View Full Version : Hoxha and Mao
The Cheshire Cat
7th February 2012, 13:59
Hello Comrades,
I'm still quite new to communism and this forum, and I don't know much about it yet. I'm still learning about Stalin and some books I ordered about him just came in, but ofcourse I would also like to know more about other leaders. Could someone tell me more about Hoxha and Mao and their link to Stalin, or recommend me some books? Books about other leaders than the 2 mentioned above are OK as well. Thank you!
Red Noob
7th February 2012, 14:34
Mao's book of quotes and Stalin's Revolution in one Country might help.
Hoxha I don't know much about.
Maoism has some interesting perspectives, if you're familiar with Marxist-Leninism, imagine that but hyped up on adrenaline. A lot of guerrilla warfare talk.
Stalinism is predicated around the idea that socialism can exist in one nation (along with Maoism and probably some other isms) and in a central-planned economy. I believe 5-year plans are a part of his theory.
enver criticism
7th February 2012, 15:21
I think you can ask me because I am a Chinese hoxhaist
The Cheshire Cat
7th February 2012, 17:18
Thank you, Enver Criticism, I've send you a message.
Ismail
7th February 2012, 18:13
Enver Hoxha was a founding member of the Communist Party of Albania, led the national liberation war against fascist occupation, and for 41 years led the country. Stalin knew little about Albania and asked the Yugoslavs (who cooperated with the Albanian partisans during the war and assisted them) various questions about the country and its leadership, since Albania was the only East European country to not have Soviet troops take part in its liberation. In 1947 Hoxha visited the USSR and met with Stalin for the first time. From 1960 until his death Hoxha served as one of the leading lights in the international communist movement against revisionism and in defense of the line of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.
