!? Is it any better than solid democracy!?

http://wiki.piratenpartei.de/Liquid_Democracy

[GoddessCleoLover]

Liquid (delegative) democracy is a valuable concept but IMO not a complete substitute for frequent party congresses.

[Delenda Carthago]

19th congress? So, one congress every 5 years or so (since the KKE was established in 1918)?

Thats a Congress every 4 years. Even the periods that KKE was outlawed, which is more than 40 years in sum.





Why aren't they held more often?
Because a congress is a procedure that is time and energy consuming, and having one every now and then is not the most effective thing to do.



How do common members have a say in between congresses?
There are many ways on that. First of all, the leadership of the party, the Central Commitee and the Political Office always make propositions on the many issues that go down to the Party's Base Organisations that are being debated. They elect the people that part the upper organs. Also, on the historical improtant descisions there are open procedures like:

http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-HpIrKoElv4c/ULE-22egMxI/AAAAAAAAZQo/Y3pa4mjjUsc/s320/dokimio-istorias-kke.jpg

This is a book on the party's history, on the period of 1949-1968. The study on the party history, that made many conclusions on the party's mistakes back then. This was a procedure that took place for more than 8 years and it had the whole party's approval and participation on the writing before it got published.




By comparison, the Belgian CWI section just had its 13th congress (since the 1990 split). And the Dutch SP also had its 19th congress this year (since 1972).

Well, we have a different specification on what a "party" and a "group of friends" is.

[Sasha]

Well, we have a different specification on what a "party" and a "group of friends" is.

Uhm, the dutch sp has I think more votes (925.000), members (40.000) and mp's than the kke. They are also very reformist.

[Delenda Carthago]

Uhm, the dutch sp has I think more votes (925.000), members (40.000) and mp's than the kke. They are also very reformist.
I was thinkin more on the CWI cause I dont know that SP, but KKE also has something around 40.000...

[Q]

Thats a Congress every 4 years. Even the periods that KKE was outlawed, which is more than 40 years in sum.
Maybe my math is wrong, but I'm rather sure that 95 years divided by 19 is 5 years on average. Maybe this has changed in latter years, but that would presume that the gaps between congresses were even bigger in the past.


Because a congress is a procedure that is time and energy consuming, and having one every now and then is not the most effective thing to do.p
Communists also demand annual parliaments (a demand going back to the Chartist movement). Why would we act to lower standards than we demand from the bourgeois state?


There are many ways on that. First of all, the leadership of the party, the Central Commitee and the Political Office always make propositions on the many issues that go down to the Party's Base Organisations that are being debated. They elect the people that part the upper organs. Also, on the historical improtant descisions there are open procedures like:

http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-HpIrKoElv4c/ULE-22egMxI/AAAAAAAAZQo/Y3pa4mjjUsc/s320/dokimio-istorias-kke.jpg
Can't see the picture at the moment (is blocked at work), but that is at least something.


This is a book on the party's history, on the period of 1949-1968. The study on the party history, that made many conclusions on the party's mistakes back then. This was a procedure that took place for more than 8 years and it had the whole party's approval and participation on the writing before it got published
How much from these books exist?


Well, we have a different specification on what a "party" and a "group of friends" is.
The Dutch Socialist Party is a party of around 45 thousand members. How many does the KKE have again?

And I was giving the CWI example to provide a communist counter-example.

[BOZG]

Because a congress is a procedure that is time and energy consuming, and having one every now and then is not the most effective thing to do.

Well, we have a different specification on what a "party" and a "group of friends" is.

Well that "group of friends" known as the Bolsheviks were a party of hundreds of thousands, leading a revolution and fighting a civil war and still they were able to have a congress every year until 1925 when coincidentally, Stalin was coming to power.

[Delenda Carthago]

Well that "group of friends" known as the Bolsheviks were a party of hundreds of thousands, leading a revolution and fighting a civil war and still they were able to have a congress every year until 1925 when coincidentally, Stalin was coming to power.
Actually, at most of the congresses of the Bolsevik party, there was a problem of representation, since most of the party members could not participate on such sort notice. And, until 1934 the congresses were throwned annualy, or at worst case every two years. But whatever, I dont know if the party's congress is something that has to give more if done more frequent. I mean, you deploy a strategy that is not such- sort seeing that its only about the next year. Or its not like you cant express your opinion in the meantime.

[Delenda Carthago]

Communists also demand annual parliaments (a demand going back to the Chartist movement). Why would we act to lower standards than we demand from the bourgeois state?


Yes of course, not only annual parliaments, but also to be instatly recallable etc. But this is not a state institution, but a party one.






How much from these books exist?

What do you mean?

[BOZG]

Actually, at most of the congresses of the Bolsevik party, there was a problem of representation, since most of the party members could not participate on such sort notice. And, until 1934 the congresses were throwned annualy, or at worst case every two years. But whatever, I dont know if the party's congress is something that has to give more if done more frequent. I mean, you deploy a strategy that is not such- sort seeing that its only about the next year. Or its not like you cant express your opinion in the meantime.

Of course there were issues. My point is that they still fought to have them regardless. Something you are apparently dismissive of.

[La Guaneña]

Comrade, what are your expectations on the program and the decicions coming out of the congress?

[Delenda Carthago]

Comrade, what are your expectations on the program and the decicions coming out of the congress?
There is a left turn, that are parts of the party that even call it "leftist" and "ultrarevolutionary". These are based on conclusions on collective studies that the party has made for the last 20 years on the construction of socialism in USSR, the party's and the communist movement's history. Now all this experience will be put on the party's program.

These positions are:
A. There is no medium type of power between capitalism and socialism, therefore there is no medium type of power, no medium type of authority. So the participation on a capitalist government is excluded.

B. The stages theory is also rejected. Anti-imperialism is the work of the working class and only a workers power can truly be anti-imperialist. Therefore the "stalinist" position of firstly becoming an independed country and then you go for socialism is rejected.

C. The party must maintain at all times its organisational, ideological and programmatic independency. Therefore we dont participate in fronts with other political forces. The only way to collaborate with another political force, is to agree with us in the issue of the importance of the revolution and only on the struggle itself.

D. In case of Greece's participation on a war, KKE must play the leading role on leading the internal and external bourgeois classes into defeat.

Personally I mostly agree with all these, which are the positions of the CC of the party. But we ll see.

[Delenda Carthago]

I just saw that I double wrote "medium type of power". As one can understand, the first is "medium type of system".

[Q]

There is a left turn, that are parts of the party that even call it "leftist" and "ultrarevolutionary". These are based on conclusions on collective studies that the party has made for the last 20 years on the construction of socialism in USSR, the party's and the communist movement's history. Now all this experience will be put on the party's program.

These positions are:
A. There is no medium type of power between capitalism and socialism, therefore there is no medium type of power, no medium type of authority. So the participation on a capitalist government is excluded.

B. The stages theory is also rejected. Anti-imperialism is the work of the working class and only a workers power can truly be anti-imperialist. Therefore the "stalinist" position of firstly becoming an independed country and then you go for socialism is rejected.

C. The party must maintain at all times its organisational, ideological and programmatic independency. Therefore we dont participate in fronts with other political forces. The only way to collaborate with another political force, is to agree with us in the issue of the importance of the revolution and only on the struggle itself.

D. In case of Greece's participation on a war, KKE must play the leading role on leading the internal and external bourgeois classes into defeat.

Personally I mostly agree with all these, which are the positions of the CC of the party. But we ll see.

That is actually a great step forward, especially on points A and B. Commendable! I agree far less on C as I think tactical or strategical alliances are certainly worth considering.

Concretely I'm thinking about Syriza that currently attracts millions of workers on a platform aiming beyond capitalism. It would be far more productive if the KKE would work together with Syriza, while criticizing its programme (and thus keep arguing for its own programme). Such a far more open atmosphere of "unity in disagreement" trains the working class in political matters, a vital trait of any potential ruling class.

[Delenda Carthago]

That is actually a great step forward, especially on points A and B. Commendable! I agree far less on C as I think tactical or strategical alliances are certainly worth considering.

Concretely I'm thinking about Syriza that currently attracts millions of workers on a platform aiming beyond capitalism. It would be far more productive if the KKE would work together with Syriza, while criticizing its programme (and thus keep arguing for its own programme). Such a far more open atmosphere of "unity in disagreement" trains the working class in political matters, a vital trait of any potential ruling class.
My dear friend, where exactly did you made the conclusion that SYRIZA "attracts millions of workers on a platform aiming beyond capitalism"???:lol:

[Ravachol]

Concretely I'm thinking about Syriza that currently attracts millions of workers on a platform aiming beyond capitalism.


Is this what you believe or is this what you want to believe? Also, do you think passive electoral support for this or that party that promises softening the pain of austerity has anything to do with communism as a real movement? Do you really think the passive support for SYRIZA is on the basis of a 'platform aiming beyond capitalism' (in addition, how is SYRIZA's platform "aiming beyond capitalism")?



It would be far more productive if the KKE would work together with Syriza, while criticizing its programme (and thus keep arguing for its own programme). Such a far more open atmosphere of "unity in disagreement" trains the working class in political matters, a vital trait of any potential ruling class.

The working class can never be the 'potential ruling class' as this is inherently contradictory to the nature of the proletarian condition. Any and all programmatism, all aims to usher in a 'transitory period' is nothing but the affirmation of the rule of capital, a historical dead-end and a structural impossibility nowadays as well.



In the years after 1917 revolution is still an affirmation of the class, and the proletariat seeks to liberate against capital its social strength which exists in capital — a social strength on which it bases its organisation and founds its revolutionary practice. The very situation which gave it the capacity to engage in the broad affirmation underlying the “revolutionary élan” of the post-war period became its limit. The specificity of this period in relation to classical programmatism, represented by pre-1914 social democracy, resides in the fact that the autonomous affirmation of the class against capital entered into contradiction with its rising strength within capital. At the same time, this affirmation found its raison d’être and its foundation in this integration. What the class is in the capitalist mode of production is the negation of its own autonomy, whilst at the same time being the reason and power behind its drive for autonomous affirmation. The counter-revolutions are administered by the workers’ organisations. The impetuous history between the wars, from the Russian revolution to the Spanish civil war, is that of the liquidation of this question.

[Q]

My dear friend, where exactly did you made the conclusion that SYRIZA "attracts millions of workers on a platform aiming beyond capitalism"???:lol:
That's what I get for being nice to you for once.


