Sudan Riots Against 23years of MB / Military Rule

[freepalestine]

http://fbcdn-sphotos-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-snc7/598557_355717651168012_1815856754_n.jpg
الشباب السوداني يبدأ الثورة علي حكم الاخوان و العسكر بعد 23 سنة .... الاخوان و العسكر ينتهوا من بلد و يبدأوا في بلد تانية


Sudan Riots
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/06/19/us-sudan-protest-idUSBRE85I0KK20120619





http://allafrica.com/stories/201206190034.html





Students lead #SudanRevolts against austerity
http://stream.aljazeera.com/story/students-lead-sudanrevolts-against-austerity-0022253
http://www.voanews.com/


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[freepalestine]

Mohammed al-Khatib: The Price of Speaking Out in Khartoum


A refugee from Blue Nile exits what has been her home for the past 3 months, in Doro refugee camp, Upper Nile State, South Sudan on 19 June 2012. (Photo: AFP - Giulio Petrocco)

By: Jaafar al-Sirr
Published Thursday, June 21, 2012
Wearing a bright white robe and a friendly smile, the new Secretary General of the Sudanese Communist Party, Mohammed Mukhtar al-Khatib greeted us in central Khartoum a few days ago. He told Al-Akhbar that his party and all the opposition are committed to the downfall of the regime.Yesterday he was arrested.

Jaafar al-Sirr: Your new position could lead to you becoming a political detainee or being under surveillance from intelligence services, as with your predecessor Ibrahim Naqd. How have you prepared yourself for this?

Mohammed al-Khatib: The party is already working in unfriendly international, regional, and local conditions. Parasitic capitalism inside the country attempts to block the work of our party. It has become an agent of foreign colonialism, through its totalitarian practices and hindrance of democracy. They are not only standing in our way, but in the way of all political parties who want to express their opinions.

In such circumstances, losing one’s freedom, being arrested and tortured, or even getting killed are all possible. When I joined the party, I expected to be arrested at any time. As a member of the Sudanese Communist Party, I am constantly under threat of arrest and torture.

JS: As a newcomer to the leadership of the opposition, are you convinced of their ability to mobilize the street? Do you present a new outlook?

MK: Certainly. During the last meeting of the opposition, a [political] paper and constitutional declaration were introduced and approved after wide deliberations. The National Umma Party even suggested a paper to be included in the constitutional declaration.

We took a decision for the opposition to take practical steps to mobilize the masses to remove the regime. There is no hope in reforming a regime that has already signed numerous agreements with the opposition and called them to unite in national action.

But experience has shown that the regime uses such calls to weather the storm. Then it breaks the agreement.

The other issue is how to work independently among the masses to mobilize them to overthrow the regime.

JS: The Communist Party’s ability to lead mass opposition movements has become weak. What can you do for the party to regain the leadership of the opposition?

MK: The Communist Party did not lose its ability to mobilize masses, but it lost some of the platforms it used to function through.

The regime neutralized the impact of mass organizations of workers, peasants, and parties. It took control and tamed them in order to serve its interests. The regime neutralized the impact of mass organizations of workers, peasants, and parties. It took control and tamed them in order to serve its interests. It put its supporters in control, to allow them to control the country’s power and wealth.
Therefore, the masses, not just the Communist Party, were deprived of popular platforms that used to work for the interests of those segments and intervene politically in a period like this.

JS: But public opinion lost its trust in the opposition’s ability to overthrow the regime. How will you rally the masses?

MK: Recently, even the ruling party witnessed a general internal trend calling for change. This means the powers that be, who control power, believe in change, but within certain limits.

There are others in the regime who believe the regime has failed in its aims. So they want to see it go. They are attempting to do so through media campaigns against influential ruling party figures, hoping to return as saviors, with a new image, and ensure continuity.

One the other hand, some opposition parties believe that overthrowing the government would lead to strife and civil war and turn the country into Somalia. They believe that the solution should be a national [unity] government, and handing over power peacefully.

Another group of opposition parties believe that we tried this regime before and that it cannot be trusted. Therefore, it is imperative to overthrow it and its politics. Participants in the last meeting reached a consensus on overthrowing the regime completely.

