Parvati
21st November 2011, 19:33
I do not think that the name or ultra-left anarchist is correct. I think they were very Maoists. From what can be learned in the interviews, it was mostly the revisionists of the PCF that tried to discredit them by calling them "anarchists" or "leftists." While the communist experience for me the last forty years is important, I consider myself to be the something like the granddaughter of Gauche Prolétarienne ^.^
Otherwise, I think May 68 is a trigger in their political approach, and not the peak of it, and that is present in a lot of interviews. Also in the text "On the issue of demarcation in terms of trade union", they said
"We must destroy the spirit of trade unions and union language and replace it with a dynamic spirit, revolutionnary and new. It is through this radical change that we will build on the corpse of trade-unionism, a program of revolutionary protest"
We must also keep in mind that at that time in France, it was easy to find shops that employed from 500 to 10,000 workers, sometimes with ghettos for foreign workers. The shop itself therefore equivalent to a neighborhood, a place of living, and I think it's in that their analysis and actions were great. In the context of current fragmentation (in North America and Europe), I do not think this report is the same, but I would agree, of course, with any form of workers' anger against the bosses.
Finally, if I take my own situation, we are in many cases closer to some kind of anarchists that of the Trotskyists and of the revisionists, for example. We are in the street, organized in red block, we refuse entryism and hypocrisy, spread tracts and newspapers on the doors of factories and assembly. For me, the experience of the Maoists in the imperialist countries has taught us all that and is central to my daily political work.
Babeufist
26th February 2012, 09:18
Here the fragment of Fields book on maoism and trotskyism:
ANTI-HIERARCHICAL MAOISM
In September 1968, while the "liquidationist current" of the UJCML was in seclusion--studying, among other texts, Lenin's What Is To be Done?--a current of the non-liquidationists called Mao-spontex ("spontex" referring to spontaneity, a very non-Leninist concept) created a new movement called La Gauche Prolétarienne(The Proletarian Left, or GP). Simultaneously, a newspaper called La Cause du Peuple (The Peoples' Cause, or CDP) was started. The GP was to become the most potent action arm of the anti-hierarchical Maoist movement. The CDP was its public and information arm. The impact of this group was so strong that when in France one said "les Maoïsts", it was usually assumed that one was referring to the GP.
While a very small number of militants created these structures in September (not more than forty started the paper, the CDP), the movement received a shot in the arm when some of the militants from the Nanterre-based Mouvement du 22 Mars came in in February and March of 1969. The 22 Mars played a crucial catalytic role in the 1968 revolt on the Nanterre campus of the University of Paris. Although it was a coalition which included people inclined toward Maoism as well as JCR Trotskyists (like present Ligue leader Daniel Ben-Said) and Trotskyist sympathizers, the dominant tone and public image was set by Daniel Cohn-Bendit ("Danny the Red") and his anarchist comrades. Also, some of those who had been fence straddlers in the dispute between the "liquidationists" and the "Mao-spontex" decided to enter. The GP was very careful to screen out those who had taken any kind of leadership position in the "liquidationist" movement so as to avoid bringing the dispute which had destroyed the UJCML into the new organization.
While these people were going into the GP, a second anti-hierarchical Maoist group was being created. This was Vive la Revolution (VLR). Nanterre was a stronghold of the VLR and, like the GP, it attracted some of the former 22 Mars people. But it also attracted some of the "liquidationists" who had gone into the PCMLF and who were very quickly alienated by both the hierarchical nature of the organization and what they perceived to be clandestine caution to the point of inactivity. This anti-hierarchical group led a short life, terminating in the summer of 1971. But it had a significance which transcended its own existence.
Vive la Révolution
VLR was smaller than the Gauche Prolétarienne. In 1970, their relative sizes were estimated at "several hundred" and "about fifteen hundred."[32 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn32)] In social composition they were similar, as might be expected from what has been said about their origin. Like the GP, VLR entered a Parisian automobile plant and attempted to do political work with co-workers.
The special target operation was the Citroen plant in Paris' 15th Arrondissement. They also worked in approximately twenty factories in the Parisian suburbs.[33 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn33)] Finally, as I have noted, the VLR was similar to the GP in being a non-Leninist and anti-hierarchical organization.