Is this what you believe or is this what you want to believe? Also, do you think passive electoral support for this or that party that promises softening the pain of austerity has anything to do with communism as a real movement? Do you really think the passive support for SYRIZA is on the basis of a 'platform aiming beyond capitalism' (in addition, how is SYRIZA's platform "aiming beyond capitalism")?
No, electoral support is by itself not enough to build a movement, not nearly. But Syriza also does alternative culture work, workers aid, etc. Those are important and the KKE could engage with that work.


The working class can never be the 'potential ruling class' as this is inherently contradictory to the nature of the proletarian condition. Any and all programmatism, all aims to usher in a 'transitory period' is nothing but the affirmation of the rule of capital, a historical dead-end and a structural impossibility nowadays as well.
Yeah, we simply disagree on that. You think we can have communism overnight, I don't. That is why you're an anarchist and I'm a Marxist at the end of the day.

[Ravachol]

No, electoral support is by itself not enough to build a movement, not nearly. But Syriza also does alternative culture work, workers aid, etc. Those are important and the KKE could engage with that work.


Yeah if your conception of communism is the construction of a political movement mimicking the salvation army in order to lure in proles and spring the trap of politics on them, tricking them into constructing communism, I guess that's what counts as 'the real movement'. I, however, don't think that has anything to do with communism and won't lead anywhere but, at most, propelling SYRIZA or a coalition of various leftist groups into parliament, where they'll end up administrating a rapidly degenerating capitalism and produce the fertile soil for the overt (as opposed to the red-coated covert) reaction.

I mean yeah handing out food and aid is all fine and dandy and I'm not even opposed to that but 1) as long as its substitionist "robin hood" stuff it'll do nothing but affirm a passive proletariat caught within its own condition 2) its charity work that can only exist within the framework of capital, its a meager patch for a stinking wound 3) when it functions within the framework you conceive of (the blablabla about party-movements and alternative culture and whatnot) its even worse.



Yeah, we simply disagree on that. You think we can have communism overnight, I don't. That is why you're an anarchist and I'm a Marxist at the end of the day.

lolwat. That's probably the most stupid thing I've read all day. How am I claiming we are going to have 'communism overnight', if you recall the thread on 'postrevolutionair nederland' in the Dutch subsection, you can see I'm firmly stating I don't think that's the case. The ridiculous binary thinking "either you're in favor of a transitional state or you think communism is built overnight" is laughable. Besides, what I'm arguing and most of the politics i'm closest to is Marxist in nature, not anarchist. But that's probably gonna rub everyone here the wrong way because it defiles the old beardman or whatever.

[Os Cangaceiros]

There is a left turn, that are parts of the party that even call it "leftist" and "ultrarevolutionary". These are based on conclusions on collective studies that the party has made for the last 20 years on the construction of socialism in USSR, the party's and the communist movement's history. Now all this experience will be put on the party's program.

These positions are:
A. There is no medium type of power between capitalism and socialism, therefore there is no medium type of power, no medium type of authority. So the participation on a capitalist government is excluded.

B. The stages theory is also rejected. Anti-imperialism is the work of the working class and only a workers power can truly be anti-imperialist. Therefore the "stalinist" position of firstly becoming an independed country and then you go for socialism is rejected.

C. The party must maintain at all times its organisational, ideological and programmatic independency. Therefore we dont participate in fronts with other political forces. The only way to collaborate with another political force, is to agree with us in the issue of the importance of the revolution and only on the struggle itself.

D. In case of Greece's participation on a war, KKE must play the leading role on leading the internal and external bourgeois classes into defeat.

Personally I mostly agree with all these, which are the positions of the CC of the party. But we ll see.

Even though I'm not really a fan of the KKE's ideological position, those positions are pretty good IMO.

[the last donut of the night]

yo if it means a paid trip to greece count me in, all about the freebies

[Yet_Another_Boring_Marxist]

Yeah, we simply disagree on that. You think we can have communism overnight, I don't. That is why you're an anarchist and I'm a Marxist at the end of the day.

Actually comrade, that quote was from the Tiqquinist tendency, which is known for their theorization of "communization", where communism is seen as an act rather than an end, and therefore they see revolution as a constant protracted process. Here is a good intro.

http://libcom.org/library/invisible-politics-introduction-contemporary-communisation-john-cunningham

So basically their tendency is literally the exact opposite of "communism over night"

[Yet_Another_Boring_Marxist]

There is a left turn, that are parts of the party that even call it "leftist" and "ultrarevolutionary". These are based on conclusions on collective studies that the party has made for the last 20 years on the construction of socialism in USSR, the party's and the communist movement's history. Now all this experience will be put on the party's program.

These positions are:
A. There is no medium type of power between capitalism and socialism, therefore there is no medium type of power, no medium type of authority. So the participation on a capitalist government is excluded.

B. The stages theory is also rejected. Anti-imperialism is the work of the working class and only a workers power can truly be anti-imperialist. Therefore the "stalinist" position of firstly becoming an independed country and then you go for socialism is rejected.

C. The party must maintain at all times its organisational, ideological and programmatic independency. Therefore we dont participate in fronts with other political forces. The only way to collaborate with another political force, is to agree with us in the issue of the importance of the revolution and only on the struggle itself.

D. In case of Greece's participation on a war, KKE must play the leading role on leading the internal and external bourgeois classes into defeat.

Personally I mostly agree with all these, which are the positions of the CC of the party. But we ll see.

This is a great step forward! I must apologize my comrade, I have treated the KKE disrespectfully in the past when they clearly did not deserve it. Clearly you are correct and I was being dogmatic and shallow by accusing your party of sectarianism.

[Die Neue Zeit]

Yes of course, not only annual parliaments, but also to be instatly recallable etc. But this is not a state institution, but a party one.

That's the problem. More often that not party-movement organization "politically prefigures" the organization of society once ruling-class power has been seized. If the internal structure is undemocratic enough, it's almost guaranteed that the new society will not further workers' interests.

[Vladimir Innit Lenin]

That's the problem. More often that not party-movement organization "politically prefigures" the organization of society once ruling-class power has been seized. If the internal structure is undemocratic enough, it's almost guaranteed that the new society will not further workers' interests.

I think this is actually a very good point, borne out by the experience of many of the 'Socialist States' of the 20th Century.

[Die Neue Zeit]

Yeah if your conception of communism is the construction of a political movement mimicking the salvation army in order to lure in proles and spring the trap of politics on them, tricking them into constructing communism, I guess that's what counts as 'the real movement'.

That's not tricking us workers. That's called real organizing. That's called total organizing. "Spring the trap of politics" only indicates your hostility towards genuine class struggle, which is political not economic, as if politics were inherently anti-working class!

Besides, far-right (French-only soup kitchens) and national conservative elements (Muslim Brotherhood, Hezbollah, etc.) will step in and gain support if we don't do this. That's why the French and Arab lefts are stuck in the doldrums.


I mean yeah handing out food and aid is all fine and dandy and I'm not even opposed to that but 1) as long as its substitionist "robin hood" stuff it'll do nothing but affirm a passive proletariat caught within its own condition 2) its charity work that can only exist within the framework of capital, its a meager patch for a stinking wound 3) when it functions within the framework you conceive of (the blablabla about party-movements and alternative culture and whatnot) its even worse.

The more workers are involved, the more active and not passive they are! For a change, it would be worker-class activism! :rolleyes:


I think this is actually a very good point, borne out by the experience of many of the 'Socialist States' of the 20th Century.

And a warning against the internal structure of current left sects!

[Vladimir Innit Lenin]

Well for me it's a warning against any structure trying to both seize state power and operate a parallel structure to the state at the same time.

I don't mind parties as vehicles for propaganda, education and agitation, but there should be no formal role for parties in elections, nor any executive political role in power for parties. They all end up subsuming both democracy and the interests of large and small minorities in the interest of political power, and of course you need financial muscle for political power, so political parties tend to converge around the interests of capital, or the ruling financial class. Parties thus are a hindrance to ending capitalism.

[Die Neue Zeit]

Well for me it's a warning against any structure trying to both seize state power and operate a parallel structure to the state at the same time.

Why "any structure"? Only for structures not seeking out majority political support from the rest of the working class would your concern apply.


I don't mind parties as vehicles for propaganda, education and agitation, but there should be no formal role for parties in elections

Not even mass spoilage campaigns? Referenda? :confused:


nor any executive political role in power for parties

I've already written about this problem and how to tackle it in the past! You remember, my genuine one-party system stuff?

[Vladimir Innit Lenin]

[QUOTE=Die Neue Zeit;2554879]Why "any structure"? Only for structures not seeking out majority political support from the rest of the working class would your concern apply.

Fine, if a party - a group of people - has majority political support from the working class, then why not push for a situation where the party structure is by-passed and individual members of the working class, supportive of a broadly revolutionary strategy, are allowed to organise, educate and agitate, as individual or as informal grupuscules on a local and regional level? I don't see why a party is needed. Look at Cuba, it's most democratic element is that no party, not the Communist Party nor any other, can run candidates for elections. I'm sure there are imperfections in that particular model (nobody is pretending the CP doesn't hold genuine sway in these areas), but it's a damn sight better than party-ism, which inevitably, in every situation hitherto, has led to the subordination of genuine interests (of any group) to the subordination of those who hold power in the party.



Not even mass spoilage campaigns? Referenda? :confused:

I'm confused as to why you fetishise these. What can really be achieved with a mass spoilage campaign? It doesn't compel anybody to do anything. And with referenda. Again, they are generally set to be confirmations of a particular political viewpoint: those who spend the most on a campaign normally win a referendum. I actually feel strongly that referenda are a highly paternalistic and distant form of democracy - they discourage active involvement in the organisation of society and imply that ticking a box now and then can pass as genuine 'democracy'. Much like internet petitions. A false dawn for consciousness.




I've already written about this problem and how to tackle it in the past! You remember, my genuine one-party system stuff?

I find your one-party stuff totally unsatisfactory. Just a re-hash of dictatorial centralism. Even more so if anything, with your emphasis on bureaucracy and the hegemony of the party.

[Delenda Carthago]

That's what I get for being nice to you for once.

And I was being polite I think. Except maybe in your language "my dear friend" means "you stupid mothafucka", in which case I apologize for insulting you.

But my question still stands.

[Ravachol]

That's not tricking us workers. That's called real organizing. That's called total organizing. "Spring the trap of politics" only indicates your hostility towards genuine class struggle, which is political not economic, as if politics were inherently anti-working class!


Renaming something is not a substitute for discussing its content you know...

