Index of Revolutionary Left Organisations

[Sentinel]

This index is a work in progress. It's meant as a tool for people striving to get politically active and organised -- it's purpose is to provide information about the various organisations of the revolutionary left around the world that are represented on this board, as presented by the orgs themselves, and links to their websites. My idea is that it will replace the Political Organisations -sticky once there are enough entries.

This thread is not meant for discussion on the different orgs or their descriptions, only suggestions for improvement of the index or adding of new orgs are to be posted here. Other kinds of posts will be trashed.

Please contribute by in this thread posting the name, website etc of your organisation in the way I've started with the CWI (it doesn't have to be as elaborate), and it will be added to the index. Either use the spoiler button function (http://www.revleft.com/vb/../spoiler-button-t145869/index.html) yourself, or we can do it for you when adding the info to the index. Any Moderator is free, and welcome, to modify the index.

The index is primarily meant for known organisations. That said, even smaller groups, that are politically active outside the internet, may list themselves in this thread -- as long as there is some kind of evidence that they exist (preferably references by a third party such as news site or newspaper etc, your own website doesn't count ;)).

Finally, remember that Revleft has rules against members posting their personal details. This means that posting of real names, personal email/facebook addresses, street addresses and phone numbers etc is not allowed.

***

The organisations are divided in tendencies, under which first international organisations (with lists of their regional sections), and then regional organisations (countrywise in alphabetical order) are displayed. Note that the dates of the OP and the index posts are not accurate (http://www.revleft.com/vb/showpost.php?p=2259051&postcount=41), this thread was started in September 29 2011.

[Sentinel]

:star: Anarchism/Syndicalism

Anarchist organisations and networks, syndicalist trade unions etc


International:

International Workers Association -- Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (IWA-AIT)


Wiki description:

The International Workers' Association (IWA) (Spanish (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_language): AIT - Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores, German (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German_language): IAA-Internationale ArbeiterInnen Assoziation) is an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anarcho-syndicalism) labour unions (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trade_union) and initiatives based primarily in Europe and Latin America.
Based on the principles of revolutionary unionism (http://www.uncanny.net/%7Ewsa/iwaprin.htm), the international aims to create industrial unions capable of fighting for the economic and political interests of the working class and eventually, to directly abolish capitalism through "the establishment of economic communities and administrative organs run by the workers."
At its peak the International represented millions of people worldwide, forming the largest anarchist organization in history and providing support for member unions which played a central role in the social conflicts of the 1920s and 30s, particularly in Spain. However the International was formed as many countries were entering periods of extreme repression, and many of the largest IWA unions were shattered during that period.[1] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Workers%27_Association#cite_note-0)
As a result, by the end of World War II (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_II) all but one of the International's branches, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Organisation_of_the_Workers_of_Sweden) (SAC) had ceased to function as unions, a slump which continued throughout the 1940s and 50s. In 1958, the SAC left the organization, leaving it with no functioning unions and it would not be until the late 1970s, with the death of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francisco_Franco), that it would see a major union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confederaci%C3%B3n_Nacional_del_Trabajo) (CNT) reform within its ranks.
Today the CNT remains the International's largest branch. The IWA's total membership worldwide is uncertain. Link (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Workers%27_Association)

Website

http://www.iwa-ait.org/
Regional Sections:

Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores - Secção Portuguesa (International Workers Association - Portugues Section)

http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8jAAST6QHCw/TX1qdBWyMrI/AAAAAAAAArQ/4cHm4Kg-DYw/s1600/bannerblogaitsp.png
(I google translated the principles because i was too lazy to do it myself.)
Principles:
1. The AIT-SP is an independent association of workers who try to intervene directly, ie without intermediaries or representatives of any kind, in defense of their economic, social and cultural rights.
With this alliance its members want to set up in Portugal, a vast and powerful Confederation of Trade Unions actually based on respect for the dignity of each producer, a union of unions that are not mere appendages or transmission belts of forces outside the world of work (parties politicians, for example), in which workers are not replaced, under the protection of his interests, by a trade union bureaucracy.

2. The practice of this alliance is based on the specific problems and interests, mediate and immediate, of the workers. Its action is aimed at both improving under the present social system, living conditions of workers and total emancipation of this class.
Not leaving to fight for the immediate improvement of living conditions in the industrious population, this alliance demand that workers acquire through their trade union practice, the ability to make a complete transformation of the current social environment. The building of a society based on libertarian communism, the replacement of authoritarian-capitalist organization by a confederation of local communities, ECONOMIC, egalitarian and Liberator, is the ultimate goal or the overall AIT-SP.