If you have any specific questions feel free to ask.
CommieTroll
7th February 2012, 18:41
Hoxha's Imperialism and the Revolution is essential to Anti-Revisionist Marxist-Leninist thought
Ismail
7th February 2012, 21:36
Hoxha's Imperialism and the Revolution is essential to Anti-Revisionist Marxist-Leninist thoughtOne can read this work along with another important work, Eurocommunism is Anti-Communism, in Volume V of his Selected Works here: http://www.enverhoxha.ru/Archive_of_books/English/enver_hoxha_selected_works_volume_V_eng.pdf
Alternatively, one can read them here:
http://enver-hoxha.net/content/content_english/books/books-imperialism_and_revolution.htm
http://enver-hoxha.net/content/content_english/books/books-eurocommunism_is_anti-communism.htm
enver criticism
8th February 2012, 05:33
Mao's mainly philosophy with lots of shortcomings is in his 《talk about philosophy》in 1964.But I can not find its English essay.I will translate some of the essay.关于哲学问题的讲话(一九六四年八月十八日北戴河) 有阶级斗争才有哲学(脱离实际谈认识论没有用)。学哲学的同志应当下乡去。今冬明春就下去,去参加阶级斗争 。身体不好也去,下去也死不了人,无非是感冒,多穿几件衣服就行了。大学文科现在的搞法不行,从书本到书本 ,从概念到概会。书本里怎能出哲学?马克思主义叁个构成部分,基础是社会学,阶级斗争。无产阶级和资产阶级 之间作斗争,马克思他们看出,空想社会主义者想劝资产阶级发善心,这个办法不行,要依靠无产阶级的阶级斗争 。那时已经有许多罢工。英国国会调查,认为与其十二小时工作制,不如八小时工作制对资本家有利。从这个观点 开始,才有马克思主义。基础是阶级斗争,然后才能研究哲学,什么人的哲学?资产阶级哲学,无产阶级的哲学。 无产阶级哲学是马克思主义哲学,还有无产阶级经济学,改造了古典经济学。搞哲学的人,以为第一是哲学。不对 ,第一是阶级斗争。压迫者压迫被压迫者,被压迫者要反抗,找出路,才去找哲学。我们都是这样过来的。别人要 杀我的头,蒋介石要杀我,这才搞阶级斗争,才搞哲学。大学生今年冬天就要开始下去,讲文科。理科的现在不动 ,动一两回也可以。所有学文科的,学历史的、学政治经济学的、学文学的、学法学的,统统都去。教授、助教、 行政工作人员、学生统统下去。去五个月,有始有终。农村去五个月,工厂去五个月,得到点感性知识,马、牛、 羊、鸡、犬、豕、稻、梁、菽、麦、黍、稷,都看一看。冬天去.看不到庄稼,至少还可以看到土地,看到人。去 搞阶级斗争,那是个大学。什么北大、人大,还是那个大学好!我就是绿林大学的,在那里学了点东西。我过去读 过孔夫子,四书五经,读了六年,背得,可是不懂。那时候很相信孔夫子,还写过文章。后来进资产阶级学校七年 。七六十叁年。尽学资产阶级那一套自然科学和社会科学。还讲了教育学。五年师范,两年中学,上图书馆也算在 内。那时候是相信康德的二元论,特别是唯心论。看来我原来是个封建主义者和资产阶级民主主义者。社会推动我 转入革命。我当了几年小学教员、校长,四年制的。还在六年制学校里救过历史、国文。中学还教过短时期,啥也 不懂。进了共产党,革命了,只知道要革命,革什么?如何革?当然,革帝国主义,革旧社会的命。帝国主义是什 么东西?不甚了解。如何革?更不懂。十叁年学的东西,搞革命却用不着。只用得工具──文字。写文章,是个工 具。至于那些道理,根本用不着。孔夫子讲仁者人也,仁者爱人,爱什么人?所有的人?没那回事,爱剥 削者?也不完全,只是剥削者的一部分。