May I ask you an honest question? In how many episodes of 'genuine class struggle' have you been involved in your life? Not counting letters in some left paper or internet postings.



Besides, far-right (French-only soup kitchens) and national conservative elements (Muslim Brotherhood, Hezbollah, etc.) will step in and gain support if we don't do this.


Who's "we"?



The more workers are involved, the more active and not passive they are! For a change, it would be worker-class activism! :rolleyes:


Yeah if you live in cloud cuckoo land. Operations of these types always have a clear division of labor with a small 'activist' core pandering to the 'passive masses'. This goes as much for Golden Dawn's charity work as for the little bit SYRIZA does as for the Salvation army. Simply shouting 'lets all do this together and things will be different' only indicates how little you've been around the massive "activist" milieus in the world to see how this doesn't work that way. But oh well i'm sure it'll mean a landslide change in social relations if we pretend it is. :rolleyes:

[La Guaneña]

There is a left turn, that are parts of the party that even call it "leftist" and "ultrarevolutionary". These are based on conclusions on collective studies that the party has made for the last 20 years on the construction of socialism in USSR, the party's and the communist movement's history. Now all this experience will be put on the party's program.

These positions are:
A. There is no medium type of power between capitalism and socialism, therefore there is no medium type of power, no medium type of authority. So the participation on a capitalist government is excluded.

B. The stages theory is also rejected. Anti-imperialism is the work of the working class and only a workers power can truly be anti-imperialist. Therefore the "stalinist" position of firstly becoming an independed country and then you go for socialism is rejected.

C. The party must maintain at all times its organisational, ideological and programmatic independency. Therefore we dont participate in fronts with other political forces. The only way to collaborate with another political force, is to agree with us in the issue of the importance of the revolution and only on the struggle itself.

D. In case of Greece's participation on a war, KKE must play the leading role on leading the internal and external bourgeois classes into defeat.

Personally I mostly agree with all these, which are the positions of the CC of the party. But we ll see.

This looks good to me, comrade. My best wishes, and keep up the updates.

[Delenda Carthago]

This looks good to me, comrade. My best wishes, and keep up the updates.
Read this also for more details.

http://www.revleft.com/vb/certain-issues-regarding-t177523/index.html

[Delenda Carthago]

There is a left turn, that are parts of the party that even call it "leftist" and "ultrarevolutionary". These are based on conclusions on collective studies that the party has made for the last 20 years on the construction of socialism in USSR, the party's and the communist movement's history. Now all this experience will be put on the party's program.

These positions are:
A. There is no medium type of power between capitalism and socialism, therefore there is no medium type of power, no medium type of authority. So the participation on a capitalist government is excluded.

B. The stages theory is also rejected. Anti-imperialism is the work of the working class and only a workers power can truly be anti-imperialist. Therefore the "stalinist" position of firstly becoming an independed country and then you go for socialism is rejected.

C. The party must maintain at all times its organisational, ideological and programmatic independency. Therefore we dont participate in fronts with other political forces. The only way to collaborate with another political force, is to agree with us in the issue of the importance of the revolution and only on the struggle itself.

D. In case of Greece's participation on a war, KKE must play the leading role on leading the internal and external bourgeois classes into defeat.

Personally I mostly agree with all these, which are the positions of the CC of the party. But we ll see.
All these and more, can now be found here.

http://inter.kke.gr/News/news2013/2013-03-05-thesis

[subcp]

Is this a response to the manifestation of the class struggle in Greece since 2008?

I don't understand this change in line (or 'left turn'/Third Period style change) in comparison to the actions of the KKE- like physically protecting the Greek parliament from insurgent workers and pro-revolutionary minorities:



As Parliament prepared for a crucial vote on additional austerity measures — including the most drastic cuts and reforms so far — renewed violence broke out on the streets of Athens. Without the vote, the Papandreou government would not have received the next installment of its EU/IMF bailout package and would have gone bankrupt next month.
In anticipation of the vote, a 48-hour strike brought the country to a complete standstill, while the single largest demonstration since the fall of the military junta sent hundreds of thousands of people into Syntagma Square and surrounding streets. For the first time, the communist party and union, KKE and PAME, joined the protests by blocking off Parliament so MPs would not be able to enter for the vote.


Carrying red flag sticks and wearing helmets, the unionists formed a human chain around Parliament. In the process, however, they ended up defending the state from the angry mob outside. Rather than turning their anger at the politicians, they protected them. Riot police were therefore happy to sit back and let the two sides fight each other. Dozens of people were injured in the clashes.

[Delenda Carthago]

Is this a response to the manifestation of the class struggle in Greece since 2008?

I don't understand this change in line (or 'left turn'/Third Period style change) in comparison to the actions of the KKE- like physically protecting the Greek parliament from insurgent workers and pro-revolutionary minorities:



Edit: Fuck it. Dont answer.I dont even know why I bother.

[Tim Cornelis]

Is this a response to the manifestation of the class struggle in Greece since 2008?

I don't understand this change in line (or 'left turn'/Third Period style change) in comparison to the actions of the KKE- like physically protecting the Greek parliament from insurgent workers and pro-revolutionary minorities:

The KKE did not defend parliament. KKE/PAME held a peaceful demonstration in front of parliament to protest austerity measures. Then a group of what were ostensibly anarchists, Trotskyists, and some people with Greek flags, sought to move in front of parliament to do what they would always do and have always done: throw molotov cocktails behind the fences, hitting the fences, walking up the stairs and being beaten down by riot police. There was no intent of these anarchists, etc., to enter parliament (as if that's even possible), that was the interpretation given after the action to slander that the KKE protected parliament while in reality they protected their own demonstration.

[Sasha]

The KKE did not defend parliament. KKE/PAME held a peaceful demonstration in front of parliament to protest austerity measures. Then a group of what were ostensibly anarchists, Trotskyists, and some people with Greek flags, sought to move in front of parliament to do what they would always do and have always done: throw molotov cocktails behind the fences, hitting the fences, walking up the stairs and being beaten down by riot police. There was no intent of these anarchists, etc., to enter parliament (as if that's even possible), that was the interpretation given after the action to slander that the KKE protected parliament while in reality they protected their own demonstration.

a bit yes and very big NO, it started with a block of the populist/civil dissobediance group "we wont pay movement" who walked up towards parliament, they got attacked by the KKE/PAME security who guarded the line in front of parliament. between them and parliament where only riotpolice. only after this confrontation anarchists and anti-authoritarians got involved. Now ofcourse one could argue that the KKE thugs protected their demonstration because if "we wont pay" would pull a bit on the fences the riot police would attack, and probably also the PAME demo. But that really blurs the line between protecting your demo and becoming police by extension. if only because the very light police presence on the day as long as the KKE demo was held seems to imply that some kind of deal was struck before hand.

but this is really subject for another thread, one we already had a lot by the way...

[Ravachol]

The KKE did not defend parliament. KKE/PAME held a peaceful demonstration in front of parliament to protest austerity measures. Then a group of what were ostensibly anarchists, Trotskyists, and some people with Greek flags, sought to move in front of parliament to do what they would always do and have always done: throw molotov cocktails behind the fences, hitting the fences, walking up the stairs and being beaten down by riot police. There was no intent of these anarchists, etc., to enter parliament (as if that's even possible), that was the interpretation given after the action to slander that the KKE protected parliament while in reality they protected their own demonstration.


In addition to what Psycho said, check out this Dutch translation of a text by a Greek group on the matter: http://cerclenoir.wordpress.com/2013/01/08/zonder-jou-draait-geen-enkel-tandwiel/ because your conception of the events seems to be really weird.



but this is really subject for another thread, one we already had a lot by the way...

I agree, this kinda derails the thread.

[Delenda Carthago]

One of the biggest issues of discusion on the public pre-congress dialog within the party is the issue of imperialism as a definition and the role of Greece's within the imperialist chain. CC and the majority of the party considers Greece as an imperialist country with a medium position in the chain, and so the next revolution should be socialist. But there is a part of the party that considers Greece a depended country and that there should first be a stage of "anti-imp" revolution against USA and EU imperialism.

The part of the thesis of CE on the subject.