Ideologically, however, the VLR differed from the GP in centering its criticism of bourgeois society around a concept developed by the French Marxist or neo-Marxist sociologist Henri Lefebvre, that of "everyday life."[34 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn34)] As this concept was developed within the VLR's paper, Tout, greater and greater emphasis was placed upon that aspect of everyday life stressed by Wilhelm Reich, the libidinal. Tout, which appeared every two weeks during its sixteen number existence, was the first widely distributed, French political publication to stress problems of sex, women's liberation, and gay rights.[35 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn35)]
Despite the fact that a minority of the total number of articles in Tout dealt with sexually related topics, the attempt to add this dimension to the revolutionary struggle resulted in the early demise of the organization. Issue number 12 alienated the members of the VLR who were attempting to do factory organizing, other groups on the Far Left, and the government. Two four-page articles, one dealing with women's liberation and the other with homosexuality, resulted in factory organizers declaring the publication useless for distribution to workers, in the Norman Bethune Maoist Bookstore refusing to handle the paper, and in the government banning and seizing the issue--as well as bringing an obscenity charge against Jean-Paul Sartre, who had agreed to serve as the nominal editor of the paper.[36 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn36)]
The four final issues of Tout, which was dissolved in July 1971, engaged in an analysis of the puritanical attitudes of the Far Left, of its inability or unwillingness to see that a truly liberating revolution must break the sexual repressiveness of bourgeois society as well as the economic and hierarchical repressiveness. It was the first group on the French Far Left to make this point. While the VLR itself fell apart, it was helping to set the stage for the entrance of the counter-cultural phenomena which were so visible by the mid 1970s. According to Hess, both the women's liberation movement (the Mouvement de Liberation des Femmes, MLF) and the gay movement in France (the Front des Homosexuels Revolutionnaires, FHR) grew out of the VLR experience, and were initially led by former VLR people.[37 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn37)]
La Gauche Prolétarienne: Initial Offensives & State Response
The Gauche Prolétarienne and its newspaper, La Cause du Peuple, continued to thrive and to engage management, the regime, and even the CGT in constantly escalating confrontations. It stole the thunder of the hierarchical PCMLF, which had been leading a very cautious, clandestine existence since its 1968 banning. When the government decided to go after the GP, it was because its dramatic and daring tactics were perceived as a threat to political stability, and not for reasons of sexual morality, as in the case of the VLR.
Most Maoist organizations, indeed most Marxist-Leninist organizations generally, begin with a relatively loose pre-party structure. The party stage represents a tightening up of the hierarchical order. It was quite the opposite in the case of the Gauche Prolétarienne. The first two years of the life of GP Maoism, from the fall of 1968 to the fall of 1970, represented the high point of organizational structure of the Mao-spontex current. During this stage there was a committee structure at the national, regional, and local levels. These committees called and coordinated periodic "general assemblies of workers" which were supposed to make the real decisions. While some people came to be known as "leaders," the people within the GP at least told themselves that they were fighting against the importance of distinctions between leaders and non-leaders in the making of decisions. The general assemblies were supposed to maximize political equality. This was a conscious goal, but some people emerged as more influential than others. The influentials were disproportionately male.
The thrust of the GP was to create a new "autonomous" workers' movement by uniting "the anti-authoritarian aspirations as they were expressed and continue to be expressed by youth and the new forms of battle in the working class, anti-despotic forms of battle."[38 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn38)] The new forms of battle referred to a wide variety of tactics employed by workers during and after 1968 which included occupying plants, holding bosses hostage until they gave into demands, resisting the para-military CRS when it attempted to recapture the plants, and sabotage.
The first step in the implementation of the strategy of developing an autonomous work force was the scrapping of the UJCML's practice of attempting to work within the CGT, the Communist-dominated union. This step was taken early in the game, at a national general assembly of workers which the GP called in January 1969, in an attempt to pull people operating in different plants together so that they could compare notes. This was even a month or two before the people from the 22 Mars came into the movement. In April, the GP issued the first number of its own review, Les Cahiers de la Gauche Prolétarienne, in which the relationship between the "anti-authoritarian revolt" of youth and the proletarian revolution was explicated. The major field of confrontation at this time was the Renault plant at Flins, which again erupted into combat with the police in June 1969. There was also considerable effort placed in the spring of 1969 upon reaching secondary school students.
