TheGodlessUtopian
30th August 2012, 22:59
The following study guide is to the pamphlet “Fascism: What it is and how to fight it (http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1944/1944-fas.htm#p11)” by Leon Trotsky (http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/index.htm). I have compiled this study guide myself providing both the questions as well as the answers. If in the body of the text you see theoretically incorrect statements or have suggestions on how to improve the overall guide than please comment with your ideas.
~ ~ ~
Q1: What is the “genuine base” for Fascism?
A1: The petty-bourgeoisie and to a smaller extent the peasantry (where such still exist).
Q2: According to Trotsky, “At the moment that the ‘normal’ police and military resources of the bourgeois dictatorship … no longer suffice to hold society in a state of equilibrium, the turn to fascism arrives.” What event could drive the bourgeois state to embrace fascism?
A2: In most case examples-Spain, Germany, etc- the event which pushes the bourgeoisie to hand power over to fascism the threat of a powerful workers movement; in these examples fascism can also arise out of a defeated workers movement. In both cases the ruling capitalist class is frightened by the prospect of losing power and so seeks alternate to maintain control.
Q3: In a nutshell what is “the gist” of fascism?
A3: After “resorting to civil war” and “utilizing the petty-bourgeoisie as a battering ram” finance capital “gathers into its hands… all the organs and institutions of sovereignty , the executive, and administrative powers of the state.” Along with the army, schools, universities, press, trade unions and cooperatives- all worker organizations are destroyed thus rendering the proletariat defenseless. Such is fascism in a nutshell.
Q4: How was Italian Fascism “the immediate outgrowth of the betrayal by the reformists of the uprisings of... the proletariat”?
A4: Though after World War 1 Italy had a de-facto proletarian dictatorship, the organization behind the dictatorship which was necessary for socialist development was lacking. This was primarily due to reformist social-democrats who believed that restoring “public opinion” of the bourgeoisie was the key in turning the tide against the fascists. They refused a United Front with the revolutionary parties and opted instead to support the monarchy of King Victor Emmanuel (who soon after sided with the fascists).
Q5: Following Italian Fascism’s rise to power was the depression of 1921-22 which helped them in rallying the petite-bourgeoisie in crushing proletariat resistance. During this time the fascist government took the shape of a coalition government. How did Mussolini achieve these goals?
A5: Mussolini reached these goals by “bureaucratizing the fascist party itself and of the [strangulation] of the petty-bourgeoisie by the bourgeoisie. This allowed him to remove class opposition while maintaining class collaborationist policies essential to the upkeep of a fascist state.
Q6: Once the petty-bourgeoisie has been “strangled by the bourgeois state“what enables the fascists to continuously oppress the working class despite their primary base now being dissolved?
A6: Once the process of strangulation occurs and the fascist party becomes bureaucratic the fascist state loses its former support base, because of this only “historical inertia” (i.e. the aftereffects of past oppressions) remains as a domineering force.
Q7: Though the Italian Communist Party (I.C.P) materialized the same time in which the fascist movement grew, the I.C.P failed to grow along similar lines membership wise, why?
A7: The reason for the I.C.P’s failure of growth was because they failed to seize the momentum. One factor in their failure was when fascism was growing the I.C.P was an infant (barely two years old). Another factor lies in the I.C.P’s “infantile” belief that since fascism was only “capitalist reaction” a United Front was not needed. When combined with the I.C.P’s insipid analysis that because fascism was capitalism it could not lead a revolution “How could capitalism lead a revolution against its self?”). All were vital factors which led to the I.C.P’s immature growth.
Q8: During the 1930’s election in Germany why did Fascism loom on the horizon despite the larger than expected gains for the G.C.P?
A8: Though during the election the German Communist Party gained an additional 1.3 million votes this increase pales in comparison to fascism’s increase of over six million votes.
Q9: During a social crisis what must happen to bring about proletarian revolution?
A9: A decisive shift among the petty bourgeoisie towards the proletariat so as to give the working class the chance to place itself at the head of the national struggle.