不然,为什么孔夫子不能做大官?人家不要他。他爱他们,要他们团结。 可是闹到绝粮,君子固穷,几乎送了一条命,匡人要杀他。有人批评他西行不到秦。还有《黄鸟》,讲秦穆公 杀死了叁个大夫殉葬的事,司马迁对诗经评价很高,说诗叁百篇皆古圣贤发奋之所为作也。(诗经)大部分是风诗 ,是老百姓的民歌,老百姓也是贤圣。发奋之所为作,心里没有气,他写诗!不稼不穑,胡取禾叁百廛兮? 不狩不猎,胡瞻尔庭有悬□兮?彼君子兮,不素餐兮!尸位素餐就是从这里来的。这是怨天,反对统治者的 诗。孔夫子也相当民主,男女恋爱的诗,他也收。朱熹注为淫奔的需,其实有的是,有的不是,是借男女写君臣。 五代十国的蜀,有一首诗叫《秦妇吟》,韦庄的,少年之作,是怀念君王的。讲下去的事,今冬明春开始,分期分 批下去,去参加阶级斗争,只有这样,才能学到东西,学到革命。王光美作了报告,她去搞了一个大队,那里没有 暖气,同吃同住,吃得不好,害了两次感冒。春节回来的时候,见了她,我问她,还去不去,她说还去。无非是发 几天烧,你们知识分子,天天住在机关里,吃得好,穿得好,又不走路,所以生病。衣食住行,四大要症,从生活 条件好,变到生活条件坏些,下去参加阶级斗争,到四清、五反中去,经过锻炼,你们知款分子的面貌就 会改观。不搞阶级斗争,搞什么哲学!下去,我试看,病得不行了,就回来,以不死为原则。病得快死了,就回来 ,一下去,精神就出来了。(康生:科学院哲学社会科学部的研究所,也统统要下去。现在快要成了古董研究所, 快要不食人间烟火的神仙世界了。哲学所的人,《光明日报》都不看。)我专看《光明日报》、《文汇报》,不看 《人民日报》。因为《人民日报》不登理论文章,建议以后,他们登了,《解放军报》生动,可以看。(康生:文 学研究所不关心周谷城的同题,经济所张闻天搞利别尔曼那一套,搞资本主义。)搞点资本主义也可见。社会很复 杂,只搞社会主义,不搞资本主义,不是太单调了吗?不是没有对立统一,只有片面性了吗?让他们搞,猖狂进攻 ,上街游行,拿枪叛变,我都赞成。社会很复杂,没有一个公社、一个县、一个中央部不可见一分为二。你看,农 村工作部不是取消了?它专搞包产到户,四大自由,借贷、贸易、雇工、土地买卖自由。过去出过布告,邓子 恢同我争论。中央开会,他建议搞四大自由,巩固新民主主义秩序。永远巩固下去,就是搞资本主义。我们说,新 民主主义是无产阶级领导的资产阶级民主主义革命。分土地给农民,是把封建地主的所有制改为农民个体所有制, 这还是资产阶级革命范畴的。分地并不奇怪。麦克阿瑟在日本分过地,拿破伦也分过。现在我们的国家大约有叁分 之一的权力掌握在敌人或者敌人的同情者手里,我们搞了十五年,叁分天下有其二。现在几包纸烟就能收买一个支 部书记,嫁给一个女儿就更不必说了。有些地区是和平土改,土改工作队很弱,现在看来问题不少。关于哲学的材 料收到了。(指关于矛盾问题的材料──记录者注)提纲看了一遍(指批判合二而一论的文章提纲─一记录者注) ,其他未来及看。关于分析与综合的材料也看了一下。这样收集材料,关于对立统一规律,资产阶级怎么讲,马恩 列斯怎么讲,修正主义怎么讲,是好的。资产阶级讲,杨献珍讲,古人是黑格尔讲。古已有之,于今为烈。还有波 格丹诺夫、卢那察尔斯基讲造神论,波格丹诺夫的经济学我看过。列宁看过,好象称赞过他讲原始积累那一部分。 (康生:波格丹洛夫的经济学可能比现代修正主义者的那一套还高明一些。考茨基的比赫鲁晓夫的高明些,南斯拉 夫的也比苏联的高明些。德热拉斯还讲了斯大林的几句好话,说他在中国问题上作了自我批评。)斯大林感到他在 中国同题上犯了错架,不是小错误。我们是几亿人口的大国,反对我们革命,夺取政权。为了夺取全国政权,我们 准备了好多年,整个抗战都是准备,看中央那时的文件,包括新民主主义论,就清楚。就是说不能搞资产阶级 专政,只能建立无产阶级领导下的新民主主义,搞无产阶级领导的人民民主专政。在我国,八十年,资产阶级领导 的民主主义革命,都失败了。我们领导的民主主义革命,一定要胜利。只有这条出路,没有第二条。这是第一步, 第二步搞社会主义。就是新民主主义论那一篇是完整的纲领。政治、经济、文化都讲了,只是没有讲军事。( 康生:新民主主义论对世界共产主义运动很有意义。我问过西班牙的同志,他们说,他们的问题就是搞资产阶 级民主主义,不搞新民主主义。他们那里就是不搞这叁条:军队、农村、政权,完全服从苏联外交政策的需要,什 么也搞不成。)这是陈独秀那一套!(康生:他们说,共产党组织了军队,交始人家。)没有用。康生:也不要政 权。农民也不发动。那时苏联同他们讲,如果搞无产阶级领导,英法就反对,对苏不利。)古巴呢?古巴恰恰是又 搞政权,又搞军队,又发动农民。所以就成功了。(康生:他们打仗也是打正规仗,资产阶级那一套。