3. The AIT-SP supports in theory and in practice, the social union, freedom and solidarity of all workers.
The AIT-SP is opposed to any form of media coverage of workers' struggles and considers that an attack on one part of the proletariat is an attack on all workers. Using the method of direct action and the use of weapon of solidarity are two key aspects of trade union practice of AIT-SP.
The AIT-SP uses the active general strike and other means of struggle themselves anarcho-syndicalism.

4. Based on the opposition of interests that characterizes capitalist society, and as a method of taking direct action to fight the AIT-SP refuses to participate in social dialogue and called criticism of government intervention in social conflicts that pit the workers employers.
The AIT-SP does not make any agreements with unions that put the general interests of the capitalist economy above the specific interests of workers, the government attributed the role of arbiter of disputes, and therefore part of the organs of the agreement called social.

5. The AIT-SP supports the existence of full freedom of association and the fight against all measures, government or employers who seek to limit the right to strike.
The AIT-SP argues that workers can make full use of fundamental freedoms: freedom of assembly, association, expression of thought, expression, to resort to strike, etc..
The AIT-SP is in solidarity with all workers who, due to their participation in labor struggles, are the subject of government repression and / or employers.

6. The action of AIT-SP takes place completely outside the field in the electoral contests and parliamentary struggles. The AIT-SP does not participate in any kind of political struggle or make any agreements with political organizations. In particular, this alliance does not make any agreements with organizations that, although call themselves libertarian, advocating the participation of workers anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists in electoral disputes and seek integration within the bourgeois representative democracy.
The defense of economic, social and cultural workers is the only concern of AIT-SP.

7. The AIT-SP is an international association. She argues that there is a practical solidarity between workers of the world. As an internationalist, AIT-SP is therefore anti-militarist. The AIT-SP opposes workers to be cannon fodder of the inter-state wars and inter-capitalist, who kill each other, or to defend capitalist interests of nation states.
In the division of human society on national states and capitalist economic competition, the AIT-SP opposed the union by the free agreement of all peoples, countries and regions on the basis of the abolition of wage labor and the establishment of an effective SOCIAL EQUALITY .
The AIT-SP fights all the maneuvers and exploitative ruling class (nationalism, racism, etc.) that aim to divide the working class.

8. The AIT-SP gives special attention to the interests of the laboring poor and most exploited and discriminated against: women workers, young people in precarious work conditions, the unemployed, "disabled", retired workers, etc..

9. Within this alliance there are no paid positions or functions. In this alliance there is no place for union bureaucrats, or rather to experts the defense of foreign interests. For TIA SP-emancipation of the workers can only be the work themselves.

10. This alliance is based on libertarian principles of federalism. The AIT-SP rejects any kind of coercion or imposition of a minority or majority, ie, based on the principle of individual autonomy and their free associations, and based on the principle of freedom of association and disassociation, in helping voluntary, mutual, the free pooling of efforts and solidarity among all its members.
The operation and activities of this alliance based on pacts or agreements FREE, developed in its various meetings (local, regional and interregional). Some governing bodies and in some cases, it is permissible, if not reached a consensus to take a majority decision, although no adherent to the AIT-SP is forced to do something they disagree. Cooperation in the field of trade union action and the realization of collective industrial action based solely on free agreement. Workers, trade unions and federations at various levels of AIT-SP, are autonomous. No federal union of AIT-SP, at the local, regional or inter-regional agreements shall establish the specific activities under the action of an association. A federation of AIT-SP, a specific area, not to develop agreements regarding the activities of specific components of a federal union would be extremely small.
The application within the AIT-SP, the principle of autonomy is not incompatible with federal compliance with the agreements of different levels. A trade union which adheres to the AIT-SP becomes responsible for compliance with federal agreements in connection with its work. Federal agreements for a specific area, not to be denied by federal agreements relating to a part of this area.
In federal unions of AIT-SP in different areas, there are no positions with deliberative and executive functions, but with functions of organs and organic relationship. The bodies of federal relations and governing bodies of trade unions do not interfere in the drafting of agreements relating to the practice of union workers AIT-SP.
The sections of the union delegates, delegates of trade unions and representatives of federal unions in different areas, are merely representative. Delegates, the elements of federal relations and members of the governing bodies of trade unions are elected by the respective assemblies or plenary sessions, for a limited period and are revocable at any time.
Within the AIT-SP, an individual or association, can not accumulate a number of positions or functions, and applies the principle of rotation in assignments.