Q10: What two factors express the growth of fascism in 1930’s Germany?
A10: The first “expression” is that of the deep “social crisis [which] throw the petty bourgeoisie off balance.” For Germany this meant the large war debt as well as the shame they endured post WWI. The second expression was the lack of a revolutionary party which would give the masses hope and pull the working class along with great segments of the petty-bourgeoisie, thereby depriving fascism of their power base.
Q11: In a paragraph explain why “Social Fascism is an incorrect theory.”
A11: The Social Fascist theory believes that social democracy is a quasi-placeholder for the rise of more “actualized” fascism. Thusly any such social democratic parties are to be excluded from United Fronts. This overlooks the fact that with the rise of “actualized fascism” will also come the destruction of these very same “social fascist” groups. To reject radicalization of working class persons via the United Front and to embrace in its stead an anti-Marxist prejudice towards social-democratic theories only hampers the revolutionary struggle.
Q12: Often times in Leftist discussion the role of the police and their class relation arise. According to Trotsky what is a cop?
A12: In Trotsky’s own words, “the worker who becomes a policeman in the service of the capitalist state is a bourgeois cop, not a worker.”
Q13: What are/were the three current of petty-bourgeois ideology?
A13: Jacobinism, reformist social democracy, and fascism.
Q14: How does the petty bourgeoisie view the bourgeoisie?
A14: In most cases the petty bourgeoisie view the “large” bourgeoisie with envy and hatred (as they are the ones who control society). They view them as opponents who exploit their existence.
Q15: How does the bourgeoisie view the petty-bourgeoisie?
A15: Though the bourgeoisie often utilizes the petty-bourgeoisie they nonetheless fear the capacity of the petty-bourgeoisie to “break down the barriers set up for them from above.” This means that the bourgeoisie fears the opportunities in which their smaller counterparts could side with alternative forces (fascist, socialist, communist, libertarian, etc) thus potentially threatening their own grip on power.
Q16: The bourgeoisie were “mortally afraid of universal suffrage” as they feared the potential class disruption resulting from a successful campaign, and yet, in the end, the bourgeois regimes not only survived such events but further entrenched themselves, how?
A16: The imperialist bourgeoisie were able to survive the political upheaval of universal suffrage due to a new class paradigm- the labor aristocracy; a class which ultimately sought to maintain the position of the bourgeoisie while upholding the interests of the petite-bourgeoisie and paying lip service to the proletarian organizations. With all the classes in a state of idleness revolutionary temper was temporarily cooled.
Q17: A significant cause for the rise of the bourgeoisie lay in their maintenance of democratic and parliamentary institutions. However, when capitalism declines and war breaks out, the bourgeoisie come into conflict with these same institutions, why?
A17: During times of imperialist war the bourgeoisie often uses the national hysteria to resume their never ending war on Marxism and progressive thought in general. In order to attack their foes, however, the bourgeoisie must attack the institutions by which Marxist organizations arose. Within the context of the workers movement this means the democratic and parliamentary bodies as these are the means by which proletarian democracy-Trade Unions, Political Parties-materialized from.
Q18: In what sense is Jacobinism a “caricature of fascism”?
A18: When the bourgeoisie originally rose to prominence Jacobinism was used by the bourgeoisie to settle old scores with their feudal enemies (at the time a progressive trait). However when the bourgeoisie are in a state of decline and are again in need of resolving, Jacobinism is once more used only this time worker organizations are targeted instead of feudal foes. In this understanding Jacobinism is a pseudo-fascist representation.
Q19: Since the bourgeoisie are incapable of maintaining their power, when in a state of decline, through parliamentary means, they use fascism as a means of self-defense. Still despite this there is tension between the fascist parties and the bourgeoisie themselves, why?
A19: Though the fascist mode of operation once again makes it safe for the bourgeoisie to exploit their workers the repercussions from employing such methods often give legitimacy towards fascist doctrine (which one day may materialize into a fascist revolution if the conditions are correct). So in this manner “the bourgeoisie likes fascism in the same manner a man enjoys having his teeth pulled.”