死守马德里 。一切服从苏联外交的一套。)第叁国际还没有解散,我们没有听第叁国际的。遵义会议就没有听,长征把电台丢 了,听不到。后来十年整风,到七大的时候才作决议。若干历史同题的决议,纠正左的,都没有听。教条 主义那些人根本不研究中国特点。到了农村十几年,根本不研究农村土地、生产关系和阶级关系。不是到了农村就 懂得农村,要研究农村各阶级、各阶层关系。我花了十几年功夫,才搞清楚。茶馆、赌场,什么人都接近调查。一 九二五年我搞农民运动讲习所,作农村调查。我在家乡,找贫苦农民调查。他们生活可惨,没有饭吃。有个农民, 我找他打骨牌(天、地、人、和、梅十、长叁、板凳),然后请他吃一顿敬。事先事后,吃饭中间,同他谈话,了 解到农村阶级斗争那么激烈。他愿意同我谈,是因为一把他当人看,二请他吃顿饭,叁可以赢几个钱。我是老输, 输一、二块银洋,他就很满足了。有一位朋友,解放后还来看过我二次。那时候有一回,他实在不行了,来找我借 一块钱。我给了他叁元,无偿援助。那时候这种无偿援助是难得有的。我父亲就是认为,人不为己,天诛地灭。我 母亲反对他。我父亲死时送葬很少,我母亲死时送葬的很多。有一回哥老会抢了我的家。我说,抢得好,人家没有 嘛,我母亲也很不能接受。长沙发生过一次抢米风潮.把巡抚都打开了。有些小贩,湘乡人,卖开花蚕豆的,纷纷 回家。我拦着他们问情况。乡下青红帮也开会,吃大户,登了上海申报,是长沙开兵来才剿灭的。他们纪律不好, 抢了中农,所以自己孤立了。一个领袖左躲右躲,躲到山里,还是抓去杀了。后来乡绅开会,又杀了几个贫苦农民 。那时还没有共产党,是自发的阶级斗争。社会把我们这些人推向政治舞台。以前谁想到搞马克思主义?听都没有 听说过。听过看过的是孔夫子、拿破仑、华盛顿、大彼得、明治维新、意大利叁杰,就是资本主义那一套。富兰克 林传,他穷苦出身,后来变为文学家,还试验过电。(陈伯达:富兰克林最先提出人是制造工具的动物这一说法。 )他谈过人是制造工具的动物。从前说人是有思想的动物,心之首则思。说人为万物之灵,谁开会选举的 ?自封的。这些说法是封建社会就有的,后来马克思提出,人能制造工具,人是社会的动物。其实,人至少经过了 一百万年才发展了大脑和双手,动物将来还要发展,我不相信就只有人才能有两只手,马牛羊就不进化了?只有猴 子才进化?而且猴子中只有一类猴子能进化,其他就不能进化?一百万年,一千万年议后江是今天的马牛羊?我看 还要变。马、牛、羊、昆虫都要变,动物就是从植物变来的,从海藻变来的。章太炎都知道。他的《与康有为论革 命书》中,就写了这个道理。地球本来是个死的地球,没有植物,没有水没有空气,不知几千万年才形成了水,不 是随便一下就由氢氧变成了水。水也有自己的历史,以前连氢氧二气也没有。产生了氢和氧。然后才有可能由两种 元素化合成为水。要研究自然科学史,不读自然科学史不行,要读些。为了现在的斗争的需要去读书,与无目的地 读书大不相同。傅鹰讲氢和氧经过千百次化合成水,并不是简单地合二而一。他这话,讲的倒是有道理的,我要和 他谈谈。(对XX讲)你俩对傅鹰也不要一切都反对。历来讲分析、综合讲得不清楚。分析,比较清楚;综合,没 有讲过几句话。我曾找艾思奇谈话,他说现在只讲概念上的综合、分析,不讲客观实际的综合和分析。我们怎样分 析、综合共产党和国民党、无产阶级和资产阶级、地主和农民、中国人民和帝国主义?共产党和国民党来说,我们 怎样分析和综合?我们分析,无非是我们有多少力量,多少土地,多少人,多少党员,多少军队,多少根据地。如 延安之类。弱点是什么?没有大城市,军队只有一百二十万,没有外援,国民党有大量外援。延安和上海地,延安 只有七千人口,加上机关,部队,一共二万人,只有手工业和农业。怎能同大城市相比?我们的长处是有人民支持 ,国民党脱离人民,你地方多、军队多、武器多,但是你的兵是抓来的,官兵之间是对立的。当然他们也有相当大 一部分很有战斗力的军队,并不是都一打就降。他们的弱点就在这里,关键就是脱离人民。我们联系人民群众,他 们脱离人民群众。他们宣传共产党共产共委,一在宣传到小学里。编了个歌:出了朱德毛泽东,杀人放火样样干 ,你们怎么办?教小学生唱,小学生一唱就去问他的父母兄弟,反倒替我们作了宣传。有个小孩听了问爸爸,他 爸爸回答说:将来你长大以后,你自己看就知道了。这是个中间派。又去问他叔叔,叔叔骂他一顿,回答说:什 么杀人放火!你再问,我接你!原来他叔叔是个共青团。所有的报纸电台都骂我们。报纸很多,一个城市几十种 ,每一派办一个,无非是反共。老百姓都听他的?哪有那回事!中国的事我们经历过,中国是个麻雀。外国也 无非是富人和穷人,反革命和革命,马列主义和修正主义。切不要相信反革命宣传会人人信,会一起来反共。我们 不是都看报纸吗?