After confrontations and battles with the police at Flins, a second workers assembly was held. At this assembly ideas were proposed for gaining control over the speed of production lines and directing the battle clearly against oppressive bosses and foremen. There were some experiments with tactics during the summer of 1969, including the introduction of sabotage techniques to interrupt the assembly line in a factory in Roubaix-Tourcoing
The second issue of Les Cahiers de la Gauche Prolétarienne, dated September-October 1969, introduced a new concept which increased the intensity and spread of the battle--"the non-armed but violent battle of the partisans."[39 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn39)] University and high school students were encouraged to go into the factories, slums, or working class suburbs "to lead the resistance, to lead the violent struggle."[40 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn40)]
From the very beginning, the Maoists faced opposition within the factories. On the one hand, they had to contend with the militants of the CGT when they entered plants where the CGT had any strength. The CGT did not appreciate the attempts of the Maoists to break their control over the channelling of demands within the work setting. At times, this led to violent confrontations.
On the other hand, engaging in any kind of "political" work in the plants was regarded as grounds for dismissal. In some plants this extended to conversations between workers and to putting political tracts, publications, or clippings on the bulletin boards. In plants such as Renault, the work of the CGT was not considered by management to be "political" and thus was not proscribed. In the sense that the CGT stresses bread and butter demands and tries to accomplish them through accepted channels, it is different from the Maoists, and the Maoists were the first to point out the distinction. In some plants, such as those of Citroen, management deals with even more easily controlled "independent" unions.
However, whether or not the CGT is active in a plant or there is an "independent" union, management has not left it to the unions to enforce discipline within the factories. In many of them there has been a virtual police force under the command of the personnel department charged with patrolling the plant floor and looking for political trouble. The French call these milices patronales or the boss' police. And, on top of these people, there have been informants among the immigrant workers who could cause considerable grief upon the immigrants' return home. This was a particularly serious problem for Portuguese workers under the Salazar regime and for Spanish workers under Franco. Deportation for participating in radical action in the French plants could entail very serious consequences.
In March 1970, the French government decided that letting the plant police deal with the militants once they were on the plant floor was too defensive a strategy. There had been some arrests, but not so many that the Maoist movement felt seriously threatened. In March, however, the government decided to strike at the only visible heart of the GP movement. It went after La Cause du Peuple. The two editors of the CDP, Le Bris and Le Dantec, were arrested and arraigned for trial. And the police began to seize the newspaper and attack and/or arrest the vendors. It came to a point where simply selling the newspaper could get one a year in prison and perpetual loss of civil rights.
At about the same time, the movement made the decision to go public beyond merely attempting to sell the CDP. It was during that spring that Alain Geismar became the major spokesperson for both the GP and the CDP. Geismar had been a junior faculty member at the Faculty of Science in Paris before the 1968 revolt broke out. He had been active within the university teachers' union affiliated with the large National Federation of Education. By the time the revolt broke out in 1968, he had become the president of the union. Under his leadership, the union was very supportive of the revolt. But Geismar moved well beyond where most of the membership was willing to go politically, and he resigned his union post during the revolt. He was one of the three most prominent personalities involved in the revolt, along with Daniel Cohn-Bendit of the 22 Mars and Jacques Sauvageot, the Vice-President but actual leader of the student union, UNEF. After the revolt Geismar moved closer to the 22 Mars and was one of those who merged with the GP in early 1969. Since he was a publicly known figure with considerable public appeal, and since he had already been identified as trouble by the government--which had fired him from his teaching job because of his participation in the 1968 revolt--Geismar seemed like a good person to present the public image of the movement. He certainly could not be slipped into an industrial plant.
