Log in

View Full Version : Egypt's left launches 'Democratic Revolutionary Coalition'



Le Socialiste
9th October 2012, 00:47
Ten leftist parties and movements announced Wednesday the formation of a joint coalition named the Democratic Revolutionary Coalition (DRC) during a press conference at the headquarters of Egyptian Socialist Party in downtown Cairo.

"The Egyptian left has always been one of the main pillars of the national movements in Egypt's history," said Ahmed Bahaa El-Din Shaaban, secretary general of the Egyptian Socialist Party.

Shaaban explained the reasons behind the current initiative to unify, due to "the criticality of the current situation in Egypt, with attempts at turning Egypt into a religious state ... Egyptian identity is being threatened, and the revolution is at stake."

The long-time socialist activist pointed out that this is the first time in Egypt's history that the left unites.

In 2006, different leftist groups tried to form what was known as the Socialist Alliance. This aimed at creating a leftist alternative, especially amid the new wave of industrial action emerging at the time. Yet no sooner had the alliance been announced than differences between its members paralysed its work on the ground.

After the 25 January uprising, five socialist groups and newly established parties, namely the Egyptian Socialist Party, the Socialist Popular Alliance, the Tagammu Party, the Workers and Peasants Party, and the Egyptian Communist Party, announced that they would unite with the Revolutionary Socialists to form a "socialist front." Once again the initiative failed to produce a leftist umbrella. Four of the groups that tried to unite in 2011 are now members of the DRC.

The new coalition is formed of 10 leftist parties and movements: the Egyptian Socialist Party, the Socialist Popular Alliance, the Tagammu Party, the Workers and Peasants Party, the Egyptian Communist Party, the Democratic Popular Movement, the Egyptian Coalition to Fight Corruption, the Socialist Revolutionary Movement (January), the Socialist Youth Union and the Mina Daniel Movement.

Coalition leaders said they aim to ally with other national coalitions; however, Workers and Peasants Party co-founder Kamal Khalil underlined that any coalition is possible except “for whoever allied with SCAF, was party to Mubarak’s regime or was against the revolution.”

“We’re going through a dangerous phase that demands the unity of all national forces and not just the left,” said Khalil.

Khalil revealed the DRC’s intention to unite with both Nasserist Hamdeen Sabbahi’s Popular Current and reform campaigner Mohamed ElBaradei’s Constitution Party.

“We will unite on the streets and during elections. From now there is no 'I' but 'us.' This is a starting point for a democratic coalition against the classist rulers,” said Khalil, stressing that unity will be based on the goals of the revolution rather on an ideological basis.

Forces coordinate

A number of initiatives are emerging in the political sphere in an attempt to counter Islamist domination over political life in Egypt. One is former Arab League secretary general Amr Moussa’s Conference Party, a party of 25 currents and movements representing liberals, leftists and remnants of the Mubarak regime.

Sabbahi’s Popular Current is also emerging as a powerful force, and this week ElBaradei’s Constitution Party was legally recognised.

Many during the press conference voiced criticisms of the Muslim Brotherhood, implying that it is now their rival in the battle to accomplish the goals of the revolution.

"The domination of the Muslim Brotherhood in political life in Egypt is a danger that we need to overcome," said Adel El-Mashad, a member of the Socialist Popular Alliance.

El-Mashad said that the Brotherhood, the group President Mohamed Morsi hails from, have left them with no options but to be at the front rows of their opponents.

"The Muslim Brotherhood are still weak, but they are doing the best they can to gain further control over the country, and that will be through compromising to the imperialist and Zionist forces," added El-Mashad.

Also criticising the Brotherhood during the press conference, Salah Adly of the Egyptian Communist Party said: "They are now calling the workers strikes sectoral and accuse them of repelling foreign investment; they are using the same rhetoric that was used during the time of Mubarak."

Adly pointed out that during President Morsi’s visit to China in late August he was accompanied by “Mubarak-era businessmen.”

"We've seen how strikes are being suppressed these days, the Nile University students, public transportation workers, and the workers of Cairo University," said labour activist Khalil who said the Brotherhood is "now showing their true colours."

Khalil addressed the Brotherhood, warning them that the same Egyptian people that ousted Hosni Mubarak is able to oust the Brotherhood and their supreme guide.

“Oppressing strikes and the Egyptian people is crossing the red line,” said Khalil, who accused the Brotherhood of pairing up with the former Mubarak regime in ruling Egypt.

"They’re following in the steps of Mubarak, but rather in a worse manner with more subordination to the US and Israel,” said Khalil.

Protests to follow

By the end of the conference, members announced that a protest will be held 22 September in Talaat Harb Square, to voice key demands, which are: refusal of the Islamist-dominated Constituent Assembly; demanding the release of prisoners jailed during protests on politics-related cases, and the release of the military officers arrested 8 April.

The protest is also scheduled to oppose the IMF loan, to demand the removal of the current minister of interior, who activists see as “a clone of the ex-minister of interior, Habib El-Adly.”

El-Adly served as interior minister under Mubarak from 1997 till 2011. During his tenure, police brutality became pervasive, which is deemed to be one of the factors that triggered last year's uprising.

Under El-Adly's command, police forces also opened fire on protesters in the early days of the revolt, which toppled Mubarak on February 11 of last year. Both men in June were slapped life sentences for 'failing to protect civilians' during that period.