Q20: How does the proletariat acquire the support of the petty-bourgeoisie during times of unrest?
A20: Since the petty-bourgeoisie are constantly looking for alternatives to bourgeois control (who they see as exploitive) the proletarian can only attract their support by displaying their strength, firmness of action, and successful offensives against the “common enemy” by a resolute revolutionary policy.
Q21: During a social crisis when the proletariat must show the bourgeoisie their might the situation often becomes unstable; in what manner does it become unstable?
A21: The only manner that the working class can show the petit-bourgeoisie their power is to strike and participate in the labor struggle. In doing so, however, the economic superstructure that the petty-bourgeoisie rests on is shaken. When this vital moment comes, when the interests of the petty-bourgeoisie are threatened, comes also the time where ultra-reactionary forces can intervene and throw the entire situation into turmoil thereby forcing the petty-bourgeoisie to take a radical anti-worker shift among the first cracks of working class failure. For this reason surveillance and careful planning are the priorities of the day when such an unstable time occurs.
Q22: Why is “finance capital obliged to create ‘special armed bands’”?
A22: When capitalism is in the decline and working class spirit is soaring, the bourgeoisie turn to fascism. Yet before the turn the bourgeoisie attempt to use the military; this, however, often fails as the military forces refuse to combat their working class brothers. In a last ditch effort finance capital turns to these “special armed bands” as the only means of resolving class conflict.
Q23: Does the petty-bourgeoisie fear revolution?
A23: During times of economic stability they might. However, during times of instability, when the entire economy is in turmoil, they eagerly search for new leaders which they believe will bring about their independence.
Q24: How does the petty-bourgeoisie view fascism?
A24: The petty-bourgeois class sees in fascism a fighting force against their foes in big capital, a tool to usurp the position of the bourgeoisie. This is in sharp contrast to their view on the proletarian whom they view as nothing more than parliamentary machines.
Q25: Why is a workers militia necessary? Explain its function.
A25: A workers militia is necessary tool of working class self-defense because when it comes to fascist attack the bourgeois state will not protect proletarian bodies (to state a parallel: just as bourgeois cops will not protect striking workers from their bosses). The function of the workers militia is to protect the working class and its bodies (trade unions, party branches, soviets, etc) from reactionary assault.
To properly perform this duty, however, the militia must be formed as soon as the workers have reached a level of organization which permits such a construct from being formed; to wait until the situation “becomes revolutionary” means forfeiting hard won gains to the counterrevolutionary tide.
Serving an additional role we see that the workers militia is “…the surest defense against adventures… individual terrorism… [and] bloody spontaneous explosions” from frustrated workers themselves. A workers militia by its very presence also counteracts the recruitment of fascist gangs. Ultimately armed workers militias will be the only method in which the fascist combat detachments will be fought, cut down, disarmed, and destroyed.
Q26: Quickly outline the differences between a military dictatorship and a fascist dictatorship.
A26: As previously touched on, a fascist dictatorship arises out of the betrayal, defeat, and absence of a revolutionary working class party. This dictatorship is a class machine comprised of petty-bourgeois, soldiers, unemployed and various Lumpen elements; it destroys proletarian organizations in their entirety as a solution to class warfare. This is in sharp contrast to a military dictatorship which is simply a large bureaucratic apparatus reinforced by the military. The former disorients the people while the latter oppresses them.
Q27: List the segments of a political cycle which lead to fascism.
A27: In Trotsky’s own words the cycle which lead to fascism is, “…the gravest crisis of capitalist society; the growth of the radicalization of the working class; the growth of sympathy toward the working class, and a yearning for change on the part of the rural and urban petty bourgeoisie; the extreme confusion of the big bourgeoisie; its cowardly and treacherous maneuvers aimed at avoiding the revolutionary climax; the exhaustion of the proletariat; growing confusion and indifference; the aggravation of the social crisis; the despair of the petty bourgeoisie, its yearning for change; the collective neurosis of the petty bourgeoisie, its readiness to believe in miracles, its readiness for violent measures; the growth of hostility towards the proletariat, which has deceived its expectations. These are the premises for a swift formation of a fascist party and its victory.”