Although Le Bris and Le Dantec were arrested in March 1970, Le Dantec did not go to trial until May. Geismar filled the gap at the CDP. Two days before the trial of Le Dantec, Geismar addressed a protest meeting called by a number of groups. He was one of eight speakers. He delivered a very short statement within which included the following message:
In order to break the manoeuvre of the bourgeoise, to break its attempt to encircle and destroy the popular movement, we must intensify the resistance. For the bourgeoisie May 27 will be the day of the trial of Le Dantec. For all revolutionaries it will be the day of resistance, the beginning of an intensification of the resistance. There will be no social peace; there will be no social truce....We support all popular initiatives which will take place May 27. We support the meetings and we call upon all those who want to go further, all those who want to make of May 27 a day of resistance, to organize themselves around militants and tomorrow, in each college of the university, meetings will be held in the afternoon to prepare for the organization of the struggle in the streets on May 27.
Because it is in the street that anger will be expressed against the hordes of police which are occupying the streets of Paris. The popular resistance will grow.[41 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn41)]
Protest demonstrations had been called for the day of the Le Dantec trial. The police banned the demonstrations, a regular practice going back at least as far as the Algerian War, and usually justified on the basis of avoiding traffic disruption.[42 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn42)] The police charged the demonstrators. Along with the physical injuries inflicted there were approximately 490 arrests in the streets. A police agent with a tape recorder hidden in a brief case had attended the talk given by Geismar two days earlier. On the basis of the portion cited above, Geismar was tracked down and arrested for incitement of the acts for which the demonstrators were charged. While Le Dantec was sentenced to one year in prison for editing the CDP, and Le Bris subsequently to eight months, the state was preparing its case against Geismar.
Like Le Dantec and Le Bris, Geismar underwent a long pre-trial detention. Arrested on June 25th, Geismar waited in prison for this trial until October 20, 1970. Thus--as in the case of Angela Davis in the United States-- even if the regime should lose its case in the courts it inflicts some punishment against its adversaries by forcing them to expend resources in their own behalf and by obliging them to remain in prison prior to trial.
From the point of view of both the prosecution and the defense, Geismar's trial was a political trial. The closing argument of the prosecution began as follows:
The arguments presented before this court have shown the clash of two conceptions of democracy: the classic, positive conception which orients and around which are organized the institutions of most liberal countries such as ours, and the conception of the ex-Gauche Prolétarienne which claims to speak for the people but which has no real massive support among the citizentry.
They promise us proletarian dictatorships. They promise us a system favorable to the people, but they ignore the will of the people. Well, our modern conceptions of democracy give a wide place to liberty of expression. Liberty of expression exists. There is a press, there is the possibility of writing, of meeting of speaking. A law almost one hundred years old guarantees a broad freedom of writing and of speech because the infractions, as you know, are extremely limited in this law when it comes to the press and there are all sorts of formal regulations which protect this freedom of the press.
The Gauche Proletarienne declares this system to be formal, esteems that this legal formality does not guarantee real rights, and does not serve at all to defend the cause of certain people.
In truth, it is a question of the interest of tiny groups without any serious popular base.[43 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn43)]
Like the trial of the Chicago Seven, growing out of the confrontations at the 1968 Democratic Convention, this one raised basic issues. The prosecution in two different breaths argued that Geismar and his group had no popular support and, on the other hand, that, as in the case of the editors of La Cause du Peuple, the imprisonment of the Maoists meant the difference between the regime's succumbing or surviving:
When we tried the case of the Cause du Peuple here I made the point that to this fundamental opposition there must be presented a firm attitude, because the fundamental problem is to know if we wish to succumb or to survive.[44 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn44)]
The prosecution further argued that Geismar exerted a particular hold over young students because of his position as a teacher at the Faculty. Geismar responded that the police records themselves show that not even ten per cent of those arrested for protesting the trial of Le Dantec were students. This statistic is interesting not only as a refutation of the proposition of the prosecution but also as some indication of the broadening base of support of the Maoists.
Several other arguments were revealing. The prosecution argued that the fact that Geismar had co-authored a book in 1969 entitled Vers la Guerre Civile (Toward Civil War) indicated that freedom of the press was in existence. Geismar responded that the book, written in intellectual terms and selling for quite a bit more than a newspaper, posed no threat at all to the regime. On the other hand, La Cause du Peuple was written in language that workers could understand and relate to and, if the worker could afford the price, sold for one franc. If not, it was free. It was thus the distribution and the effectiveness of CDP that frightened the regime, and the lack of effectiveness of the book that permitted the regime to be more libertarian. But even more basically, Geismar argued that bourgeois regimes have never willingly granted rights to their opponents, and that what civil liberties exist in practice have been the result of struggles waged by those who have been oppressed.[45 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn45)] He portrayed the GP Maoists as continuing that historical struggle.