70. The counterrevolutionary overthrows of the last 30 years do not change the character of our era. The current historical period of the major retreat of the international labour movement, is a temporary one. We live in the era of the historical necessity for the transition from capitalism to socialism, as the material pre-conditions are mature for the socialist organization of production and society.
The historical setback in the development of the class struggle is accompanied by the mass influx of cheap labour force into the international capitalist market (from Asia, Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe etc.), resulting in the devaluation of the labour force in the most advanced capitalist countries (OECD countries), the emergence in these countries of the generalized absolute destitution of the working class, the intensification of capital’s offensive at an international level.
The tendency for important changes in the correlation of forces among the capitalist states became more apparent with the deep crisis of capital over-accumulation in 2008-2009 which in several capitalist economies has in reality not been overcome. This process occurs under the impact of the law of uneven capitalist development. This tendency concerns the higher levels of the imperialist pyramid as well.
The USA remains the first economic power, but with a significant reduction of its share in the Gross World Product. Until 2008, the EU as a whole maintained the second position in the international capitalist market, a position which it lost after the crisis. China has already emerged as the second economic power, the BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) has been strengthened in the international capitalist unions, such as the IMF and the G20. The change in the correlation of forces among the capitalist states brought about changes in their alliances, as the inter-imperialist contradictions over the control and re-division of the economic areas and markets are sharpening, chiefly of the energy and natural resources, the transport routes of the commodities.
The inter-imperialist contradictions, which in the past led to dozens of local, regional wars and to two World Wars, will continue to lead to tough economic, political and military confrontations, irrespective of the composition or recomposition, the changes in the structure and the framework of goals of the international imperialist unions, their so-called new “architecture”. In any case, “war is the continuation of politics by other means”, especially in the conditions of a deep crisis of over-accumulation and important changes in the correlation of forces of the international imperialist system, in which the re-division of the markets rarely occurs without bloodshed.
71. The periodical outbreak of the crises of over-accumulation tests the cohesion of the Eurozone, as a monetary union of the economies of member-states with deep unevenness in the development and structure of industrial production, in productivity and their position in the EU and international market.
The tendency for the strengthening of the interdependence of the economies of the states in the international imperialist system does not lead to a decline of the role of the bourgeois state, as many theoretical variations of “globalization” claim.
In any case, the future of the EU and the eurozone is not only determined by the imperialist plans, because the contradictions have their own dynamics. Whatever choice is made by the bourgeois management, it will come into conflict with the working class and people’s interests in all the member-states of the Eurozone.
The crisis highlighted even more intensely the historical limits of the capitalist system. The contradictions are sharpening, as well as the difficulties regarding the bourgeois political management of the crisis and the difficulty in passing into a new cycle of expanded reproduction of social capital in general.
72. Greek capitalism is in the imperialist stage of its development, in an intermediate position in the international imperialist system, with strong dependencies on the USA and the EU.
The adaptation of the Greek market to the western-European one began with its accession to the EEC at the beginning of the 1980s. Later on, with its accession to the EU in 1991 and more particularly to the eurozone in 2001. The Greek capitalist state was more organically integrated into the international imperialist system, through its participation in the restructuring of NATO and other imperialist inter-state alliances.
Greek capitalism initially benefited from the counterrevolutionary overthrows in the neighbouring Balkan countries and from joining the EU; it achieved significant capital exports in the form of direct investments which contributed to the profitability and accumulation of Greek businesses and consortia.
The capital exports also expanded to Turkey, Egypt, the Ukraine, China as well as to Britain, to the USA and other countries. It actively participated in all the imperialist interventions and wars, such as those against Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan etc.
In the decade which preceded the latest outbreak of the crisis, the Greek economy maintained a significantly higher annual rate of GDP growth than the corresponding level of the EU and the Eurozone, without substantially changing its position within it. However, it enhanced its position in the Balkans.
After the outbreak of the crisis, the position of Greek capitalism deteriorated in the framework of the eurozone and the EU and the international imperialist pyramid in general, something which does negate the fact that the accession of Greece to the EEC-EU served the most dynamic sections of domestic monopoly capital and contributed to the buttressing of its political power.
The participation of Greece in NATO -hence the bonds- the economic-political and political-military dependencies on the EU and the USA limit the negotiating strength of the Greek bourgeois class and its room for manoeuvre, as all the alliance relations of capital are governed by competition, unevenness and consequently the advantageous position of the strongest, as relations of uneven interdependence are formed.
The intra-bourgeois contradictions up to this point do not negate the strategic framework of accession to NATO and the EU. The intra-bourgeois contradictions are related to the priorities at the level of imperialist alliances. Even if the trend for remaining inside the eurozone continues to be strong, at the same time the trend for the strengthening of relations with Russia and China is being strengthened.
The dangers in the wider region are increasing, from the Balkans to the Middle East, for a generalized imperialist war and the involvement of Greece in it.
The struggle for the defence of the borders, the sovereign rights of Greece, from the standpoint of the working class and the popular strata is integral to the struggle for the overthrow of the power of capital. It does not have any relation with the defence of the plans of one or the other imperialist pole and the profitability of one or the other monopoly group.

[La Guaneña]

like physically protecting the Greek parliament from insurgent workers and pro-revolutionary minorities:

Yeah, I'd just say that is an opportunistic approach to the subject, comrade.

I don't know if you've seen situations such as this in real life, but I can tell you that things get pretty hot.

First off, saying that the KKE was somehow protecting the State is pretty far out. I would like to hear how an angry mob breaking into the Parliament and making total destroy was an actual threat to the State in that situation.

The KKE and the anarchists had a tactical disagreement, and sometimes, in very practical and hot headed situations, that means fisting your opinion into someone. Or even shooting them.

Now I do have my critiques to the KKE as well. I heard reports of anarchists being turned in to the cops, as long as some collaboration with the cops inside the PAME and KKE lines. If that is indeed true, it really really sucks, and should never happen again.

[Delenda Carthago]

Can we pu-lease focus on the serious stuff, like actual politics for example? My previous post on whether Greece is an imperialist country or not is less interesting than a fight that broke out 2 years ago that nobody gives a shit about?

[Delenda Carthago]

ARTICLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SECTION OF THE CC OF THE KKE

The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) will hold its 19th Congress on the 11-14 of April in Athens. The preparations for the Congress are in their final phase.



In a 4-month period the communists were able to discuss the activity of the party over the previous period, the tasks of the KKE for the following period and the party’s new draft Programme and its new draft Statutes.



For this reason, the CC published the “Theses”, which contained these documents and on the basis of which the pre-congress dialogue was held.



Our party, in an effort for the theses, concerns and tasks posed by the communists of Greece to become known beyond the country’s borders, has translated the entire text of the “Theses” into 4 languages: English (http://inter.kke.gr/News/news2013/2013-03-05-thesis), Arabic (http://ar.kke.gr/news/news2013/2013-03-05-thesis/), Spanish (http://es.kke.gr/news/news2013/2013-03-05-thesis), Russian (http://ru.kke.gr/news/news2013/2013-03-05-thesis). Messages of greetings are arriving from Communist and Workers’ and other parties from all over the world which you can find here (http://inter.kke.gr/Documents/19congress/2013-greetings-19congress) in their original form.



The discussion was held both in the assemblies of the party base organizations, in the conferences of the sectoral organizations as well as in the regional organizations which elected delegates to the Congress.



At the same time, a public pre-congress dialogue was held in the pages of “Rizospastis”, the daily paper and organ of the CC of the KKE, with the publication of hundreds of articles written by members, cadres and friends of the KKE.



In addition the party organizations organized dozens of rallies all over the country, where the “Theses” were presented to the workers. As is well-known, the KKE overcame the rationale of intermediate stages and determined the character of the revolution as being socialist in the Programme approved by the 15th Congress in 1996. It posed the resolution of the central contradiction between capital and labour, because it is precisely this contradiction that imposes the character of our era, the era of the transition from capitalism to socialism, as the material pre-conditions for socialist construction have matured.



This basic position of the KKE is confirmed in the new draft Programme, which will be discussed and approved by the 19th Congress. However, the KKE seeks to integrate both the decision of the 18th Congress, which enriches the party’s view on socialism, as well as the conclusions of the Nationwide Conference which examined the history of the KKE in the period 1949-1968.



Thus, the 15th Congress, utilizing the level which had been acquired, determined the line of the Antimonopoly-Anti-imperialist-Democratic Front as a line to rally popular forces, noting that the “KKE directs its action in such a way that the anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly struggle will develop and the anti-capitalist awareness of the working class and the popular strata will deepen”.



Today the Theses of the CC for the 19th Congress enrich this direction and determine the People’s Alliance, which has a clear anti-monopoly anti-capitalist orientation – as contemporary capitalism is monopoly capitalism- and promotes rupture with the imperialist unions, struggling against the imperialist war and participation in it, as the rallying line and line of struggle.



“The People’s Alliance, expresses the interests of the working class, the semi-proletarians, the poor self-employed and farmers in the struggle against the monopolies and capitalist ownership, against the assimilation of the country in the imperialist unions. Its struggle is directed towards the conquest of the working class- people’s power. For the KKE the new power is identified with working class power, the socialist power which scientific socialism defined as the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is the very opposite of the dictatorship of the bourgeois class, the bourgeois state.” Thus the role of the social forces, its social character, is strengthened in the People’s Alliance.



The People’s Alliance concerns itself with all the problems of the people, it has a clear anti-monopoly anti-capitalist orientation and today has acquired a certain form with the activity of PAME, PASEVE, PASY MAS, OGE with a common framework. It does not constitute an alliance of political parties.




It is assessed that the People’s Alliance in conditions of the revolutionary situation will be transformed into “the revolutionary workers’ and people’s front, using all forms of activity, can become the centre of the popular uprising against capitalist power. It must prevail in the basic regions, particularly in the industrial-trade-transport centres, communications and energy centres, so that the full demobilization of the mechanisms of bourgeois power is possible as well as their neutralization, and so that revolutionary institutions created by the people can emerge and prevail. These revolutionary institutions will undertake the new organization of society, the overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the establishment of revolutionary working class power.”

(...)

http://inter.kke.gr/News/2013-04-02-info-19congress/

[Rusty Shackleford]

One of the biggest issues of discusion on the public pre-congress dialog within the party is the issue of imperialism as a definition and the role of Greece's within the imperialist chain. CC and the majority of the party considers Greece as an imperialist country with a medium position in the chain, and so the next revolution should be socialist. But there is a part of the party that considers Greece a depended country and that there should first be a stage of "anti-imp" revolution against USA and EU imperialism.

The part of the thesis of CE on the subject.



So the KKE has a thesis to decide on whether to officially advocate the separation of Greece from the EU and NATO? Does it not already have this position?

i read the whole spoiler btw.

[Delenda Carthago]

So the KKE has a thesis to decide on whether to officially advocate the separation of Greece from the EU and NATO? Does it not already have this position?

i read the whole spoiler btw.
Its what I wrote before on the issue of imperialism and stage theory.

The thesis of the CC (which was voted by 95% of the party) is that imperialism is the time of socialist revolution and that its should be overthrown by a socialist revolution. But some people in the dialog disagreed and proposed that it should be done in two stages, one anti-imp/ national liberation and as a second stage, socialist revolution.


Both of the sides have of course common stance against EU and NATO.

Here (http://www.revleft.com/vb/imperialism-imperialist-pyramid-t179606/index.html)you can read an article on the subject by our GS.

[La Guaneña]

Its what I wrote before on the issue of imperialism and stage theory.

The thesis of the CC (which was voted by 95% of the party) is that imperialism is the time of socialist revolution and that its should be overthrown by a socialist revolution. But some people in the dialog disagreed and proposed that it should be done in two stages, one anti-imp/ national liberation and as a second stage, socialist revolution.



Are there other political forces in Greece that see the necessity of a national liberation struggle right now? Or would the KKE be alone on that as well?

[Yet_Another_Boring_Marxist]

Are there other political forces in Greece that see the necessity of a national liberation struggle right now? Or would the KKE be alone on that as well?

Well in all fairness it looks like only 5% of the KKE supports that view

[La Guaneña]

Well in all fairness it looks like only 5% of the KKE supports that view

Oh, now that I read it again that makes sense. Thanks, comrade.

[Delenda Carthago]

There is no national liberation needed to be done in Greece. Greece is not under occupation. It has monopolies that control the economy, greeks and foreign, and it has also exporting Capital in the form of bussinesses in other countries, many of which are banks. Greek capital chose to be in EU, in eurozone and NATO. It has benefits from it, even if that means that it has to follow the german capital like a puppet. So, now in Greece, national liberation and class liberation are on exactly the same move.

[Delenda Carthago]

Pafilis is one of the most possible to become the next GS.

