TheGodlessUtopian
5th August 2012, 01:24
Below is a study guide of my own creation towards Lenin's Marxism and Insurrection. (http://www.marx2mao.com/Lenin/MI17.html#en7)
- - - -
Q1: Why is it a “perversion of the truth” to say that Marxists are Blanquists; what did Karl Marx have to say on insurrection which makes it a perversion?
A1: In his works Karl Marx stressed the importance of winning victory after victory, never allowing the enemy to rest. You must take advantage of the confusion and disorder (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#) sowed within their ranks and press your own forces until the day is won. It is a perversion to say that Marxists are Blanquists precisely because Blanquists do not believe in insurrection within the same manner as Marxists. Whereas Balnquists believe in proletarian liberation through a small circle of intellectuals, Marxists believe in working class liberation through use of the working class; conflating the two equals to bastardization.
Q2: During July 3-4th as well as the September Days why would it have been wrong of the Bolsheviks to take power through Insurrection? What were the material conditions which prevented a successful and prolonged seizure of power?
A2: Firstly, the Bolshevik Party at the time did not have a majority of workers which constituted the vanguard of the revolution. Secondly there was no revolutionary upsurge among Russian’s workers. Thirdly, there was, among the enemy camps, no great internal division (what Lenin describes as “vacillation”). These are the conditions which would have guaranteed that any radical move on the Bolsheviks part would end in failure. Had they grabbed power they would not have been able to maintain it for very long as is evidenced by the lack of revolutionary conviction among the worker (no conviction equals no desire to fight an enemy to the death).
Q3: Following the September Days, post-Chernov’s resignation, why was Bolshevik seizure of power more likely to take hold?
A3: Bolshevik seizure of power during this time was more likely precisely because with Chernov’s resignation meant that the peasants would not receive any land. This meant that there was class anger and working individuals would be willing to fight against the reactionary forces alongside the Bolsheviks.
Q4: Why is the “[Russian] Democratic Conference… a conference and nothing more”?
A4: The Russian Democratic Conference is only a conference because of the class elements which comprise it. Led by the liberal-monarchist oriented bourgeoisie such a formation, even if it declared itself as the permanent legal authority, would never represent the interests of the working class. It was only an obstacle to revolution.
Q5: If the Bolshevik Proposal in regards to Petrograd is reject what would be the result?
A6: In Lenin’s own words…
“if our proposal for peace is rejected, if we do not secure even an armistice, then we shall become "defencists", we shall place ourselves at the head of the war parties, we shall be the war party par excellence, and we shall conduct the war in a truly revolutionary manner. We shall take away all the bread and boots from the capitalists. We shall leave them only crusts and dress them in bast shoes. We shall send all the bread and footwear to the front… And then we shall save Petrograd.”
Lenin is, of course, talking about insurrection.
Q7: At the Democratic Convention what must the Bolsheviks have done in order to “cement the… group”?
A8: Without fear for numbers or for leaving behind intellectual stragglers, the Bolsheviks had to draw up a declaration emphasizing the immediate need for proletarian action. To reject speeches and rally the working class against Imperialist intervention in Russia’s affairs; a taut and “to the point” message aimed at rousing workers.
Q9: What did the Bolsheviks have to do following the declaration’s announcement?
A9: After the declaration had been read to the convention Lenin stressed the need for action in place of writing. He said that the entire Bolshevik delegation must be dispatched to the factories and barracks to rouse the workers and soldiers to fight with the Bolsheviks during the insurrection.
That…
“In order to treat insurrection in a Marxist way, i.e., as an art, we must at the same time, without losing a single moment, organise a headquarters of the insurgent detachments, distribute our forces, move the reliable regiments to the most important points, surround the Alexandrinsky Theatre, occupy the Peter and Paul Fortress,[11] arrest the General Staff and the government, and move against the officer cadets and the Savage Division[12] those detachments which would rather die than allow the enemy to approach the strategic points of the city. We must mobilise the armed workers and call them to fight the last desperate fight occupy the telegraph and the telephone exchange at once move our insurrection headquarters to the central telephone exchange and connect it by telephone with all the factories, all the regiments, all the points of armed fighting, etc.”