也没有受他影响。《红楼梦》我看了五遍,也没有受影响。我是把它当历史读的,开头当故事读 ,后来当历史读。什么人看《红楼梦》都不注意看第四回,其实这一回是《红楼梦》的总纲。还有冷子兴演说荣国 府,好了歌和注。第四回《葫芦僧判断葫芦案》,讲护官符,提出四大家族。白玉为床金作马,阿房宫,叁百里, 住不下金陵一个史。东海缺少玉床,龙王来请金陵王,丰年好大雪(薛),珍珠如土金如铁。《红楼梦》四大家族 都写到了。《红楼梦》里阶级斗争很激烈,有好几十条人命,而统治者也不过二、叁十个人。(有人算了说是叁十 叁人)其它都是奴隶,叁百多个,鸳鸯、司棋、尤二姐、尤叁姐等等。讲历史不拿阶级斗争观点讲,就讲不清楚。 只有用阶级分析.才能把它分析清楚。《红楼梦》写出来二百多年了,研究《红楼梦》的到现在还没有槁清楚,可 见问题之难。有俞平伯、王昆仑,都是专家。何其芳也写了个序。又出了个吴世昌,这是新红学,老的还不算。蔡 元培对《红楼梦》的观点是不对的,胡适的看法比较对一点。怎么综合?国民党,共产党两个对立面,在大陆上怎 么综合的,你们都看到了,就是这么综合的:他的军队来,我们吃掉,一块一块地吃。不是两方面和平共处的综合 。他不要和平共处,他要吃掉你。不然,他为什么打延安?陕北除了叁边叁个县民外,他的军队都到了。你有你的 自由,我有我的自由。你二十五万,我二万五千。几个旅,二万多人。分析了,如何综合?你要到的地方,你去, 你的军队,我一口一口吃你。打得流就打,打不赢就走。整整一个军,从一九四七年叁月到一九四八年叁月,统统 跑光。因为消灭了他好几万。宜川被我们包围,刘戡来增援。刘戡军长打死了,他的叁个师长,两个打死,一个俘 虏了,全军覆没。这就综合了。所有的枪炮都综合到我们这边来,兵士也都综合了。愿留的留下,不愿留下的发路 费。消灭了刘戡,宜川城一个旅不打就投降。叁大战役,辽沈、淮海、平津战役,怎么综合法,傅作义就综合过来 了。四十万军队,没有打仗,全部缴枪。一个吃一个,大鱼吃小鱼,就是综合。从来书本上没有这样写过,我的书 也没有写。因为杨献珍提出合二而一,说综合就是两种东西不可分割地联系在一起。世界上有什么不可分割的联系 ?有联系,但总要分割的,没有不可分割的事物。我们搞了二十几年,我们被敌人吃掉的也不少。红军叁十万军队 ,到了陕甘宁,只剩下二万五,其它的有被吃掉了的,逃跑了的,打散了的,伤亡了的。要从生活来讲对立统一。 (康生:只讲概念,不行。)分析时也综合,综合时也分析。人吃动物,吃蔬菜,也是先加以分析。为什么不吃砂 子?米里有砂子就不好吃。为什么不吃马牛羊吃的草?只吃大白菜之类?都是加以分析。神农尝百草,医药有方。 经过多少万年,分析出来哪些能吃,哪些不能吃,才搞清楚。蚂蚁、蛇、乌龟、叁八可以吃。螃蟹、狗、下水能够 吃。有些外国人就不吃。陕北人就不吃下水,不吃鱼。陕北猫也不吃。有一年河发大水,冲上来几万斤鱼,都做肥 料了。我是土哲学,你们是洋哲学。(康生:主席能不能讲讲叁个范畴的同题。)恩格斯讲了叁个范畴,我就不相 信那两个范畴。(对立统一是最根本的范畴,质量互变实质与量的对立统一,否定之否定根本没有。)质量互变、 否定之否定同对立统一规律平行的并列,这是叁元论,不是一元论,最根本的是对立统一规律。质量互变就是质与 量的对立统一。没有什么否定之否定。肯定、否定、肯定、否定
事物发展,每一个环节,既是肯定又是否定。 奴隶社会否定原始社会,对于封建社会,它又是肯定。封建社会对奴隶社会是否定,对资本主义社会又是肯定。资 本主义社会对封建社会是否定,对社会主义社会又是肯定。怎么综合法?原始社会和奴隶社会并存?并存是有的, 只是小部分。作为总体,要消灭原始社会。社会发展也是有阶段的,原始社会又分好多个阶段,女人殉葬那时还设 有,但要服从男人。先是男人服从女人,走到反面,女人服从男人。这段历史证搞不清楚,有一百多万年。阶级社 会不到五千年。什么龙山文化,仰韶文化,原始末期,有了影响。总而言之,一个吃掉一个,一个推翻一个,一个 阶级消灭,一个阶级兴起。一个社会消灭,一个社会兴起。当然,在发展过程中,不是很纯的,到了封建社会里还 有奴隶制,主体是封建制。还有些农奴,也有些工奴,如搞手工业的。资本主义社会也不那么纯粹,再先进的资本 主义社会,也有落后部分。如美国南部的奴隶制。林肯消灭奴隶制,现在黑人奴隶还有,斗争很激烈,二千多万人 参加,不少。一个消灭一个,发生、发展、消灭,任何东西都是如此。不是让人家消灭,就是自己灭亡。人为什么 要死?贵族也死。这是自然规律,森林寿命比人长,也不过几千年。没有死,那还得了。如果今天还能看到孔夫子 ,地球上的人就装不下了。赞成庄子的办法,死了老婆,鼓盆而歌。死了人要开庆祝会,庆祝辩证法的胜利。庆祝 旧事物的消灭。