~ ~ ~
Q1: What is the “genuine base” for Fascism?
A1: The petty-bourgeoisie and to a smaller extent the peasantry (where such still exist).
Q2: According to Trotsky, “At the moment that the ‘normal’ police and military resources of the bourgeois dictatorship … no longer suffice to hold society in a state of equilibrium, the turn to fascism arrives.” What event could drive the bourgeois state to embrace fascism?
A2: In most case examples-Spain, Germany, etc- the event which pushes the bourgeoisie to hand power over to fascism the threat of a powerful workers movement; in these examples fascism can also arise out of a defeated workers movement. In both cases the ruling capitalist class is frightened by the prospect of losing power and so seeks alternate to maintain control.
Q3: In a nutshell what is “the gist” of fascism?
A3: After “resorting to civil war” and “utilizing the petty-bourgeoisie as a battering ram” finance capital “gathers into its hands… all the organs and institutions of sovereignty , the executive, and administrative powers of the state.” Along with the army, schools, universities, press, trade unions and cooperatives- all worker organizations are destroyed thus rendering the proletariat defenseless. Such is fascism in a nutshell.
Q4: How was Italian Fascism “the immediate outgrowth of the betrayal by the reformists of the uprisings of... the proletariat”?
A4: Though after World War 1 Italy had a de-facto proletarian dictatorship, the organization behind the dictatorship which was necessary for socialist development was lacking. This was primarily due to reformist social-democrats who believed that restoring “public opinion” of the bourgeoisie was the key in turning the tide against the fascists. They refused a United Front with the revolutionary parties and opted instead to support the monarchy of King Victor Emmanuel (who soon after sided with the fascists).
Q5: Following Italian Fascism’s rise to power was the depression of 1921-22 which helped them in rallying the petite-bourgeoisie in crushing proletariat resistance. During this time the fascist government took the shape of a coalition government. How did Mussolini achieve these goals?
A5: Mussolini reached these goals by “bureaucratizing the fascist party itself and of the [strangulation] of the petty-bourgeoisie by the bourgeoisie. This allowed him to remove class opposition while maintaining class collaborationist policies essential to the upkeep of a fascist state.
Q6: Once the petty-bourgeoisie has been “strangled by the bourgeois state“what enables the fascists to continuously oppress the working class despite their primary base now being dissolved?
A6: Once the process of strangulation occurs and the fascist party becomes bureaucratic the fascist state loses its former support base, because of this only “historical inertia” (i.e. the aftereffects of past oppressions) remains as a domineering force.
Q7: Though the Italian Communist Party (I.C.P) materialized the same time in which the fascist movement grew, the I.C.P failed to grow along similar lines membership wise, why?
A7: The reason for the I.C.P’s failure of growth was because they failed to seize the momentum. One factor in their failure was when fascism was growing the I.C.P was an infant (barely two years old). Another factor lies in the I.C.P’s “infantile” belief that since fascism was only “capitalist reaction” a United Front was not needed. When combined with the I.C.P’s insipid analysis that because fascism was capitalism it could not lead a revolution “How could capitalism lead a revolution against its self?”). All were vital factors which led to the I.C.P’s immature growth.
Q8: During the 1930’s election in Germany why did Fascism loom on the horizon despite the larger than expected gains for the G.C.P?
A8: Though during the election the German Communist Party gained an additional 1.3 million votes this increase pales in comparison to fascism’s increase of over six million votes.
Q9: During a social crisis what must happen to bring about proletarian revolution?
A9: A decisive shift among the petty bourgeoisie towards the proletariat so as to give the working class the chance to place itself at the head of the national struggle.
Q10: What two factors express the growth of fascism in 1930’s Germany?