YJeaPGGcgtU

[Delenda Carthago]

The Presentation of the Report of the CC of the KKE to the 19th Congress




We have reached this point after a 4-month long pre-congress process, with the completion of the assemblies of the PBOs (Party base Organizations) and the conferences of the Sectoral, Prefectural and Regional Committees.
The discussion was conducted in two rounds in the general assemblies of 98.5% of the PBOs. The participation of the party members was 77.8%, those absent with justifiable cause 14.9%, without justifiable cause 7.35%.
96.8% of the party members votes in favour of the Theses and draft Programme of the Party, 1.65% against, blank votes 1.55%.
97.3% of the party members votes for the draft Statutes in the PBOs, 1.21% against, blank votes 1.49%.
The results of the discussion in KNE are the following. 98.9% votes in favour, 1.1% votes against and blank votes.
This time we have not invited representatives of Workers’ and Communist Parties to follow the workings of the 19th Congress, solely for financial reasons. We have sent the Theses, and of course, as always, we are open to comments-suggestions and we will inform them about the decisions.
We received dozens of messages of greetings which will be included in the publication of the Congress materials.
We assure you that our internationalist solidarity remains at a high level. We feel that we must do even more, despite the fact that we face important events in Greece and the people’s position deteriorates in Greece on a daily basis. We believe in proletarian internationalism and in the pressing necessity for as many peoples as possible to come together against the imperialist centres and powers, against capitalism. Therefore it is inevitable for us to make efforts for the coordination and common activity of the people’s movements in the countries where the peoples are suffering from the economic crisis, imperialist wars, interventions, military occupation, poverty and hunger, oppression, torture, persecution, every form of injustice and arbitrariness created and reproduced by capitalist exploitation, the inter-imperialist competition.
We understand full well that for a substantial step forwards to be taken in the common activity of the peoples, basic and unfortunately chronic problems must be dealt with, such as: The continuation of the efforts for the formation of a Communist Pole, utilizing the progress made with the International Communist Review, the indefatigable efforts to maintain the communist characteristics of the International Meetings, against the plans to widen them with the so-called left forces.
The issue of which contradiction will be resolved by the social revolution and which class will take the power is the most important one for the elaboration of the Programme of the Communist Party and is the central strategic question. This fundamental issue was solved by the 15th Congress and for this reason it is one of the most important congresses in the contemporary history of the party. The 15th Congress determined that in the era of the passage from capitalism to socialism the class struggle is directed towards resolving the basic contradiction between capital and labour. The revolutionary change in Greece will be socialist. The driving forces of the revolution will be the working class as the leading force, the semi-proletarians, the poor farmers and the most oppressed sections of the urban intermediate strata.
At the same time the 19th Congress provides the answer to the pressing question of how the struggle to repel the barbaric class anti-people measures will be organized. Anti-people measures which are being taken by all the governments for the management of the crisis and the interests of the monopolies, either with ND as its core or with SYRIZA, or with a government of the so-called anti-memorandum arc from the populist right to the extra-parliamentary left.
We must rid ourselves of every spirit of practicalism, slackness, haphazardness, so that all activity is oriented to the same goal: To rally the anti-monopoly anti-capitalist forces on the basis of the common activity and their own tasks in every sector and place.
Every organ, from the CC to the PBO, every cadre and member, must feel part of a fighting staff and an integral section of the labour-people’s movement. We must acquire the ability to specialize and adapt and to unify the currents and sites of struggle at the grass roots. A unified strong nationwide current must be formed which has strong foundations: in every city, centred on the monopoly groups, factories, shopping centres, hospitals, health centres, electricity plants, telecommunications, public transport, all the traditional and contemporary sectors of the economy, the urban labourers, the poor farmers, the villages and of course in the places of education, in the places where the youth who are suffering are concentrated.
The issue of the organization of the unemployed, workers, employees and self-employed, professionals and immigrants- political refugees is a crucial one for the regroupment of the labour movement and the Social Alliance. There can be no forgiveness for any delays.
We must not allow the unemployed and destitute who live off the social groceries, handouts of food and medicines, which are provided by those who are chiefly responsible for the tragedy, the monopoly groups, to be transformed into passive individuals in the name of charity. We do not at all underestimate that the starving must eat, but the solidarity which we back must lead the suffering people to feel supported, to take part in the struggle, to live on the basis of their work, their own income, not to be dependent on the so-called charity which has also taken on the character of manipulation and assimilation instead of a dish of lentils.

*****
We have accumulated valuable experience regarding the issue of tactics being detached from strategy, which had serious and even dramatic consequences for the global communist and workers’ movement. This conclusion is drawn from: the experience of a number of countries of socialist construction in Europe, the fact that, while the world war created conditions for a major sharpening of class contradictions inside many countries, the anti-fascist struggle led to the overthrow of bourgeois power only in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, with the decisive support of the Red Army for the people’s movements. The bourgeois class was able in good time, with the assistance of reformism, opportunism, to deal a blow in the capitalist states which play a leading role on a global level that has lasted to the present day. On this occasion, we should think about what the situation would be if there was a strong class-oriented labour movement in the USA, Germany, Britain, France and in Northern and Western Europe in general. We cannot bypass the fact that in these countries the communist parties, which had acquired strong positions in the movement with a parliamentary presence reflective of this, were assimilated and mutated, in the framework of the prevailing strategic view that the possibility exists for a transitional anti-monopoly-democratic political programme on the terrain of capitalist dominance, which without being socialist, could defend the needs of the working class and popular strata and pave the way for socialism.
The basic problem of the strategy is the identification of the main link in the chain of events and in the web of contradictions in capitalist society. The policy of alliances, the slogans, the forms of struggle are a relatively more flexible element of strategy, as it is influenced by what link in the chain-in each phase- becomes important or decisive for the correlation of forces, the development of the correlation of forces, the level of the class struggle and the political consciousness of the working class and its allies. The limits of its flexibility are determined in the end by the strategic goal.
WHAT IS THE LINK IN THE CHAIN?
What is the link today, in non-revolutionary conditions, for the regroupment of the labour movement, the formation of a strong People’s Alliance? Maybe the struggle against the Memorandum, the haircut and the extension of the debt repayment, the expansion of state interventionism, the way out of the crisis through the recovery of capitalist profitability with the good capitalists in the forefront and not the pirates, as SYRIZA is saying, through which you will be able to grasp and hold the entire chain in your hand? Is the Keynesian management proposed by the reformists and the opportunists a link? Is the cooperation with a section of the bourgeois class a link? Of course not.
The fact that the way out of the crisis does not constitute on its own a link in the chain for the recovery of the movement is demonstrated by the unwillingness of both the governing and opposition parties to acknowledge the character of the crisis as a crisis of over-production and over-accumulation of capital, as a phenomenon which is rooted in the nature and character of the capitalist system. They attribute it to the bad management of the financial revenue of the state, to the fact that the Greek people spent more than they earned and therefore state and private borrowing was needed. Or that tax evasion is exclusively to blame, party-political favours, the generous benefits for friendly businessmen. Or the fact that the reactionary reforms were delayed in Greece, as well as the restructuring provided for in the Maastricht Treaty etc. All the parties talk about thieves, the corrupt, and indeed SYRIZA, as long as it sees that it may govern, talks about a “kleptocracy” about good and bad businessmen, about a government of corruption, so that it is freed of whatever commitments it undertook in the last elections that it would take measures against the interests of big business.