社会主义也要灭亡,不灭亡就不行,就没有共产主义。共产主义至少搞个百把万、千把万年,我就 不相信共产主义就没有质变,就不分质变的阶段了?我不信,量变质,质变量。完全一种性质,几百万年不变了, 我不信,按照辩证法,这是不可设想的。就一个原则,各尽所能,各取所需,就搞一百万年,就是一种经济学 ,你信不信?想过没有?那就不要经济学家了,横直一本教科书就可以了,辩证法也死了。辩证法的生命就是不断 走向反面。人类最后也要到末日。宗教家说末日,是悲观主义,吓唬人,我们说人类灭亡,是产生比人类更进步的 东西。现在人很幼稚,恩格斯讲,要从必然的王国到自由的王国,自由是对必然的理解。这句话不完全,只讲了一 半,下面的不讲了。单理解就能自由了?自由是对必然的理解和必然的改造。还要做工作。吃了饭没事做,只理解 一下就行?找到了规律要会用,要开天辟地,破破土,砌房子,开矿山,搞工业。将来人多了,粮食不够,要从矿 物里,北京现在有一万辆公共汽革,东京有十万辆(还是八十万辆)?所以车祸多。我们车少,再加上教育司机, 教育人民,车祸少,一万年以后,北京怎么办?还是一万辆车?会发明新东西,不要这些交通工具,就是人起飞, 用简单机器,一飞就飞到一个地方,随便哪里都可以落。单有对必然的理解不行,还要改造。我不相信共产主义社 会不分阶段,没有质的变化。列宁讲过,凡事都可见分。举原子为例,他说不仅原子可见分,电子也可见分。可是 以前认为不可分。原子核分裂,证明科学还很年轻,才二、叁十年,几十年来,科学家把原子核分解,有质子、反 质子、中子、反中子、介于、反介于。这是重的,江有轻的。这些发现,主要还是第二次世界大战中间和见后才发 展起来。至于电子和原子核可见分裂,那早就发现了。电线里,就是用了铜、铝的外层电子的分离。地球叁百公里 的上空,还发现有电离层,那里电子和原子核也分离了。电子到现在还没有分裂,总有一天能分裂。庄子说:一 尺之棰,日取其半,万世不竭。(《庄子"天下篇》引公孙龙子语)这是个真理。不信,就试试看。如果有竭,就没有科学了。事物总是发展的,是无限的。 时间、空间是无限的,空间方面,宏观、微观是无限的,是无限可分的。所以科学家有工作做,一百万年见后还有 工作做。我很欣赏《自然科学研究通讯》上□田昌一那篇基本粒子的文章,以前没有看到过这样的文章,是辩证唯 物主义者。他引了列宁的话。总要提出新的东西。不然要我们这些人干什么?要后人干什么?新东西在实际事物里 ,要抓实际事物。任继愈到底是不是马克思主义者?很欣赏地讲佛学的那几篇文章,有点研究,是汤用彤的学生, 他只讲到唐朝的佛学。没有触及到以后的佛学。宋朝的明理学是从唐朝禅宗发展起来的,由主观唯心论到客观唯心 论。有佛、道,不出入佛道是不对的。不管它,怎么行?韩愈不讲道理,师其意,不师其词,是他的口号。意 思完全照别人的,形式、文章,改一改。不讲道理,讲一点也基本上是古人的。师说之类有点新的。柳子厚不 同,出入佛老,唯物主义。但是他的天对太短了,就那么一点。他的天对从屈原天问产生见来,几千 年来,只有这个人做了天对。这么一看,到现在,天问、天对讲些什么?没有解释清楚,读不懂,只 知其大意。天问了不起,几千年以前,提出了各种问题,关于宇宙,关于自然,关于历史。(关于合二而一问 题的讨论)《红旗》可以转载一些比较好点的东西,写一篇报导。来自《毛泽东思想万岁》一九六九年八月版第5 49页
enver criticism
8th February 2012, 08:48
毛说,恩格斯讲了叁个范畴,我就不相 信那两个范畴。(对立统一是最根本的范畴,质量互变实质与量的对立统一,否定之否定根本没有。 )质量互变、 否定之否定同对立统一规律平行的并列,这是叁元论,不是一元论,最根本的是对立统一规律。质量 互变就是质与 量的对立统一。没有什么否定之否定。Mao said"Engles said there is three category,I do not agree two of them.(Unity of opposites is the fundamental category. The change of quality and quantity is kind of unity of opposites,There is no "the negation of negation".what Engles said is three factors,not one.''
Prometeo liberado
8th February 2012, 08:56