Hesham Fouad, a leading member of the Revolutionary Socialists, told Ahram Online that his movement is happy that the left is once again considering unity, adding that "Even though the principle of having a united left is essential for us, we don't think that working with the Tagammu Party is acceptable."

The Tagammu Party, the oldest formal leftist party, was accused by many groups on the left as being opportunistic. However, party leaders say that many changes have been made to mend party politics.

"Before talking about unity, we have to know on what stances, and with who. We can't afford another bubble that will quickly burst," Fouad said.

http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/53304/Egypt/Politics-/Egypts-left-launches-Democratic-Revolutionary-Coal.aspx

Dabrowski
9th October 2012, 02:28
This is precisely what the Egyptian workers don't need!

These fakers promoted illusions in the capitalist army, then supported the Muslim Brotherhood in the presidential elections... workers in Egypt need a revolutionary party with Trotsky's program of Permanent Revolution.

Dabrowski
9th October 2012, 02:29
Here's what the Trotskyists say:http://www.internationalist.org/stormovermiddleeast1208.html

Peoples' War
9th October 2012, 02:54
This notion that a united left formed of social democrats, left nationalists, etc. with class collaboration is a good thing, is absurd.

They will push to run in elections, and be stuck being parliamentary cretins.

Zealot
9th October 2012, 02:57
This is precisely what the Egyptian workers don't need!

These fakers promoted illusions in the capitalist army, then supported the Muslim Brotherhood in the presidential elections... workers in Egypt need a revolutionary party with Trotsky's program of Permanent Revolution.

lol.

Here's what they don't need: Trotskyists smugly looking down on any attempts to promote Socialism because they don't have "Trotsky's program of Permanent Revolution."

Le Socialiste
9th October 2012, 04:28
This notion that a united left formed of social democrats, left nationalists, etc. with class collaboration is a good thing, is absurd.

They will push to run in elections, and be stuck being parliamentary cretins.

Never said it was a good thing, just inquiring as to people's thoughts on the subject.

Rafiq
9th October 2012, 13:30
workers in Egypt need a revolutionary party with Trotsky's program of Permanent Revolution.

lol do they

Sent from my SPH-D710 using Tapatalk 2

l'Enfermé
9th October 2012, 14:35
What does the Permanent Revolution(not even Trotsky's concept and certainly not his "program") have to do with Egypt? As far as I'm informed, most of Egypt's population is made up of rural and urban proletarians and the petty-bourgeoisie and the ruling class has been the bourgeoisie for many decades. The Permanent Revolution is applicable to part-feudal, part-capitalist societies where peasants have a demographic majority and the proletariat is dwarfed by them, like Russia.

Die Neue Zeit
9th October 2012, 15:10
^^^ I was under the impression, comrade, that Egypt's combined urban and rural petit-bourgeoisie still outnumbered the urban workers and farm workers. :confused:

Dabrowski
9th October 2012, 15:31
The Permanent Revolution is applicable to part-feudal, part-capitalist societies where peasants have a demographic majority and the proletariat is dwarfed by them, like Russia.

That was not how Trotsky saw it. Quoting The Permanent Revolution (http://www.internationalist.org/whatis.html) (1929),
With regard to countries with a belated bourgeois development, especially the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the theory of the permanent revolution signifies that the complete and genuine solution of their tasks of achieving democracy and national emancipation is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat as the leader of the subjugated nation, above all of its peasant masses.
While Trotsky first developed his theory on the basis of Russia and its Revolution of 1905, Permanent Revolution was later generalized on the basis of subsequent experience, particularly the failed Chinese revolution of 1927. Its validity for a given society is not determined by some arbitrary threshold of demographic predominance of the proletariat vis-a-vis other classes, or by the existence or lack thereof of remnants of pre-capitalist social/political artifacts. These are common features in countries of belated capitalist development, where the tasks of the "classical" bourgeois revolutions ("democracy and national emancipation") have not been achieved despite (or because of) the incorporation of these countries into the capitalist world market dominated by imperialism. The necessity of Permanent Revolution for a particular society is given by the society's position in the world capitalist system as a colony or semi-colony of imperialism.

This certainly describes Egypt, where democratic rights -- for instance, for women and religious/ethnic minorities -- are nowhere even formally secured after the "democratic revolution" that left Mubarak's army, dependent on support from U.S. imperialism, in power.

And as a point of fact, Egypt still has millions of fellahin (peasants), and a genuinely revolutionary workers party in Egypt would need to elaborate and carry out a program to lead the struggle of the landless and poor peasants. As we wrote in "Egypt: Mubarak Gone, Workers to Power! (http://www.internationalist.org/egyptmubarakoutworkerstopower1102.html)" (The Internationalist No. 33, Summer 2011):

In the volatile situation which the mobilization against the Mubarak regime and now its fall have opened up, Trotskyists would put forward a transitional program to take the struggle from the immediate demands of the workers and oppressed to the goal of socialist revolution. Many of the burning issues in Egypt today are democratic questions, but which can only be resolved through revolutionary class struggle. Thus the League for the Fourth International calls for a revolutionary constituent assembly, organizing for the formation of workers councils such as the soviets in Russia in 1917 to overthrow capitalist rule with a workers and peasants government. As part of this struggle, Trotskyists would call on the Egyptian fellahin (peasantry) to seize the estates returned to the large landowners by Mubarak and to carry out agrarian revolution.