JS: What do you think of the South Sudan question? What is the main reason for the crisis?

MK: The problem with the South question is that the Naivasha Comprehensive Peace Agreement [set of agreements concluded in January 2005] was bilateral, in an issue that involves several nationalities living in Sudan. All political factions should have been involved in the solution.

The government in the North deprived populations who are not involved in politics from food sources. It closed the borders with the South although there are common tribes living along that strip of land.The government, nevertheless, did not abide by the agreement and did not make unification an attractive choice. The result was the separation of the South and other issues becoming stuck.
We neither gained unity with the South, nor did we gain peace after separation.

JS: Do you think the two countries are heading for war, especially since economic war has already started between them?

MK: Economic warfare can be immoral. The government in the North deprived populations who are not involved in politics from food sources. It closed the borders with the South although there are common tribes living along that strip of land.

These policies aggravated the situation from the commercial and economic side, instead of solving the issue amicably to allow those tribes to live in peace.

JS: If the South suffers from lack of food security, we cannot deny that the North also suffers from a crushing economic crisis and soaring prices.

MK: The government’s policies would have led to this in any case, by neglecting both agricultural and industrial projects. Money from oil was spent unproductively and squandered in an opulent fashion.

Following separation and the loss of the oil wealth [to the South], the economy began to suffer. There was a dearth of money spent on the functioning of the state and agricultural projects collapsed.

The question cannot be solved by military might. Previously, we had welcomed the Addis Ababa negotiations between the two countries [earlier this month], hoping blood will be spared.

But the breakdown of negotiations shows that the issue is becoming more complicated due to the [North] government’s insistence on imposing its agenda.

It should be noted that the war is no longer with the South, but with the New South in the Kordofan and Blue Nile regions, a result of the non-implementation of the Naivasha protocols.

JS: The government also took economic measures to limit the collapse..

MK: The people should not carry the burden of the regime’s mistakes. People today are in a state of abject poverty. Half of the schoolchildren in the capital and other cities do not have breakfast.

This is the situation of students in cities and urban areas. One can only imagine the situation in Sudan’s remote barren areas.

The government does not allow [non-governmental] organizations to provide relief to these areas. This is at a time when the government’s budget is spent in unproductive areas such as defense, in addition to the deterioration of constitutional and sovereign positions.

JS: The crisis in Darfur led the International Criminal Court to call for the arrest of president [Omar Hassan] al-Bashir. How do you evaluate the issue, especially since the country’s international relations suffered considerably due to the case?

MK: The government is going through a crisis situation. The current situation is a result of the regime’s policies in Darfur, since the beginning of the crisis in 2003.

We need to admit that the Arab mobilization we have witnessed is a step forward against totalitarian regimes, secular and otherwise. The region is witnessing a broad process of change. These practices were even revealed by the Sudanese investigation committee, in addition to the international inquiry which identified crimes against humanity, war crimes, and even genocide.
The crisis is due to the accumulation of government policies that ultimately led to the isolation of its president. This was harmful to Sudan since the president was no longer capable of doing his job or conducting normal international relations.

Bashir remains a suspect and should appear before court to explain his position and defend himself. Otherwise, the international embargo will continue. If he was truly the president of Sudan, he should have resigned and been replaced with a new president who can move freely.

JS: The uprising of Arab masses led to Islamist governments. Is the opposition worried this will be repeated in Sudan?

MK: First, we need to admit that the Arab mobilization we have witnessed is a step forward against totalitarian regimes, secular and otherwise. The region is witnessing a broad process of change. Seeking democracy was the primary gain of the Arab Spring revolutions.

Following that, forces of international capitalism worked through their allies in the region to contain the Arab revolutions to block any serious change that would intersect with its higher interests.

Powers that were already organized reached power, the Islamist currents. I expect that they will take the same path as the Islamic Front which rules Sudan today. They will not seek to solve the people’s problems.

In the end, revolution is a trial that can keep repeating until it achieves its objectives.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/mohammed-al-khatib-price-speaking-out-khartoum




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Sudan's Bashir defiant after anti-regime protests

Published Monday, June 25, 2012
Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir on Sunday dismissed anti-government protests over a severe economic crisis as the work of "a few agitators."