11. Can join this alliance employees and autonomous agree with the method and means of struggle of anarcho-syndicalism and accept this covenant associations.
Can not join this alliance elements of employers, people who have employees on your own, individuals who hold positions of management and business administration, professional military institutions, police, judicial and penal elements of the religious hierarchies, union officials, members of parties, individuals who hold positions of leadership in the various government agencies, elements of Freemasonry, the "Opus Dei" and other sects of the genre.
They can also join this association retired, unemployed and students.

12. The AIT-SP does not depend on any financial aid to entities which are external. The AIT-SP is also independent in the financial field. Their income is donations and contributions of its members and issues arising from their advertising.
Each individual stick to his union pays a monthly share amount is agreed at the general assembly. Through regular contributions, agreed in plenary meetings, the local trade unions bear the costs for the operation of the various federal committees and ensure the payment of contributions to the AIT AIT-SP.

13. The AIT-SP not only supports the freedoms that the Portuguese people won after the fall of fascism in April 25, 1974, but also intends to expand them, especially in the economic and social development.
The AIT-SP is willing to fight vigorously against any attempt to restore the dictatorship overthrown in April 25, 1974.

14. The union practice of AIT-SP is based on the principles of a high morale. Its adherents advocate the ethical principle of consistency between ends and means. They totally reject terrorist methods and compulsive, used, for example, by Marxist-Leninists and the so-called revolutionary nationalists, or the "1st world" or the "3rd world". The social revolution that AIT-SP recommends the revolution that would establish a social environment based on individual freedom, social equality, cooperation by the free agreement on mutual help and solidarity, has a foundation and an ethical character. Not only is the goal, but his method and means a mean dignity of the human condition.Regional:

The Netherlands:


Anarcho-Syndicalist Union (ASB) (http://anarcho-syndicalisme.nl/)
Vrije Bond (http://www.vrijebond.nl/)
Anarchistische Groep Amsterdam (http://www.anonym.to/?http://agamsterdam.wordpress.com/)
Anarchist Anti-Deportations Group Utrecht (http://www.aagu.nl/)
Anarchistische Groep Nijmegen (http://www.anarchistischegroepnijmegen.nl/)
- Anarchist Black Cross Nijmegen (http://abcnijmegen.wordpress.com/)
Anarchist Collective Utrecht (http://www.ak-utrecht.nl/)
Anarchist Group Zaandam (http://agzaanstreek.wordpress.com/)
Anarchist Group Emmen (http://www.huizespoorloos.org/node)

Anarcho Feminism:
Dolle Mollies (http://dollemollies.puscii.nl/)

Insurectionairy Anarchism
Olie op het Vuur (http://olieophetvuur.6x.to/)

[Sentinel]

:star2: Left Communism

Left communist, council communist, luxemburgist, libertarian marxist etc parties and organisations



International:

World Socialist Movement



http://profile.ak.fbcdn.net/hprofile-ak-snc4/50274_4940054730_2806_n.jpg

Who We Are
The World Socialist Movement (or WSM) consists of working class people who have organised themselves democratically with one objective; to bring about a complete change in world society. Although small, we are made up of companion parties and groups (http://www.worldsocialism.org/parties.php) in several countries.
The WSM is a global socialist movement that believes capitalism cannot meet the needs of the majority of us, the workers (or proletariat) of the world, no matter how progressive it might become in the future.
To meet these needs we contend, capitalism must be replaced by socialism.


claims that socialism will, and must, be a wageless, moneyless, worldwide society of common (not state) ownership and democratic control of the means of wealth production and distribution.
claims that socialism will be a sharp break with capitalism with no "transition period" or gradual implementation of socialism (although socialism will be a dynamic, changing society once it is established).
claims that there can be no state in a socialist society.
claims that there can be no classes in a socialist society.
promotes only socialism, and as an immediate goal.
claims that only the vast majority, acting consciously in its own interests, for itself, by itself, can create socialism.
opposes any vanguardist approach, minority-led movements, and leadership, as inherently undemocratic (among other negative things).
promotes a peaceful democratic revolution, achieved through force of numbers and understanding.
neither promotes, nor opposes, reforms to capitalism.
claims that there is one working class, worldwide.
lays out the fundamentals of what a socialist society must be, but does not presume to tell the future socialist society how to go about its business.
promotes an historical materialist approach—real understanding.
claims that religion is a social, not personal, matter and that religion is incompatible with socialist understanding.
seeks election to facilitate the elimination of capitalism by the vast majority of socialists, not to govern capitalism.
claims that Leninism is a distortion of Marxian analysis.
opposes all war and claims that socialism will inherently end war, including the "war" between classes.
noted, in 1918, that the Bolshevik Revolution was not socialist. Had earlier, long noted that Russia was not ready for a socialist revolution.
was the first to recognize that the former USSR, China, Cuba and other so-called "socialist countries" were not socialist, but instead, state capitalist.
claims a very accurate, consistent analysis since 1904 when the first Companion Party was founded.