The struggle against the consequences of the crisis, the prevention of the people becoming even more bankrupt, a pro-people way out of the crisis can constitute, under certain pre-conditions, a link for the organization of the working class-people’s counteroffensive, and become the launching pad of the support, which will have as mass a character as is possible, for the struggle for the overthrow of the power of the monopolies, in combination with the struggle against imperialist war and whatever form of participation on the part of the Greek bourgeois class in it.
The alliance policy of the KKE is based on the objective necessity to promote the unity of action of the working class and its joint activity with the semi-proletarians, poor self-employed and tradesmen and the poor farmers, with particular care to draw in young people and women, who due to a number of well-known reasons face additional difficulties and obstacles regarding their stable participation in the organization and struggle.
The KKE does not hide the fact that, as the leading organized section of the working class, it has socialism-communism as its strategic goal, the overthrow of bourgeois power and the conquest of political power by the working class. Through its proposal for the People’s Alliance it makes those necessary compromises, as it is not possible to require the Social Alliance to agree with its programme.
The objective interests of the working class lie in the abolition of every form of ownership of the means of production, large and concentrated, medium and small, as this entails the exploitation of the workers, their alienation from the wealth they produce. The self-employed, due to their intermediate position, have an interest in struggling against the monopolies on the one hand, but they find it difficult to take a position against the exploitation of man by man.
The compromise proposed by the KKE does not abolish the differences between them, on every occasion the maintenance of joint action will be attempted inside the ranks of the People’s Alliance, there will be realignments, the alliance itself will be restructured without losing its character, according to the developments in the correlation of forces and the progress of the class struggle.
These who accuse us of referring everything to socialism and that we withdraw from the struggle regarding the sharpening problems of the workers are pretending that they do not see and do not know that the KKE, and together with those who cooperate with it, took on its shoulders the greatest burden of the popular mobilizations, while we took initiatives for the development of fronts of struggle on specific and immediate problems: from the heavy taxes and road tolls, to the strike mobilizations for collective bargaining agreements, against all the memorandum measures, for social security and health, the farmers’ problems, the major needs of the self-employed, the youth and women.
We refer to the hard work inside and outside the factory gate, on the ramps of the ships, in the national roads, the poor neighbourhoods, the schools, the Universities and Technical Institutes, the rural areas.
Regarding the issue of the line of the alliances of the 15th and 19th Congresses, it is the, same, alliance of social forces which have an interest in abolishing the power of the monopolies. Indeed in the conditions of the crisis, most sections of the intermediate strata approach the working class, pass into the category of the poor intermediate strata, the semi-proletarians are on the increase. In comparison to the period of the 15th Congress, the role of the immigrant workers and political refugees has increased, despite the fact that a section of them are leaving Greece mainly due to unemployment.
It was underlined at the 15th Congress that the formation of the alliances begins from the bottom up, that the decisive arena is the social one, while it clarified that the contradiction with imperialism and the monopolies was very deeply anti-capitalist. It mentioned that, in the instance when the class struggle intensifies to unprecedented levels and the bourgeois parties are weakened, the possibility of the formation of a government, through elections, may emerge with sections of the anti-monopoly anti-imperialist forces. It very clearly talked about this as a possibility and not as an aim or political goal of the KKE, but about the possibility of the sudden change in the correlation of forces being expressed in this way for a moment, and indeed it was underlined that this would not be able to last very long, either a revolutionary situation would manifest itself openly or there would be a setback.
It talked about a government of anti-imperialist anti-monopoly forces and not about a government of the AADF (Anti-imperialist Anti-monopoly Democratic Front), the participation of the KKE was not mentioned anywhere, nor the commitment of the KKE in relation to it. The study of the socialist revolutions of the 20th century, the maturing of the party, the 18th Congress highlighted the need to clarify programmatically the position of the KKE on the issue of alliances, the relationship of the party with the People’s Alliance, the stance of the party regarding governments on the terrain of capitalism, the development of the alliance in a revolutionary situation. It is not of course possible to predetermine the “moments” through which the correlation of forces will be expressed in the phase when the revolutionary situation and the confrontation for the transition to socialism matures. These “moments” can be assessed afterwards regarding their form, content etc.
The People’s Alliance is social, as regards what social forces should join together in the struggle, it has movement characteristics in a line of counterattack, rupture and overthrow. It has a proposal for governance-power which is clearly distinct from the bourgeois governance or the government of bourgeois management, i.e. from the political power of the monopolies, in the sense that it directs its activity towards the change of class and social forces which are in power.
Today the seedlings of this alliance are being created in Greece, in the form of PAME-PASEVE-PASY-OGE-MAS, with an organized movement basis in the workplaces and the working class and popular neighbourhoods. Of course the form which this alliance takes, its reach reflects the specific correlation of forces at a specific moment and is not static. The People’s Alliance will be reinforced through the change in the correlation of forces at the level of the movement’s organizations, from the bottom up. This development will also lend it new forms especially from the bottom up, new realignments will emerge inside it and under the impact of the change of the correlation of forces in general, which cannot be predetermined today.
The problem is not whether the movement will promote immediate demands, this issue has been resolved, but what political line will provide an answer to the pressing and accumulating problems of the people. With the monopolies or against their dominance? With the power of the monopolies or with the power of the working people?
The character of the People’s Alliance as a social alliance with a political perspective of working class-people’s power is not consistent with the participation of parties, including the KKE of course.
To the extent which through the development of the class struggle political forces are formed with a petty bourgeois character and which adopt the direction of the struggle in their programme that has people’s power as its outcome, then in this instance the KKE will cooperate with them, while in reality there will also be a confrontation with these forces regarding the character and perspective of the People’s Alliance. The joint activity of the KKE with such political forces will be expressed in the ranks and organs of struggle of the People’s Alliance which will be based in the workplaces and popular neighbourhoods, with the trade union, general assembly and struggle committees as the forms of organization.
We will not constitute a united political vehicle with these forces, a united electoral formation and parliamentary group, precisely because it is not possible for us to have a unified programme for power and a unified view regarding its conquest. Otherwise, the independence and raison d’etre of the KKE will be lost.
The capitalist system in Greece, as in every other country, is not going to collapse on its own, due to its contradictions. The major sharpening of the social contradictions will lead to conditions of a revolutionary situation, to conditions of a serious sharpening of the class struggle while an all-powerful labour movement in alliance with popular strata which are suffering will have matured and will have come to the fore. In the conditions of the revolutionary situation, what will be judged is the will and decision of the people to break and abolish the chains of class exploitation, oppression, the entanglement in the imperialist war, with the appropriate choice of slogans and all the forms of struggle.
THE RECIPES FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF THE CRISIS
It is a fact that the bourgeois class of our country, as well as of course the European bourgeois class and the global one is not united as to what recipe will contribute to dealing with the capitalist economic crisis. The whole knot of inter-imperialist contradictions is being manifested regarding the recipes and variations, with axes and anti-axes which are quite often changing and while itas bee realized that the capitalist system, especially in the old capitalist world in Europe, cannot use the methods for the way out in the same way and manage the poverty and unemployment with some partial benefits and similar concessions.
The recipes of the Keynesian and neo-liberal model of management which alternated in the 20th century and of course did not prevent the economic crisis cycles are confronting each other in the same framework and with the same class goal. They have led to two world wars and dozens of local ones for the re-division of the markets and concerning changes in the top positions of the imperialist pyramid.
We witness mobility in the history of he bourgeois parties, both of liberal and the well-known social-democratic ideology. National Socialism-fascism and contemporary social-democracy, which from the standpoint of its organizational background constitutes a new opportunist current originating from the communist movement, both belong to bourgeois ideology and the bourgeois political system.
In the first years after the fall of the dictatorship we had the two pole system of ND and PASOK which is being transformed into ND-SYRIZA, while in the recent elections (apart from the dismantling of social-democracy) there were splits both from ND and from SYRIZA itself. In addition, the national socialist and fascist Golden Dawn emerged with electoral strength and influence.
The changes in the arrangement of the political forces which support in one way or another the capitalist system (and consequently its political superstructure, the composition of the parliament and the formation of a government) express the general and more specific needs of capitalist development in the specific phase. In any case the liberal and Keynesian political lines were followed in our country both by ND and PASOK.
The reformation of the political system took place in EU states before the current crisis broke out, with the best example being our neighbour Italy. Alternations in the management were tried out before the crisis in many European capitalist states, as centre-left and centre-right recipes have been tested, with the participation of communist parties and other opportunist parties, “renewed” as they call themselves, which arose out of splits from the communist parties. We have seen governments, even of a relatively brief duration, with the participation of far-right parties, such as in Austria, the Netherlands, Norway etc. We have seen an alternation of parties with different recipes for bourgeois management in Latin America. The participation of AKEL in government also provides us with experience.
Some well-wishers criticize us today because we do not promote cooperation with political parties or with some sections of them with aim of preventing the downward spiral which the living standards of the people are in, i.e. they suggest that we ignore the relationship between politics and the economy.
They are telling us that we should forget that the monopolies are dominant everywhere in the economy and superstructure and indeed are being strengthened through centralization, and that the assimilation of Greece in the EU imposes objectively greater commitments and dependencies, new limitations and concessions of rights and responsibilities.
They advise us to ignore that the capitalist relations have expanded into agricultural production, education, health, culture-sports, the mass media, that there is greater concentration in manufacturing, retail, construction, tourism. They advise us to ignore that with the abolition of the state monopoly in telecommunications and in the monopolized energy and transport sectors companies have developed and those that are based on private capital will develop in the future.
That we should forget that whatever governmental changes may occur, however much the political system may be repaired, the protagonist will still be the monopoly.
The three-party government has mapped out a line both regarding the EEZ and the continental shelf, with as its main aim the freeing of the hands of the monopoly groups that will undertake the exploration and up to and including the exploitation of the hydrocarbons, placing in a secondary position and even ignoring the sovereign rights in the Aegean Sea and anywhere else they may be called into question in the future. The knot is so confused in relation to the region of the Aegean, Ionian Sea and Southern Crete, due to the inter-imperialist contradictions and the political line of the government, that the developments require close monitoring and vigilance.
SYRIZA, having drawn in forces from PASOK, entire sections of PASOK’s apparatus, having added to its electoral strength a section of the communist votes, very quickly shed promises and radical slogans, which had made it popular with leftwing and radical masses.
Greece today has major unutilized productive potential which can be liberated only through the socialization of the means of production by the working class-people’s power, with the central scientific planning of production.
What we say is that the conditions exist in order to satisfy the contemporary needs of the people and not just the people’s needs in general; in order to eradicate unemployment, reduce the working time and increase free time; in order to ensure a secure future for the children of the working people; in order for the living standards of the people to constantly and essentially improve; in order for development to be in harmony with the environment; in order for healthcare to be based on prevention, on an extensive network of public health and other issues mentioned in the Theses; in order for families and mainly women to be released from a part of the housework so as to have more free time for cultural and social activity and for their participation in the workers’ control.
Greece possesses important domestic energy resources, considerable mineral resources, industrial, craft, and agricultural production which can meet a large part of the people’s needs: food and energy, transport, the construction of public infrastructure works and people’s housing. The agricultural production can support industry in its various sectors.
The position that a new “haircut” is needed which is supported by SYRIZA and other parties, adopting the position of the IMF, is something different from the position of the KKE. The KKE demands the unilateral cancellation of the whole debt and not just a reduction with new anti-people rafts of measures, new memoranda, with the privatization of strategically important sectors, prime real-estate etc. as a counterbalance.
The withdrawal from the Eurozone as some suggest or the view that Euro is not a fetish is one thing and the position of the KKE for the disengagement from the EU is altogether quite another thing.
The position of the KKE which is against any participation in imperialist unions, something that is ensured with the workers’ power is one thing and the withdrawal from the EU in order to enhance the participation in other centres e.g. USA- Britain, China, Russia, Brazil is quite another.
The proposal of the KKE which is addressed to the people has no relation with the change of currency nor with linking the drachma with the dollar, sterling, yen or any other currency. We do not choose between a rock and a hard place.
It is possible for a party to adopt the withdrawal from the Eurozone in the instance it assesses that basic sections of the bourgeois class benefit from a national currency and indeed a devaluation.
The proposal of the KKE for the governance of workers’ and people’s power is one thing and the proposal of SYRIZA for a government of the left or with the left at its core is quite another. In the first instance we have a fundamental change in the political power while in the second instance a change of government that will follow the same line as the previous one, since all decisions and choices for the recovery will be taken by the monopolies, capital.
Of course, Greece holds a subordinate position in the established imperialist alliances in which it participates (EU, NATO, IMF etc). However, this position flows from its economic-political-military power as a capitalist state. The unequal relations which prevail among the capitalist states-alliances flow from this very fact. They are competitive relations and they might even be relations of hatred, however, they do not negate their common strategic interests.
The question of whether a government based on parliament can pave the way for the revolutionary process is baseless and utopian according to the experience of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st.
We have paid the price for complacency
We should seriously take into account the assessment of the Theses that we did not avoid, starting from the outgoing Central Committee and consequently till the level of the PBO, a spirit of complacency because we have a correct political line. This is not enough although it constitutes an essential precondition for a Communist Party. As a result of complacency we have not taken all necessary measures in good time so as to achieve the respective competence in promoting our strategy in practice regarding the main front which is the working class and the party building, the assistance to KNE, the development of bonds with young people.
For a certain phase (its duration cannot be predetermined) the correlation of forces is determined irrespective of the will of the party as it is a product of the activity of the classes and the parties. This does not mean that it remains still and unchangeable. Under certain conditions there might be a change in a positive direction, as well as a setback, as the capitalist reality itself does not remain static.
It is at this point that the subjective factor intervenes. The activity of the party and the working class must have such a direction so as to facilitate, so as to assist the change of the correlation of forces according to the existing possibilities. Of course the result of the change is determined by the correlation of forces as a whole.
The CC is responsible for the delay in the redeployment of the forces of the party in the working class from the 16th Congress onwards. In addition it is held responsible because it should have formed a plan for the promotion of the redeployment, more systematically and above all with more effective political guidance; a plan that should reach the level of the PBOs, a plan that should be combined with activity so that all forces are working for the same goal, so that they support all the necessary central initiatives, so that the experience from below enriches the central political guidance and makes it more apt, more effective.
At the same time the work among women has not become an essential, inextricably linked aspect of this task. The building of the Social People’s Alliance everywhere in the sectors, in the neighbourhoods has not been incorporated as a way of working.