More than a week of anti-regime protests sparked by austerity measures have spread across the capital Khartoum and other cities, expanding beyond the core of student activists who hoped to turn public discontent into an "Arab Spring" movement.

But in a speech late on Sunday, Bashir dismissed the demonstrations.

"They said the economic measures were a chance for the Arab Spring, but we've already had the Arab Spring a number of times," he said. "When the Sudanese people revolt, they all come out. The people who are burning tires are a few agitators."

Popular uprisings have overthrown military rulers in Sudan twice since the country gained independence from Britain in 1956 - once in 1964 and again in 1985.

Police vowed late on Saturday to quell the latest unrest "forcefully and immediately."

While Khartoum appeared to be quieter on Sunday, a protest of about 150 people broke out in El-Obeid, capital of North Kordofan state, witnesses said. Police dispersed the demonstration with teargas, they added.

Activists said police also fired tear gas to disperse student demonstrators at the University of Khartoum, a major hub of the protests, but it was not immediately possible to verify that independently.

A Reuters reporter saw a heavy police presence in the area and rocks strewn on a street near the campus. The police were not immediately available to comment.

The impetus for the demonstrations was the government's announcement last week of spending cuts to tackle an economic crisis worsened by the secession of oil-producing South Sudan a year ago. The measures included a cut in fuel subsidies.

Activists and opposition groups have been trying to use discontent over rising food prices and other economic woes to build a broader movement to end Bashir's 23-year rule.

But although spread across a wide variety of neighborhoods, the demonstrations have so far lasted for only short periods and rarely exceeded more than a few hundred people at any one time.

The unrest in Khartoum has been an added pressure for a government already grappling with armed insurgencies in its western Darfur region and in two southern states bordering South Sudan.

An insurgent alliance known as the Sudanese Revolutionary Front issued a statement on Sunday praising the demonstrations and saying the rebels were ready to declare a "strategic ceasefire" if Bashir were to be overthrown.

The alliance was formed last year and encompasses Sudan's main rebel groups – three factions of Darfur rebels plus other insurgents in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states bordering South Sudan.

Sudan has faced high food inflation and a weakening currency since South Sudan seceded, taking with it three quarters of the country's crude production – previously the main source of state revenues and foreign currency.

(Reuters, Al-Akhbar)http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/sudans-bashir-defiant-after-anti-regime-protests







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[freepalestine]

Sudan: Not As Stable as Bashir Thought


Aid workers load a truck with tents for refugees from Blue Nile at the Yusuf Batil Refugee camp, in Upper Nile State, South Sudan on 23 June 2012. (Photo: AFP - Giulio Petrocco)



By: Jomana Farhat
Published Thursday, June 28, 2012


A few months ago, the Sudanese government lived in a fortified tower. At least that was the impression given by its officials. No fear of popular protests or demonstrations. On the contrary, they were confident about the way things were going in the country, based on local and regional events.

Regionally, the uprisings in Egypt and Libya ousted two of the Salvation regime’s biggest adversaries. Internally, the absence of any real popular reaction to the separation of South Sudan, entailing the loss of vast areas of the country with all their oil resources, was the most reassuring indication. It prompted the Sudanese president, Omar Al-Bashir to declare confidently: “If the people were to rise against me, I will come out to them and they can pelt me with stones.” Following which, his government launched severe austerity measures, sparking anger among the people and compelling them to go out into the streets.

Bashir did not fulfill his promise. In fact, as popular demonstrations entered their second week, he did the opposite. His speech on Sunday showed that he had learned nothing from the protests in neighboring countries. He rejected the protests, accusing “some agitators” of instigating them, instead of admitting the people’s right to demonstrate, particularly when the economic situation is deteriorating and austerity measures have been imposed.

the government, instead of anticipating this situation and attempting to adjust the imbalance resulting from their poor administration and policies, chose to lay the burden of the consequences on the people, making them pay the price with overwhelming austerity measures. Of course, Bashir took the opportunity to speak of a conspiracy against the country, calling people to resist it, “to set up training camps and not to be passive, because the conspiracy against the country continues.” Bashir acted in the same way as all the Arab presidents who chose to challenge the protesters, accusing them of being “rats,” “gangs” or “misguided groups.”
In an interview with Al-Akhbar, the Sudanese analyst, Khaled Al-Tijani, said that Bashir’s speech was an expression of weakness, coming a few months after the Sudanese president had been exaggerating his confidence that the situation in the country was stable. Tijani explains that Bashir’s speech seemed to intensify the confrontation with the street, pointing out that this time the President knows that the situation has changed and that the challenge is real, but this has made his tone more hostile. He adds: “Unfortunately, it seems that the situation in Sudan is a carbon copy of the events of the past two years in the Arab world, where revolutions have been born out of small protests because the authorities failed to contain them.”