The prosecution claimed that Geismar's words were responsible for injuries inflicted upon seventy-nine police officers. Yet no medical records were produced to substantiate injuries. The defense asked that Minister of Interior Marcellin be obliged to appear to explain the police complaints. He was not, and the judge ruled that his testimony was not required. The defense asked whether or not the injuries incurred by the police officers could not have been incurred on the unsafe steps of police stations or in the unsafe police wagons. For the police often explained the injuries suffered by people in their custody--particularly by young political dissidents or demonstrators, who claimed that they had been beaten by the police--by declaring that their prisoners had fallen down the stairs in the stations or fallen when they were being transported in the vans. If these explanations were true, the defense argued, the facilities of the police must be terribly unsafe. Thus medical depositions should be submitted to make sure that the police officers had not fallen victim to the same fate as their prisoners. The judge ruled that such submissions were unnecessary.
Geismar, who had declared that his conviction was a foregone conclusion, was indeed convicted. He was sentenced to and served eighteen months in prison, five of which were spent in solitary confinement. But that was not the only achievement of the government. The Gauche Prolétarienne was banned by ministerial decree during the trial and, to continue the spiral of repression, at least three hundred young people who had defied the ban on demonstrations and the show of force (which consisted of 5,000 police officers around the court and in the Latin Quarter) had been arrested by the evening of the first day of Geismar's two-day trial.
Despite the fact that the Gauche Prolétarienne was formally banned and that an ever increasing number of its members and leaders were in prison, the movement was not destroyed. On the contrary, it took some dramatic new turns and simply referred to itself as the ex-GP. Those in prison conducted hunger strikes for recognition of their status as political prisoners (regime spokesmen had claimed that there were no political prisoners in France) and for recognition of basic rights of all prisoners. This was coordinated with campaigns for prisoners' rights led on the outside. The Cause du Peuple did not cease publication. On the contrary, after Geismar's arrest, following those of Le Dantec and Le Bris, Jean-Paul Sartre assumed the nominal directorship of the CDP. And the publisher, François Maspero, went out on the streets to hawk the paper. This was clearly a challenge to the government to arrest personalities with world-wide reputations and to try them for the same acts for which lesser-known, younger militants had been imprisoned. Maspero was arrested, but charged only with vending without a proper license, a very minor misdemeanor, while no action at all was taken against Sartre.
The Anti-Organization of the Ex-Cauche Proletarienne
The GP militants were convinced that there was an inner dialectic at work so that the movement "naturally" arrived at certain stages at certain points in time. Neither they nor the government could completely control this dialectic. Thus, while committed to a highly voluntaristic conception of the "politics of the act," the movement also had a strong element of non-voluntarism. For example, the reaction to the government's banning of the GP was that the underground stage was the next "natural" one anyway. Even if the government had not banned the GP, this stage would have been dictated by other factors in the environment and the internal, ineluctable dynamics of the movement. The timing of the regime's crack-down was a surprise; they thought they probably had a little more time to operate more openly. But this only meant an acceleration of the timetable.[46 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn46)]
One militant, a twenty-six-year-old former math major who came from a working-class background and went back into the factories to do political work, clearly demonstrated both the affirmation and the negation in the GP's attitude toward its structure and dynamic:
It is often said: "Marcellin (the Minister of Interior and thus chief police officer of the regime) destroyed the Gauche Prolétarienne." But no, Marcellin. We destroyed the Gauche Prolétarienne. It is a glorious organization but it has seen its time. Our task is to destroy the Gauche Prolétarienne or what has replaced it and to build the party. The party for me is the capacity to elaborate a consequential revolutionary politics, that is to say to tie the particular to the general, the immediate to the long-term program, and to truly mobilize the masses. A party is always a minority. But the difference between our party and the other parties is that our permanent objective is not only the construction of the party, it is its destruction. We are building the party in order to destroy it.[47 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn47)]
In fact, the next stage was not one of party construction, not even party construction for party destruction. The theme for 1970-71 became "Widen the Resistance" and emphasis was placed upon action through local, decentralized groups. Some of these groups were already in existence; a number had to be created from scratch.
