Die Neue Zeit
1st March 2012, 14:58
The left must step: For a day of action across Europe! (http://www.cpgb.org.uk/leaflets/anti_austerity_europe_111130.pdf)
The capitalist crisis is not only a crisis for the ruling
class: it is a crisis for society, a society in which
the working class forms a clear majority. It
underlines the responsibilities of the left. The crisis
contains not only the possibility of the left organising
the working class so it can act in a decisive way and
make the transition to communism. It also carries with
it the inherent danger that - if the left does not actually
take its responsibilities seriously - then we face what
Rosa Luxemburg famously called ‘socialism or
barbarism’.
There are more features of barbarism inherent in this
present crisis than there are of immanent socialism. In
1929 many millions did believe in a socialism of some
kind or another. While many of those socialisms might
have been entirely illusory, substantial sections of the
working class had an idea about an alternative society.
There was a shared class language, a shared class
outlook. More than that, workers were organised to
achieve their ends in powerful trade unions, co-ops,
political parties, etc.
We all know the twofold tragedy. Social democracy
became incorporated into the state: in effect it served
to deliver palliatives so as to maintain capitalism. The
‘official communist’ parties were rendered pliant
instruments of Soviet foreign policy. In Germany the
most powerful working class on the face of the planet
was destroyed as a result of the failures of social
democracy on the one side and ‘official communism’
on the other. Barbarism spread like a cancer over the
face of Europe.
Economic collapse brings not only unemployment,
increased migration, pay cuts and speed-ups, but the
real danger that what remains of working class selforganisation
could disintegrate.
Where now?
Capitalism’s crisis provides opportunities for the left.
But it also demands a break with sect-building,
constitutionalism, movementism, left nationalism,
economism and all forms of mechanical thinking.
However, the left is still woefully divided, even in the
fight against the cuts. Unity of the various anti-cuts fronts
is an urgent necessity to effectively challenge the Con-
Dem government.
Politically too, the answers of the left are inadequate.
For example, the call for a ‘general strike’ (or, as the
Socialist Workers Party puts it, ‘all out, stay out’) is
nothing but leftist posturing, designed to showcase the
left’s militancy at rallies and demonstrations. Most
groups view the present situation merely as an
opportunity for their sects to grow. That is totally
irresponsible.
So is the attempt to turn back time and fight for
Keynesian politics. Keynesianism is a method to try and
manage capitalism in decline. Since the late 19th
century capitalism has turned away from market
competition and towards monopoly and the state.
Capitalist imperialism went hand in hand with the
incorporation of the labour bureaucracy, massive arms
spending and world war. Keynesian economics became
the accepted common sense of the bourgeoisie and is
often, lazily, linked with peace, rationality and the good
times.
In reality Keynesianism, with its government
manipulation of the money supply, heavy taxation of
profits, demand management, nationalisations and full
employment, was the continuation of the organised
capitalism which began in earnest during World War I
and was taken to new heights in World War II.
And yet, in Ireland, the United Left Alliance - a
marriage of convenience between the SWP and the
Socialist Party - stands on a political platform eerily
reminiscent of the ‘official communist’ Alternative
Economic Strategy from the 1970s and 80s. This type
of programme is based on a nationalist fallacy.
Keynesianism, even left Keynesianism, cannot succeed
in isolation and cannot lead to socialism. Either there
would be flight of capital, imperialist sanctions or internal
rebellion by the desperate, starving people. As for
socialism, it is by definition international. History has
shown us that socialism in one country does not lead
to communism.
For a European day of action
We need a programme that is the exact opposite of
such a short-termist, nationalist outlook. An all-Europe
protest strike against austerity and against rule by the
bankers would be a good first step. It would symbolise
not just our opposition to the EU of bureaucrats and
bosses, but our conviction that it is necessary for the
working class to unite into a single Communist Party of
the European Union.
We need a mass party, a party where there is unity
in action, but freedom of criticism, a party which
operates democratically, where factions can be formed.
In other words, a Marxist party that has nothing to do
with Stalinism, popular-front class-collaborationism or
the narrow-minded, bureaucratic control-freakery of the
confessional sects.
The threat of barbarism is real - and not only through
prolonged stagnation, hyperinflation or a spectacular
collapse of the euro zone. The offloading of economic
crisis from one power to another brings with it the
possibility of war. Then there is the ecological crisis and
global warming. Everything tells us that the working
class must come to power.