Without the strengthening of our activity in the working class and its movement, without the activity among the self-employed, who also exert influence on the orientation of the working class, it is not possible to achieve the rise and the politicization of the movement, including in the places of residence.
In conditions of a revolutionary situation the class struggle rises very sharply , forces determined to take their future into their own hands, broader working class and oppressed popular masses join the struggle are ready to come into conflict. The possibility is created for them to realize that their interest lies in the socialization and the agricultural cooperatives. This holds true even for forces that have not gone through the ordeal of a long-term struggle. However, the conscious revolutionary core of the people who have risen up must be strong and experienced, it must have a strong basis in the organized workers in industry, in centres of commerce and transport, in centres of communication and energy so as to achieve the demobilization and neutralization of the mechanisms of the bourgeois power.
When the labour movement and the poor popular strata have sentiments which at least show that they can go beyond exerting pressure on a government, even more so, when they start realizing to one or the other extent the necessity of a more fundamental change then it is certain that forces that will try to keep the movement in the framework of the system, to divert it or use it for their own particularly narrow sectional interests will be activated in an organized and planned way.
We have very recent examples from other countries which show that once the people became active forces that sought to hold back and impede the people took action, forces that wanted “to become the caliph instead of the caliph”. The Egyptian and Tunisian “spring” is an example of this. Indeed it provoked such admiration on the part of the opportunists and reformists in Greece that they said that what the Greece of the “memoranda” needs is a Tahrir Square. There are many examples from EU countries, with the emergence of parties and politicians-shooting stars –with an alleged anti-systemic character- that trap the working class and popular strata in a rationale of the alternation of governments, far removed from the class struggle, the Social Alliance, the prospect of socialism-communism.
We have seen such movements in the 1960’s and the 1970’s which were called new social movements and were supposed to bring about the desired change and put the class struggle and the struggle for the solution of the problem of power in the dustbin of history. These movements were identified with the alternation of liberal and social democratic parties in government, centre-left and centre right governments, they were leader-oriented movements with the extravagant promotion of leaders that charmed the masses.
The so-called alternative parties of bourgeois governance, the allegedly alternative movements to the class struggle are created or reinforced after their emergence as a basis for this exists and this basis is the labour aristocracy, a section of the state employees, of the intermediate strata that operate as the allies and periphery of the monopolies. These movements are convincing because they deceive the people talking about rupture without a line of rupture, about overthrow without overthrow, about revolution without revolution given that they enjoy the good favour of sections of the bourgeois class as well as cells and mechanisms of the system, with indeed international connections.
The participation of AKEL in the government provides significant experience as well as the stance of the partner-parties in conditions of EU-membership and while the issue of Cyprus remains unresolved not only due to the intransigent stance of Turkey that insists on the occupation but also due to the interests of the imperialists as well as due to their own competition in a significant region with hydrocarbons and their transport routes.
We have not managed to achieve the required competence, as a party, to work among popular masses either of working class background or masses that come from the petty-bourgeois popular strata and have a very low level of organization and experience.
This assessment of ours has nothing to do with the slanderous allegation that the KKE participates actively only in activities of the movement which are led and controlled by it. This is a lie. The fact that we have to be everywhere where struggles break out, everywhere where masses take action, the fact that our criterion should not be whether they agree with us or whether they adopt all the demands that we believe does not mean that we do not make criticisms or even that we cannot refuse to participate in activities organized behind the scenes by specific groups and forces that seek to steal the people’s consent and indeed with slogans such as “burn down the Parliament” or “down with the thieves all of them to the firing squad”. The same holds true when party officials appear with another label that of the independent and autonomous with indeed the position “out with parties and mass organizations”.
We have to take very seriously into account that our party, and KNE in particular, address themselves mainly to young people between the ages of 15-25 in workplaces, in sectors, and to young people who are unemployed, dismissed or are looking for a job for the first time in their lives and cannot find one, to hundreds of thousands of young people who are in schools, universities or vocational schools. We should not forget, we should take into account in each step that the working class has children and therefore the activity oriented to younger people concerns all workplaces no matter if the number of young employees there is small. In many cases young people have two “characteristics” i.e. they study and work at the same time either in the framework of their traineeship or in order to ensure an income as they belong to poor families. For instance the number of people employed in the 5-month programmes of the municipalities is on the increase. These programmes appear as sectors of “social economy” which in the next years will apparently expand with the graduates of the Technical Institutes as an extension of the so called institution of “traineeship” and “work experience”.
The activity in the schools, vocational education, in the whole network of training centres has more specificities. The latter are constantly being set up by the system, businessmen and self-employed as they provide even cheaper and easier to manipulate labour power, with even less economic and institutional rights. A similar specificity is characteristic of the activity in the universities and the Technical Institutes.
A kind of contradiction appears in practice: according to which criteria do we approach them, which element prevails, that of employment or that of education. It is obvious that both elements should be taken into account in a unified analysis focusing above all on educating them in a class-oriented way, on the coordination with the workers’ unions, in each sector etc.
The bourgeois state and its political staff, especially the ideological state apparatus in education, the multi-tentacled state and business mechanisms in education, propaganda, culture and sports organise their ideological-political intervention among much younger age groups i.e. nursery, primary school, junior high school, age groups that cannot have acquired experiences of collective militant activity. These age groups children cannot acquire critical thinking and collective activity given the ideological political assimilation that takes place through the school programmes and in the same way that the respective ideological struggle in the movement of the teachers and the youth. Definitely, parents and teachers must be at the frontline of the struggle against the “devshirme” (boys’ recruitment in the Ottoman Empire) which is organized by the Golden Dawn in order to educate the children, the very young age groups –and therefore very sensitive- in the Nazi views and practices, in the persecution of the communist ideals and the communists themselves.
The course of the developments- a party for all seasons
Anticommunism is the first stage of the new overall attack against the people.
The developments indicate that state violence and repression, the restriction of any political and trade union liberties which are established by law will signal the reactionary revision of the constitution that will incorporate the laws and the restrictions of the EU. The bourgeois class and its parties are not satisfied with the bourgeois democracy that they established themselves, with the limited bourgeois legitimacy. Their choice to break the labour movement, to impede any possible radicalization of the poor popular strata is inextricably linked with the restriction of the activity of the KKE even with the declaration of anticommunism, of the well known theory of the two extremes, as the official state ideology.
In case of a more direct and active involvement in an imperialist war the first measures that will be taken will be related to the movement and the party. Therefore, our duty is for our party to achieve a complete readiness targeting mainly the development of more substantial bonds with the largest possible section of the working class, to overcome weaknesses either in terms of orientation or in terms of taking practical measures, in order to reinforce the People’s Alliance, in order for the anti-monopoly anti-capitalist direction of struggle that protects the people from all kinds of attacks to become a conviction of the people.
According to the current data it is not easy to predict whether the possibility of an uncontrolled bankruptcy followed by the withdrawal from the Eurozone or its split due to the withdrawal of a more powerful country such as Italy has vanished. Such predictions are a fact and these fears exist in the regional and global staffs of imperialism especially those which are engaged with the assessment of the economic developments. It is not a coincidence that the government –especially the Prime Minister- speaks about the possibility of an accident.
It is also possible that the Eurozone will remain as it is today, though, with the recognition and the establishment of different zones. It is also possible to opt for a new internal depreciation with a new “haircut”, a demand which is also shared by SYRIZA thus supporting the position of the IMF, which it regarded for a long time as a black sheep compared to the EU.
Definitely, irrespective of the various scenarios which haven’t been finalized yet, the process of centralization of the accumulated capital in the hands of a smaller number of larger monopoly groups will intensify.
We concentrate our attention on the developments in Cyprus while it is necessary for us to follow the possible implications for Greece. The depreciation of accumulated capital of the Cypriot banks constitutes the launching pad for the promotion of the multiple goals and results in Cyprus being transformed a weak link inside the Eurozone.
We concern ourselves with the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean as a whole. It becomes more complicated, it will have new negative consequences for the Cyprus issue which is a problem of invasion-occupation, given the rapprochement between Cyprus and Israel, the aspirations in Egypt concerning the revision of the agreement on the demarcation of the Exclusive Economic Zone in the background of the Turkish demands.
The recent developments with the cowardly and ambiguous-in terms of objectives- effort of the government to deal with the issue of the Exclusive Economic Zone brought more clearly to the forefront the fierce war among the imperialist powers, old and new ones, something that increases the danger of the country being involved in an imperialist war at the side of the one or the other imperialist alliance.
The contradictions between Turkey and Albania as well as Egypt will be even more intensively expressed in Greece and the wider region and thus everything is possible, including war. The KKE assesses that the working class of the country and its allies in the antimonopoly struggle must prepare themselves ideologically-politically above all about the line to deal with such a development. In this direction, the KKE must place emphasis not only on the general ideological-political preparation but also on the regroupment of the labour movement, on the strengthening of the people’s alliance, on party building in sectors of strategic importance.
The position of the KKE is clear: it is not possible to restrict ourselves to our old valuable experience. We cannot rule out the possibility, unlike the period of the Second World War when the liberal section of the bourgeois class fled from the country, that this time the bourgeois class of the country, a section of its political representatives will seek active participation at the side of the one or the other imperialist power in case of an attack by a neighboring country or by another country in the region and that it will seek to transform the defensive war into an aggressive one. Do not forget that the bourgeois class had not abandoned the effort to break the movement of EAM from within.
It set up EDES (National Republican Greek League) and the other sections of “Security Battalions” before it left in order to break the robust movement of resistance and particularly the KKE. The appetite of the bourgeois class to take an active part in the distribution of the markets through war will be increasingly connected to a misleading nationalist campaign that will use various pretexts, that will seek to convince the Greek people that their material interest lies in being drawn into an expansionist war, to seek annexations or to accept new compromises and dependencies. In any case, whatever form the participation of Greece in the imperialist war takes, the party must lead the independent organization of the workers’-people’s resistance and link it with the struggle for the complete defeat of the bourgeois class, both of the domestic one and the foreign one as an invader.
The KKE must take initiatives, according to the concrete conditions, for the formation of the workers’ and people’s front with the slogan: the people will give freedom and the way-out from the capitalist system which as long as it prevails brings war and “peace” with the gun to the people’s head. What do we predict?
A. The implementation of European repressive laws and mechanisms (similar to martial law), which have been incorporated into laws based on the Parliament, and the utilization of some of them in the revision of the constitution.
B. That the current constitution or the new constitution will be utilized for the separation of the parties into parties that are in the constitutional arc and those that are outside, according to the criterion of whether the programme of a party praises the capitalist system or not. In this case the sole and exclusive target is the KKE, which from the very first moment of its foundation has very clearly declared the struggle for the overthrow of the capitalist system and the victory of the socialist working class power.
C. That the right to strike, the forms of struggle that correspond to the needs of the class struggle will be restricted and may even be outlawed.
D. That laws will be passed which will intervene in the internal affairs of parties, in their functioning etc, obviously targeting the KKE, in every form of organization that calls the capitalist system into question and aims at protecting itself from state violence and repression.
Today the bourgeois political system has found its instrument in order to promote such measures, which is none other than Golden Dawn, the national-socialist Nazi formation which is based on the criminal underworld, uses physical violence and abuse and is transforming into an organization- assault battalion along the lines of the SS.
Golden Dawn must be isolated from the people in the ranks of the movement and not outside the movement, for being a national-socialist party, for being the extreme expression of the system and not for being something outside the bourgeois political system and the bourgeois parliamentary democracy. Golden Dawn cannot be dealt with or isolated with anathemas like “it does not belong to the constitutional arc” or with slogans calling for the defense of bourgeois democracy, but with the antimonopoly anti-capitalist rally and alliance, with the organization of the people at the grassroots’ level, in the workplaces and the sectors, with the Social Alliance that will be organized on a geographical basis as well.
On the party’s programme
The main material for the elaboration of the Programme was the relevant document of the 18th Congress which enriched our perception on socialism.
In the new Programme which we propose there are several differentiations compared to the 18th Congress which are due to the further study of the developments in the political system of socialism, of the issue of socialist democracy and the forms of the workers’ power.
There are already issues or issues will emerge, which require further study so as to proceed to a prognosis and specialization in as timely fashion as possible.
For instance, today there is a need to carry out a more detailed, based on a scientific method, analysis of the developments in the urban intermediate strata, in the self-employed. We should better analyze the development of social stratification in conditions of a new monopoly centralization, in conditions of the complete liberalization etc. in order to better determine the anti-monopoly, anti-capitalist social forces which objectively can become allies of the working class as well as in order to define the role of the self-employed in socialism, especially of those who cannot be incorporated into the socialized and cooperative sector from the initial stage of socialist construction, in order to predict their stance and development.
In the programme of the party we clarify that a large part of the self-employed will be incorporated into the socialized sector while another part will remain self-employed, though without using salaried labour.
The producer cooperatives have been designated for the small agricultural producers. It will require further work in order to shed light on the policy for the development of agricultural production, on agricultural producer cooperatives.
We elaborated the organization of the new power which is a matter for all the working class and the way to ensure the participation of the other social forces. We defined the role of the party in the organs of power, from the bottom up, we specified the criteria regarding remuneration, the distribution of the social product, the way and the criteria according to which the satisfaction of the social needs will take place.
Another important element is the chapter on the revolutionary situation, the struggle of the new against the old, the planned eradication of the elements of immaturity which characterize socialism as the lowest phase of communism. We highlight the relation between economic immaturity and social inequalities, social stratification as well as the general line of the necessity for the new socialist relations to be extended, to deepen, for the communist relations and the new man to develop to a higher level so as to consolidate the irreversible course of socialism in conditions when the capitalist relations have been abolished at a global level or at least in the most developed and significant countries in the imperialist system.
The decisions that will be taken at the 19th Congress, based on the opinion of the great majority of the members of the party and of the assemblies of the Party Base Organisations, of the sectoral and regional conferences, on the opinion of the members of KNE, of the friends and supporters of the party, oblige the whole party to be more demanding in relation to the Central Committee, to meet the requirements in complicated conditions, sharp turns and bends , and regarding new issues that will possibly arise.
The work of the Congress is starting now. The delegates have been elected in order to contribute to the elaboration of the decisions, to the election of the Central Committee and the Central Auditing Committee, in order to make decisions with a sense of responsibility, something which has been confirmed by the processes up until now.
On the 15th of April we must have taken one step forwards. It is our duty. The thousands of militants have the right to demand from us an increased capacity and militancy, readiness, selflessness, unity of theory and practice, unity of words and deeds.