At what point and why did Mao and Hoxha take divergent paths? I know that Hoxha once held up Mao as a model for ML but that would later change. Also I don't exactly understand Hoxhas take on the Cultural Revolution.
Ismail
8th February 2012, 16:05
At what point and why did Mao and Hoxha take divergent paths? I know that Hoxha once held up Mao as a model for ML but that would later change. Also I don't exactly understand Hoxhas take on the Cultural Revolution.The policies of Mao and those of Hoxha were never the same. As noted in the 1988 work The History of the Socialist Construction of Albania, p. 297: "Despite the differences which existed over a number of issues of principle between the two parties, Albania supported China publicly in the crucial moments through which i was going as a result of the deep internal shake-up and the general onslaught of imperialism and revisionism on it. The PRA supported China in the international arena for those stands of the Chinese side which were correct."
Hoxha's take on the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" was that it was, as he said, neither great, nor proletarian, nor a revolution. It was in effect a putsch designed to cement the faction of Mao loyalists against those whose foreign, military and economic policies were in opposition to his. None of these factions had any principled stands and all were to the right of Marxism-Leninism. Albania had what is known as the Cultural and Ideological Revolution, which demonstrated a correct socialist policy
Both in Reflections on China and in his work Imperialism and the Revolution Hoxha demonstrates the anarchic, un-Leninist and in effect right-wing nature of the "GPCR."
Prometeo liberado
8th February 2012, 17:19
Maybe the better question then is how can one be "orthodox" maoist and also hoxhaist as well.
The Cheshire Cat
8th February 2012, 18:46
So Mao was not a communist? What was he then, some sort of state-capitalist? And if he was, then why did Stalin help Mao? And another off-topic question; Were the protesters in the Tiananmen Square Maoists?