Only when this course of events are completed, Lenin says, will Marxists who claim to be Marxists, prove themselves in proper practice.
- - - -
Q1: Why is it a “perversion of the truth” to say that Marxists are Blanquists; what did Karl Marx have to say on insurrection which makes it a perversion?
A1: In his works Karl Marx stressed the importance of winning victory after victory, never allowing the enemy to rest. You must take advantage of the confusion and disorder (http://www.revleft.com/vb/#) sowed within their ranks and press your own forces until the day is won. It is a perversion to say that Marxists are Blanquists precisely because Blanquists do not believe in insurrection within the same manner as Marxists. Whereas Balnquists believe in proletarian liberation through a small circle of intellectuals, Marxists believe in working class liberation through use of the working class; conflating the two equals to bastardization.
Q2: During July 3-4th as well as the September Days why would it have been wrong of the Bolsheviks to take power through Insurrection? What were the material conditions which prevented a successful and prolonged seizure of power?
A2: Firstly, the Bolshevik Party at the time did not have a majority of workers which constituted the vanguard of the revolution. Secondly there was no revolutionary upsurge among Russian’s workers. Thirdly, there was, among the enemy camps, no great internal division (what Lenin describes as “vacillation”). These are the conditions which would have guaranteed that any radical move on the Bolsheviks part would end in failure. Had they grabbed power they would not have been able to maintain it for very long as is evidenced by the lack of revolutionary conviction among the worker (no conviction equals no desire to fight an enemy to the death).
Q3: Following the September Days, post-Chernov’s resignation, why was Bolshevik seizure of power more likely to take hold?
A3: Bolshevik seizure of power during this time was more likely precisely because with Chernov’s resignation meant that the peasants would not receive any land. This meant that there was class anger and working individuals would be willing to fight against the reactionary forces alongside the Bolsheviks.
Q4: Why is the “[Russian] Democratic Conference… a conference and nothing more”?
A4: The Russian Democratic Conference is only a conference because of the class elements which comprise it. Led by the liberal-monarchist oriented bourgeoisie such a formation, even if it declared itself as the permanent legal authority, would never represent the interests of the working class. It was only an obstacle to revolution.
Q5: If the Bolshevik Proposal in regards to Petrograd is reject what would be the result?
A6: In Lenin’s own words…
“if our proposal for peace is rejected, if we do not secure even an armistice, then we shall become "defencists", we shall place ourselves at the head of the war parties, we shall be the war party par excellence, and we shall conduct the war in a truly revolutionary manner. We shall take away all the bread and boots from the capitalists. We shall leave them only crusts and dress them in bast shoes. We shall send all the bread and footwear to the front… And then we shall save Petrograd.”
Lenin is, of course, talking about insurrection.
Q7: At the Democratic Convention what must the Bolsheviks have done in order to “cement the… group”?
A8: Without fear for numbers or for leaving behind intellectual stragglers, the Bolsheviks had to draw up a declaration emphasizing the immediate need for proletarian action. To reject speeches and rally the working class against Imperialist intervention in Russia’s affairs; a taut and “to the point” message aimed at rousing workers.
Q9: What did the Bolsheviks have to do following the declaration’s announcement?
A9: After the declaration had been read to the convention Lenin stressed the need for action in place of writing. He said that the entire Bolshevik delegation must be dispatched to the factories and barracks to rouse the workers and soldiers to fight with the Bolsheviks during the insurrection.
That…
“In order to treat insurrection in a Marxist way, i.e., as an art, we must at the same time, without losing a single moment, organise a headquarters of the insurgent detachments, distribute our forces, move the reliable regiments to the most important points, surround the Alexandrinsky Theatre, occupy the Peter and Paul Fortress,[11] arrest the General Staff and the government, and move against the officer cadets and the Savage Division[12] those detachments which would rather die than allow the enemy to approach the strategic points of the city. We must mobilise the armed workers and call them to fight the last desperate fight occupy the telegraph and the telephone exchange at once move our insurrection headquarters to the central telephone exchange and connect it by telephone with all the factories, all the regiments, all the points of armed fighting, etc.”
Only when this course of events are completed, Lenin says, will Marxists who claim to be Marxists, prove themselves in proper practice.