In the factories there were already the numerous Comités de Base (the base committees) which the Maoists had helped to organize but which were not completely Maoist in composition. In the spring of 1971, more militant strike forces called Groupes Ouvriers Anti-Flics (GOAF), or anti-cop workers' groups, were created. The primary function of these groups was to deal physically with the attempts to suppress the work of the base committees and to punish individual bosses or management personnel who abused workers.
Secondly, there was a renewed effort made to mobilize young people in the schools, particularly at the secondary or Iycée level. Third, there were the support groups for the Vietnamese fighting the United States and, more importantly at this stage, for the Palestinians seeking to regain their homeland.
Finally, a wide network of GP support groups was established. There was Secours Rouge (Red Assistance), which enjoyed the directorship of the publisher François Maspero and the active support of a number of groups and intellectuals on the Far Left, including Sartre. It was the most important of the GP support groups and its primary function was to come to the aid of those who felt either oppressed by the regime or that their needs were not being met. The gamut of activity went from organizing demonstrations in order to protest political trials to digging mountain towns out of the snow when the government did not respond to appeals. Like another support group, Les Amis de la Cause du Peuple (Friends of the CDP) which sold papers and gave other support to the newspaper, Secours Rouge would defy the government's legal definitions. A third set of structures, the Comités Vérité et Justice (Truth and Justice Committees), did not engage in illegal activity. Their function was to investigate and publicize specific cases in which bourgeois legality was unjustly twisted to the detriment of the deprived and the benefit of the wealthy and powerful. All of these subsidiary groups created by the GP Maoists opened up possibilities of broad contacts for an outlawed movement.
By this time, GP Maoism was indeed beginning to conform more to Kenneth Keniston's definition of a "movement" than to a normal organization. Writing about the young people attending a Vietnam Summer Project in the United States in 1967, Keniston said:
It is significant that these young men and women consider themselves part of a movement, rather than a party, an organization, a bureaucracy, an institution, a cadre, or a faction. The term "movement" suggests a spontaneous, natural, and non-institutional group; it again points to their feeling that they are in motion, changing, and developing....Finally, "movement" summarizes the radical's perception of the modern world, a world itself in flux, unstable, continually changing. [48 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn48)]
Of course the difference between the people Keniston was talking about and the GP Maoists is that the Maoists were moving from a more structured ideological and organizational configuration to a more fluid one, while the American students were still at a very early stage in their radicalization. If those who had passed through the various stages of this current of Maoism from the UJMCL to this decentralized "Widen the Resistance" stage could understand the movement both psychically and politically, it was quite confusing to people on the outside whom the movement was trying to touch. Unless one is part of the inner core, it is not easy to orient oneself to something in a constant state of flux.
This becomes evident in the many testimonies and interviews on record with workers who have at least "sympathized" with what the GP Maoists were doing in specific situations. There is considerable confusion in the minds of some of these workers as to whether they themselves are "Maoists." But the uncertainly in terms of identification existed on the part of those who were more distant or even hostile to the movement, as well as those who were sympathetic. Some of this confusion is reflected in an interview with three workers who were at least sympathetic with Maoism, however it is understood:
Patrick (25-year old Maoist militant at Renault): When one is a Maoist in a factory, one is made responsible for everything that happens at the doors, even if it is a completely different group which comes and does who knows what. They tell me: "Your buddies have distributed a tract," even if they are Trotskyist tracts. Anything that's not CP is gauchiste [a generic term for the Far Left as a whole, by which Patrick means that the workers are not getting the distinctions].
Marcel (44-year old militant coal miner): That is a real problem for French Maoism.
Germain (58-year-old miner, Resistance fighter and long-time member of the CP, who explains that he was always a Maoist but not of the "1968 variety" because he does not have long hair): So long as the necessary explanatory work has not been done, there will be mistrust. Contacts must be multiplied; there must be discussion and education. The Maoist spirit must be made to come out. There is no concealment among the Maoists. On the contrary, all true communists are Maoist; but they don't know it yet. There is just a lack of information.[49 (http://www.revleft.com/vb/tm_3.htm#fn49)]
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