GoddessCleoLover
8th February 2012, 19:02
It probably will come as no great surprise that I consider Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks essential to an understanding of Marxism in the twenty-first century.
Ismail
8th February 2012, 19:23
Maybe the better question then is how can one be "orthodox" maoist and also hoxhaist as well.One cannot. Maoism is an eclectic and petty-bourgeois ideology.
So Mao was not a communist? What was he then, some sort of state-capitalist? And if he was, then why did Stalin help Mao?Because Mao was head of the Communist Party of China. Stalin never did trust the CCP all that much, but so long as Stalin was alive Mao feigned loyalty to him, just like Khrushchev was one of the foremost individuals praising Stalin in the 30's and 40's.
And another off-topic question; Were the protesters in the Tiananmen Square Maoists?A mixture of liberals and anti-communists with Maoists were leading the protests. The protests themselves, however, had their origin in the state-capitalist policies of the Chinese government.
The Cheshire Cat
9th February 2012, 15:47
Thank you for your answer. Do you happen to know if Lenin and Trotsky had an opinion about Mao? Or wasn't Mao already active when they lived?
And how is it possible that liberals and anti-communists and Maoists were protesting together? I assume that Maoists assume they are communists (wether they are or not doesn't really matter here). And how can people protest against their own state-capitalist origin? That doesn't make sense to me...
Lev Bronsteinovich
9th February 2012, 15:55
T
Hoxha's take on the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" was that it was, as he said, neither great, nor proletarian, nor a revolution. It was in effect a putsch designed to cement the faction of Mao loyalists against those whose foreign, military and economic policies were in opposition to his. None of these factions had any principled stands and all were to the right of Marxism-Leninism. Albania had what is known as the Cultural and Ideological Revolution, which demonstrated a correct socialist policy
Both in Reflections on China and in his work Imperialism and the Revolution Hoxha demonstrates the anarchic, un-Leninist and in effect right-wing nature of the "GPCR."
Hey, was Hoxha a closet Trotskyist (for me that is a compliment)? He was spot on about the GPCR. Ismail, we actually are in agreement about this. How about that?
Comrade Auldnik
9th February 2012, 16:01
Hey, was Hoxha a closet Trotskyist (for me that is a compliment)?
Ha, ha.
NO.
Ismail
9th February 2012, 16:15
Thank you for your answer. Do you happen to know if Lenin and Trotsky had an opinion about Mao? Or wasn't Mao already active when they lived?Mao was largely unknown internationally until the 40's. He first appears in Western sources in 1934 with the name "Mao Dsu Tung" as a political adviser to Zhu De. Trotsky never mentioned him to my knowledge.
And how is it possible that liberals and anti-communists and Maoists were protesting together?It happens. Hungary in 1956 had a few disgruntled anti-revisionists, some miscellaneous workers who thought that the government wasn't representing their interests, and of course many anti-semites and reactionaries. Anti-Vietnam War protests in the 60's had various instances of civil libertarians, liberals and communists marching together.
And how can people protest against their own state-capitalist origin? That doesn't make sense to me...Maoists believe that Mao was gloriously advancing China towards communism. They view Deng Xiaoping (and/or Hua Guofeng) as the man under whose leadership capitalism was restored.
Hey, was Hoxha a closet Trotskyist (for me that is a compliment)?He was as much a closet Trotskyist as the Trots thought Tito and Castro were "unconscious" Trotskyists.
E.g. Hoxha noting his final encounter in 1938 or so with a quasi-Trotskyist turned Social-Democrat, Llazar (Zai) Fundo, in his book The Anglo-American Threat to Albania, pp. 317-318: "We met from time to time, reported on his activity and, after discussion, took decisions to expose him further as an enemy of the workers... Koηo Tashko... tried to force us not to struggle against Zai Fundo. because he allegedly had 'anti-fascist sentiments'! However, we carried on with our work. Zai Fundo expressed 'his anti-fascist sentiments' to me one time when he stopped me in the street in Korηa. There I seized the opportunity and poured out everything I had against him. What did I not call him! Every epithet that fitted him: Trotskyite, enemy of socialism and Stalin, enemy of the Albanian people, etc. From that day on I never set eyes on him again."
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