A10: The first “expression” is that of the deep “social crisis [which] throw the petty bourgeoisie off balance.” For Germany this meant the large war debt as well as the shame they endured post WWI. The second expression was the lack of a revolutionary party which would give the masses hope and pull the working class along with great segments of the petty-bourgeoisie, thereby depriving fascism of their power base.
Q11: In a paragraph explain why “Social Fascism is an incorrect theory.”
A11: The Social Fascist theory believes that social democracy is a quasi-placeholder for the rise of more “actualized” fascism. Thusly any such social democratic parties are to be excluded from United Fronts. This overlooks the fact that with the rise of “actualized fascism” will also come the destruction of these very same “social fascist” groups. To reject radicalization of working class persons via the United Front and to embrace in its stead an anti-Marxist prejudice towards social-democratic theories only hampers the revolutionary struggle.
Q12: Often times in Leftist discussion the role of the police and their class relation arise. According to Trotsky what is a cop?
A12: In Trotsky’s own words, “the worker who becomes a policeman in the service of the capitalist state is a bourgeois cop, not a worker.”
Q13: What are/were the three current of petty-bourgeois ideology?
A13: Jacobinism, reformist social democracy, and fascism.
Q14: How does the petty bourgeoisie view the bourgeoisie?
A14: In most cases the petty bourgeoisie view the “large” bourgeoisie with envy and hatred (as they are the ones who control society). They view them as opponents who exploit their existence.
Q15: How does the bourgeoisie view the petty-bourgeoisie?
A15: Though the bourgeoisie often utilizes the petty-bourgeoisie they nonetheless fear the capacity of the petty-bourgeoisie to “break down the barriers set up for them from above.” This means that the bourgeoisie fears the opportunities in which their smaller counterparts could side with alternative forces (fascist, socialist, communist, libertarian, etc) thus potentially threatening their own grip on power.
Q16: The bourgeoisie were “mortally afraid of universal suffrage” as they feared the potential class disruption resulting from a successful campaign, and yet, in the end, the bourgeois regimes not only survived such events but further entrenched themselves, how?
A16: The imperialist bourgeoisie were able to survive the political upheaval of universal suffrage due to a new class paradigm- the labor aristocracy; a class which ultimately sought to maintain the position of the bourgeoisie while upholding the interests of the petite-bourgeoisie and paying lip service to the proletarian organizations. With all the classes in a state of idleness revolutionary temper was temporarily cooled.
Q17: A significant cause for the rise of the bourgeoisie lay in their maintenance of democratic and parliamentary institutions. However, when capitalism declines and war breaks out, the bourgeoisie come into conflict with these same institutions, why?
A17: During times of imperialist war the bourgeoisie often uses the national hysteria to resume their never ending war on Marxism and progressive thought in general. In order to attack their foes, however, the bourgeoisie must attack the institutions by which Marxist organizations arose. Within the context of the workers movement this means the democratic and parliamentary bodies as these are the means by which proletarian democracy-Trade Unions, Political Parties-materialized from.
Q18: In what sense is Jacobinism a “caricature of fascism”?
A18: When the bourgeoisie originally rose to prominence Jacobinism was used by the bourgeoisie to settle old scores with their feudal enemies (at the time a progressive trait). However when the bourgeoisie are in a state of decline and are again in need of resolving, Jacobinism is once more used only this time worker organizations are targeted instead of feudal foes. In this understanding Jacobinism is a pseudo-fascist representation.
Q19: Since the bourgeoisie are incapable of maintaining their power, when in a state of decline, through parliamentary means, they use fascism as a means of self-defense. Still despite this there is tension between the fascist parties and the bourgeoisie themselves, why?
A19: Though the fascist mode of operation once again makes it safe for the bourgeoisie to exploit their workers the repercussions from employing such methods often give legitimacy towards fascist doctrine (which one day may materialize into a fascist revolution if the conditions are correct). So in this manner “the bourgeoisie likes fascism in the same manner a man enjoys having his teeth pulled.”
Q20: How does the proletariat acquire the support of the petty-bourgeoisie during times of unrest?