The place where the working class can consolidate
that power is Europe. Here it would be able to
demonstrate to the rest of the planet that socialism
marks a far higher level of civilisation than capitalism.
The capitalist crisis is not only a crisis for the ruling
class: it is a crisis for society, a society in which
the working class forms a clear majority. It
underlines the responsibilities of the left. The crisis
contains not only the possibility of the left organising
the working class so it can act in a decisive way and
make the transition to communism. It also carries with
it the inherent danger that - if the left does not actually
take its responsibilities seriously - then we face what
Rosa Luxemburg famously called ‘socialism or
barbarism’.
There are more features of barbarism inherent in this
present crisis than there are of immanent socialism. In
1929 many millions did believe in a socialism of some
kind or another. While many of those socialisms might
have been entirely illusory, substantial sections of the
working class had an idea about an alternative society.
There was a shared class language, a shared class
outlook. More than that, workers were organised to
achieve their ends in powerful trade unions, co-ops,
political parties, etc.
We all know the twofold tragedy. Social democracy
became incorporated into the state: in effect it served
to deliver palliatives so as to maintain capitalism. The
‘official communist’ parties were rendered pliant
instruments of Soviet foreign policy. In Germany the
most powerful working class on the face of the planet
was destroyed as a result of the failures of social
democracy on the one side and ‘official communism’
on the other. Barbarism spread like a cancer over the
face of Europe.
Economic collapse brings not only unemployment,
increased migration, pay cuts and speed-ups, but the
real danger that what remains of working class selforganisation
could disintegrate.
Where now?
Capitalism’s crisis provides opportunities for the left.
But it also demands a break with sect-building,
constitutionalism, movementism, left nationalism,
economism and all forms of mechanical thinking.
However, the left is still woefully divided, even in the
fight against the cuts. Unity of the various anti-cuts fronts
is an urgent necessity to effectively challenge the Con-
Dem government.
Politically too, the answers of the left are inadequate.
For example, the call for a ‘general strike’ (or, as the
Socialist Workers Party puts it, ‘all out, stay out’) is
nothing but leftist posturing, designed to showcase the
left’s militancy at rallies and demonstrations. Most
groups view the present situation merely as an
opportunity for their sects to grow. That is totally
irresponsible.
So is the attempt to turn back time and fight for
Keynesian politics. Keynesianism is a method to try and
manage capitalism in decline. Since the late 19th
century capitalism has turned away from market
competition and towards monopoly and the state.
Capitalist imperialism went hand in hand with the
incorporation of the labour bureaucracy, massive arms
spending and world war. Keynesian economics became
the accepted common sense of the bourgeoisie and is
often, lazily, linked with peace, rationality and the good
times.
In reality Keynesianism, with its government
manipulation of the money supply, heavy taxation of
profits, demand management, nationalisations and full
employment, was the continuation of the organised
capitalism which began in earnest during World War I
and was taken to new heights in World War II.
And yet, in Ireland, the United Left Alliance - a
marriage of convenience between the SWP and the
Socialist Party - stands on a political platform eerily
reminiscent of the ‘official communist’ Alternative
Economic Strategy from the 1970s and 80s. This type
of programme is based on a nationalist fallacy.
Keynesianism, even left Keynesianism, cannot succeed
in isolation and cannot lead to socialism. Either there
would be flight of capital, imperialist sanctions or internal
rebellion by the desperate, starving people. As for
socialism, it is by definition international. History has
shown us that socialism in one country does not lead
to communism.
For a European day of action
We need a programme that is the exact opposite of
such a short-termist, nationalist outlook. An all-Europe
protest strike against austerity and against rule by the
bankers would be a good first step. It would symbolise
not just our opposition to the EU of bureaucrats and
bosses, but our conviction that it is necessary for the
working class to unite into a single Communist Party of
the European Union.
We need a mass party, a party where there is unity
in action, but freedom of criticism, a party which
operates democratically, where factions can be formed.
In other words, a Marxist party that has nothing to do
with Stalinism, popular-front class-collaborationism or
the narrow-minded, bureaucratic control-freakery of the
confessional sects.
The threat of barbarism is real - and not only through
prolonged stagnation, hyperinflation or a spectacular
collapse of the euro zone. The offloading of economic
crisis from one power to another brings with it the
possibility of war. Then there is the ecological crisis and
global warming. Everything tells us that the working
class must come to power.
The place where the working class can consolidate
that power is Europe. Here it would be able to
demonstrate to the rest of the planet that socialism
marks a far higher level of civilisation than capitalism.