Its big, but interesting.

[Delenda Carthago]

This is pretty kewl...
http://www.902.gr/sites/default/files/styles/902-original/public/Media/20130411/19o-synedrio-kke-55.jpg


This is a photo from the first day of the Congress. The people with the yellow folders are there as guests. The guy in the second row on the right, with the beard and the brown jacket, is this dope ass basket ball player. :cool:

cQHbTib6EDo

Glad to have him as comrade!

[Delenda Carthago]

http://www.paraskhnio.gr/wp-content/uploads/%CE%9A%CE%BF%CF%84%CF%83%CE%BF%CF%85%CE%BC%CF%80%C E%B1%CF%82-%CE%9A%CE%9A%CE%95.jpg



Dimitris Koutsoumpas, the new GS of KKE.:cool:

[garrus]

Who's the guy , first row, far left with the yellow envelope? (the one fully in frame)
Isn't he a greek MP?

Also, who is in the new central committee (assuming it's reconstructed in every congress)?

[Delenda Carthago]

Who's the guy , first row, far left with the yellow envelope? (the one fully in frame)
Isn't he a greek MP?

Also, who is in the new central committee (assuming it's reconstructed in every congress)?
Its the mayor of Athens, how do you know him?:confused:

The new CC consists of 63 people, of course it was reconstructed.


Here are the names in greek.
http://www.902.gr/eidisi/politiki/14445/i-ke-kai-i-keoe-poy-eklehthikan-apo-19o-synedrio-toy-kke

[garrus]

Its the mayor of Athens, how do you know him?

Through the powers of eyesight and hearing.:)


The size of the central committee depends on the number of party members?

[Delenda Carthago]

The size of the central committee depends on the number of party members?
No.

[Delenda Carthago]

Another nice photo from the congress I liked. The change of guards.;)1


http://www.star.gr/publishingimages/2013/04/140413090023_3326.jpg

[garrus]

No.

Well that was informative... On what does it depend then?

[Die Neue Zeit]

One thing the KKE sure doesn't know, unfortunately, is how to be a unified or united social front.

[Delenda Carthago]

Well that was informative... On what does it depend then?
On the infrastructure of the party in general. On the new programm, there was a cut in a level in the middle of the party, therefore, the people in CC became less.

[Delenda Carthago]

One thing the KKE sure doesn't know, unfortunately, is how to be a unified or united social front.
Unified with who?

[Die Neue Zeit]

With itself, as in all social strata of the political organization's base being unified.

[La Guaneña]

With itself, as in all social strata of the political organization's base being unified.

What do you mean by that? As a foreign observer, it seems like the PAME, PASY and student fronts are pretty good at working together.

[Yet_Another_Boring_Marxist]

One thing the KKE sure doesn't know, unfortunately, is how to be a unified or united social front.

I assume you mean that you take issue with their refusal to cooperate with the Coalition of the Radical Left. I don't think this is a bad thing, on the contrary it is a good way to maintain class Independence and hopefully it will undermine that organization and cause it to disintegrate, drawing people to a real class party


Edited for sectarian one liner.

[Die Neue Zeit]

What do you mean by that? As a foreign observer, it seems like the PAME, PASY and student fronts are pretty good at working together.


I assume you mean that you take issue with their refusal to cooperate with the Coalition of the Radical Left. I don't think this is a bad thing, on the contrary it is a good way to maintain class Independence and hopefully it will undermine that organization and cause it to disintegrate, drawing people to a real class party

Edited for sectarian one liner.

Neither of those, although the reference to SYRIZA is close. Not for nothing does exist SYRIZA - Unified/United Social Front.

[La Guaneña]

What the hell are you trying to say? No compreendo señor.

[Le Socialiste]

Aleka Papariga steps down from helm of Greek Communist Party after 22 years

After 22 years at the helm of the Greek Communist Party (KKE), general secretary Aleka Papariga said that she would not be running for the post again late on Saturday ahead of the final day of the party's 19th congress in Athens.

The party's central committee replaced the 67-year-old veteran with Dimitris Koutsoumbas, promoting him from party secretary.

Born in 1955 in Lamia, central Greece, Koutsoumbas joined KKE's youth wing during the dictatorship when he was a student at Athens Law School, becoming a member of the party in 1974 and being elected to the party's central committee in 1987. He was appointed secretary of the party in 2009.

Papariga was elected to the post of KKE's general secretary in 1991, becoming the first and longest-serving female party leader in Greece.

KKE currently holds 12 seats in the 300-member Greek Parliament after receiving 4.5 percent of the vote in general elections in June, shedding some 4 percent from the previous polls a month earlier, when it had received 8.5 percent.

http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_14/04/2013_493687
_______________________________

What're your thoughts on this, DC? What can you tell us about this guy?

[Delenda Carthago]

http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_14/04/2013_493687
_______________________________

What're your thoughts on this, DC? What can you tell us about this guy?
Koutsoumpas is, together with Pafilis, the two of my favorite for this position. He is economist, he has earned his decorations within the movement struggles.

Other than that, KKE is not a personal-centered party, it operates based on its collective organs. The changes will be done based on the new program,not the new GS. Aleka was and is one of us. Koutsoumpas is one of us. Equal amongst equals. And I trust that he will stand on his position.

[Delenda Carthago]

Our brothers and sisters from the guerilla army of FARC-EP, sended us this message for the congress.

NGX0QaL3fTw

[Delenda Carthago]

Political Resolution of the 19th Congress of the KKE (http://inter.kke.gr/News/news2013/19congress-politiki-apofasi/)