A20: Since the petty-bourgeoisie are constantly looking for alternatives to bourgeois control (who they see as exploitive) the proletarian can only attract their support by displaying their strength, firmness of action, and successful offensives against the “common enemy” by a resolute revolutionary policy.
Q21: During a social crisis when the proletariat must show the bourgeoisie their might the situation often becomes unstable; in what manner does it become unstable?
A21: The only manner that the working class can show the petit-bourgeoisie their power is to strike and participate in the labor struggle. In doing so, however, the economic superstructure that the petty-bourgeoisie rests on is shaken. When this vital moment comes, when the interests of the petty-bourgeoisie are threatened, comes also the time where ultra-reactionary forces can intervene and throw the entire situation into turmoil thereby forcing the petty-bourgeoisie to take a radical anti-worker shift among the first cracks of working class failure. For this reason surveillance and careful planning are the priorities of the day when such an unstable time occurs.
Q22: Why is “finance capital obliged to create ‘special armed bands’”?
A22: When capitalism is in the decline and working class spirit is soaring, the bourgeoisie turn to fascism. Yet before the turn the bourgeoisie attempt to use the military; this, however, often fails as the military forces refuse to combat their working class brothers. In a last ditch effort finance capital turns to these “special armed bands” as the only means of resolving class conflict.
Q23: Does the petty-bourgeoisie fear revolution?
A23: During times of economic stability they might. However, during times of instability, when the entire economy is in turmoil, they eagerly search for new leaders which they believe will bring about their independence.
Q24: How does the petty-bourgeoisie view fascism?
A24: The petty-bourgeois class sees in fascism a fighting force against their foes in big capital, a tool to usurp the position of the bourgeoisie. This is in sharp contrast to their view on the proletarian whom they view as nothing more than parliamentary machines.
Q25: Why is a workers militia necessary? Explain its function.
A25: A workers militia is necessary tool of working class self-defense because when it comes to fascist attack the bourgeois state will not protect proletarian bodies (to state a parallel: just as bourgeois cops will not protect striking workers from their bosses). The function of the workers militia is to protect the working class and its bodies (trade unions, party branches, soviets, etc) from reactionary assault.
To properly perform this duty, however, the militia must be formed as soon as the workers have reached a level of organization which permits such a construct from being formed; to wait until the situation “becomes revolutionary” means forfeiting hard won gains to the counterrevolutionary tide.
Serving an additional role we see that the workers militia is “…the surest defense against adventures… individual terrorism… [and] bloody spontaneous explosions” from frustrated workers themselves. A workers militia by its very presence also counteracts the recruitment of fascist gangs. Ultimately armed workers militias will be the only method in which the fascist combat detachments will be fought, cut down, disarmed, and destroyed.
Q26: Quickly outline the differences between a military dictatorship and a fascist dictatorship.
A26: As previously touched on, a fascist dictatorship arises out of the betrayal, defeat, and absence of a revolutionary working class party. This dictatorship is a class machine comprised of petty-bourgeois, soldiers, unemployed and various Lumpen elements; it destroys proletarian organizations in their entirety as a solution to class warfare. This is in sharp contrast to a military dictatorship which is simply a large bureaucratic apparatus reinforced by the military. The former disorients the people while the latter oppresses them.
Q27: List the segments of a political cycle which lead to fascism.
A27: In Trotsky’s own words the cycle which lead to fascism is, “…the gravest crisis of capitalist society; the growth of the radicalization of the working class; the growth of sympathy toward the working class, and a yearning for change on the part of the rural and urban petty bourgeoisie; the extreme confusion of the big bourgeoisie; its cowardly and treacherous maneuvers aimed at avoiding the revolutionary climax; the exhaustion of the proletariat; growing confusion and indifference; the aggravation of the social crisis; the despair of the petty bourgeoisie, its yearning for change; the collective neurosis of the petty bourgeoisie, its readiness to believe in miracles, its readiness for violent measures; the growth of hostility towards the proletariat, which has deceived its expectations. These are the premises for a swift formation of a fascist party and its victory.”