Anarcho-Syndicalism, Anarcho-Communism Economics.

[Anarcho-Brocialist]

What are the differences between Anarcho-Syndicalism and Anarcho-Communism, in regards to allocation of needs, and ownership of production? I've heard, but not sure, that Syndicalists believe in workers' control of production over community control.

[Brosa Luxemburg]

There really isn't a difference between the two. Many Anarcho-Syndicalists are also Anarcho-Communists but feel the revolutionary union will lead the revolution. At least that is my understanding.

[Grenzer]

There really isn't a difference between the two. Many Anarcho-Syndicalists are also Anarcho-Communists but feel the revolutionary union will lead the revolution. At least that is my understanding.

That's basically it, the only thing I would add that syndicalists also advocate the post-revolutionary society along industrial lines.

[Manic Impressive]

Syndaclists advocate a market economy Anarcho-communists don't.

[Bronco]

Syndaclists advocate a market economy Anarcho-communists don't.

How so?

[Manic Impressive]

I don't think I can put it better than Bordiga. Here's the full article (http://theoryandpractice.org.uk/library/fundamentals-revolutionary-communism-part-3-amadeo-bordiga-1957) I don't agree with all of it because obviously it's from a Left communist perspective on things like Democracy, the party, workers having brains and so on but it's a good critique none the less.

The anarchist proposal, when not actually advocating unlimited autonomy for all individuals, whatever their class, was to destroy the capitalist State so as to replace it with small social units, the famous communities of producers, which after the collapse of the central government would supposedly be totally autonomous, even with respect to each other. The rather abstract form of future society based on local "communes" doesn't seem that different from today's bourgeois society, and its economic procedures don't seem that different either. Those who set out to describe this future society, such as Bakunin and Kropotkin, thought it enough merely to link it to a set of philosophical ideologisms, rather than to an analysis of historically verified laws of social production. When they did take up Marx's critique, it was only in the most minimal and selective way since they were unable to infer the conclusions implied by the theory: they were impressed by the concept of surplus value (which is an economic theorem) but used it merely to support their moral condemnation of exploitation, which they saw as arising from human beings exerting "power" over each other. Unable to attain the theoretical level of dialectics, they were debarred from understanding, for instance, that in the transition from the appropriation of the physical product of the serf's labour by the landowning lord to the production of surplus value in the capitalist system, an actual "liberation" from more crushing forms of servitude and oppression has taken place; for even if the division into classes, and the existence of a State power, still remained a historical necessity, and benefited the bourgeois class, in that period it also benefited the whole of the rest of society as well.
One of the principal causes of the greater output of labour as a whole, and of the higher average remuneration for the same amount of labour, was the creation of the nationwide market and the division of productive labour into different branches of industry, with the latter enabled to exchange their fully and semi-worked products within a zone of free circulation of commodities, and increasingly impelled to extend this zone beyond the State boundaries.
This increase (fully condoning the Marxist view) in the wealth of the bourgeoisie and in the power of each of each of its states, and along with this the production of surplus-value, does not immediately mean that an absolute increase in the gross revenue extracted is at the expense of the lower classes. To a certain extent, it is still compatible with a lessening of the hours of labour and with a general improvement in the satisfaction of needs. Therefore, the idea of dismantling capitalism by breaking up the national State into little islands of power, characteristic of the pre-bourgeois Middle Ages, makes no sense at all. It would clearly be a retrograde step to force the economy back into these limited confines, even if the sole aim were to prevent a few lazy, non-workers from appropriating any of the resources from each of the little communes.
In this system of egalitarian communes, it is certain that the cost of the daily food supply, calculated in terms of the hours of labour of all the adult members of the community (leaving aside the niggling question of those who didn't want to work, and who would compel them to do so!) would be more than if production was organised at the level of the nation, take modern France for instance, where there is a continuous and regular economic traffic between the different communes, and a given manufactured article is obtained from the places where it is produced with least difficulty; even if the "hundred families" still gobble everything up for free.
In fact, these various communes would have no option but to trade amongst each other on the basis of free exchange. And even if we admitted that a "universal consciousness" would suffice to peacefully regulate these relations between the different locally based economic nuclei, there would still be nothing to prevent one commune extracting surplus value from another due to a fluctuating equivalence between one commodity and another.
This imaginary system of little economic communes is nothing more than a philosophical caricature of that age-old petty-bourgeois dream self-government. It can easily be seen that this system is just as mercantile as the one which existed in Stalin's Russia or in the increasingly anti-proletarian post-Stalinist Russia, and it is equally clear that it involves a totally bourgeois system of monetary equivalents (without a State mint?!) which is bound to weigh down the average productive labourer far more than a system of national or imperialist, large-scale industries.

(sectarianism his not mine ;))