Tijani points out that the problem is not the demonstrations, because the reasons behind those are to do with the situation, the result of unbearable economic conditions. The real problem lies with the government, which instead of anticipating this situation and attempting to adjust the imbalance resulting from their poor administration and policies, chose to lay the burden of the consequences on the people, making them pay the price with overwhelming austerity measures.

The demonstrations could spread, with more people joining them at a rapid pace. This seems likely because lawyers have declared that they have joined the protests. Under these circumstances, Sudan is likely to face two possible scenarios: the first depends on the ability of the government to cooperate with some of the opposition and strike a deal whereby reforms are introduced and some of the severe austerity measures are reversed, hopefully absorbing the anger of the street. This scenario does not seem impossible, because so far the number of people taking part in the demonstrations is still relatively small and no firm positions have been taken by the opposition against the regime. However, the government might not be up to the challenge of reform, particularly when the experience of the last few years has shown that the state has over-inflated government jobs. This is because government positions were seen as the best way to appease members of the ruling party and the adversaries that the authorities succeeded in attracting. However, as part of the latest austerity measures, the government has had to reduce the number of these positions.
As for the second scenario, the demonstrations could spread, with more people joining them at a rapid pace. This seems likely because lawyers have declared that they have joined the protests. In this case, the regime will not be able to contain the protests without loss of life. The regime would then face an overwhelming wave of anger and it will not be able to stand up to it for long. This is because Sudan has a long experience of revolution, where the more blood was shed, the more determined the protesters became.

In this context, Tijani believes that there are several factors that could help the second scenario along. The National Conference Party is experiencing an internal crisis among its various currents which complicates any move towards reform. Some of its leaders have been tightening their grip on government posts for over twenty years, making any rejuvenation of the leadership impossible.

As for the opposition, Tijani describes it as weak, and believes that it is the other face of the crisis of governance in Sudan, which is a pathetic and weak regime. He thinks that it can fuel the protests, but he does not think it likely that it can become an inspiration or a leader of the vanguard.

The cosmetic reforms which the regime is used to offering will not work this time and will just lead to more anger. The daughter of the leader of the Ummah Party, Mariam Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi, told Al-Akhbar that Sudan is in a very dangerous position. She spoke about extreme political anger which has prompted several groups to take up arms against the state, demanding their rights. She points out that this anger has exploded into wars when there is economic failure. It is aggravated by the government’s misguided policies which made the economy completely dependent on the oil in the South. She explains that the government tried to remove subsidies from basic commodities, which caused unprecedented rises in prices, affecting the people, who were already poor.
Mahdi says that, in addition, the government has refused to carry out any real review of its measures and policies for the past few years, when it was spending billions of pounds on providing luxuries for the top officials. Therefore, Mahdi believes that the explosion can only be defused through a comprehensive and radical reform within a new political horizon.

She warns that the cosmetic reforms which the regime is used to offering will not work this time and will just lead to more anger. But Mahdi emphasizes the importance of this goal being achieved peacefully and consensually. She believes that Bashir’s regime has to hand over authority to the people and the broad factions, so that they can be part of the change. This coincides with her party’s declaration of support for the citizens’ constitutional right to demonstrate and to resist the rise in prices.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/sudan-not-stable-bashir-thought

[campesino]

at first I thought it was a bad thing, the riots aren't being mentioned in the western media.
Now I see it as a good thing, as long as the imperialist and its propaganda machine don't start informing the politicians of the west. the revolt will continue to create a genuine people's path for Sudan's future. Otherwise the west will come in a support a nominally secular group that will act to make Sudan as foreign business friendly as possible.