Decleration of Principles


The Companion Parties of the World Socialist Movement hold



That society as at present constituted is based upon the ownership of the means of living (i.e., land, factories, railways, etc.) by the capitalist or master class, and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth is produced.
That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself as a class struggle between those who possess but do not produce and those who produce but do not possess.
That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working class from the domination of the master class, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their democratic control by the whole people.
That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve the emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex.
That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself.
That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working class must organize consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, national and local, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and the overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and plutocratic.
That as all political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party.
The Companion Parties of the World Socialist Movement, therefore, enter the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labor or avowedly capitalist, and call upon the members of the working class of each country to muster under its banner to the end that a speedy termination may be wrought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom.

Regional contact details
World Socialist Party of Australia
P.O. Box 1266
North Richmond
Victoria 3121
Australia

Socialist Party of Canada (http://www.worldsocialism.org/canada/)
Box 4280
Victoria, BC V8X 3X8
Canada
http://www.worldsocialism.org/canada/

Socialist Party of Great Britain (http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/)
London
SW4 7UN
United Kingdom
Tel: +44 20 7622 3811
[email protected]
http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/

World Socialist Party (New Zealand) (http://www.worldsocialism.org/nz/)
P.O. Box 1929
Auckland, NI
New Zealand
http://www.worldsocialism.org/nz/

World Socialist Party of the United States (http://www.worldsocialism.org/usa/)
P.O. Box 440247
Boston, MA 02144
United States of America
[email protected]
http://www.wspus.org/
Publication
http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/standardonline/

Regional:

Workers Party in America (USA)


http://www.workers-party.com/images/ppoimages/logo-ppo-color_small.gif

Our Program:
http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=36&Itemid=55


Our Constitution and By-Laws:
http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=66&Itemid=77

Our Strategy:
General Strategy: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=71&Itemid=80
The Character and Structure of Revolutionary Industrial Unionism: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=87&Itemid=88
The Tea Party Nativists and the Working Class: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=198&Itemid=105

Our Magazine:
In PDF Format: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=49&Itemid=79
In Hardcopy Format: http://workersparty.magcloud.com/
In HTML Format: http://www.workers-republic.com/ (beginning November 2011)

Our Books/Literature:
Party Literature: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=38&Itemid=66
Online Bookstore: http://www.lulu.com/spotlight/workersparty

How to Contact Us:
Postal: WPA, P.O. Box 96503, PMB 59359, Washington, DC 20090-6503
E-Mail: [email protected]
Web: http://www.workers-party.com/
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/workerspartyinamerica • http://www.facebook.com/groups/workersparty
Twitter: @Workers_Party

[Sentinel]

:hammersickle: Trotskyism

Trotskyist/Orthodox Marxist Internationals, parties and organisations



International:


Committee for a Workers' International - CWI



http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_UAekQp9AsXI/SLfB9PQRQ2I/AAAAAAAAAIs/K21azX4dYbY/S150/cwi_grey.gif

Ideology and aims

A very brief summary of CWI:s ideology and goals

The Committee for a Workers' International (CWI) is an international organisation of Trotskyist parties and groups operating in more than 40 different countries on every continent. We strive for a socialist world revolution, which we believe can only come about through mass action of the working class. Hence our strategy is to work within broad organisations of the workers, in order to radicalise their rank and file members.

In the past -- until the 1990's -- this was mainly done through entryist work within the traditional, reformist Labour and Social Democrat parties. CWI members strived to form revolutionary, Marxist tendencies within them. These organisations have, however, since then in most cases undergone a wide transformation and become bourgeois/capitalist in nature, and outright hostile towards militant workers struggle.

Therefore our strategy in countries where no authentic workers parties exist, is to take the initiative and/or contribute to the building a new revolutionary workers mass movement with the potential to seriously challenge the capitalist system. In some countries this is done by building parties of our own while cooperating with other radical forces, elsewhere we work within radical formations and networks.

Our ultimate goal is a democratic, socialist society, and we work and build towards this end using a marxist, scientific socialist analysis.

We oppose the careerist, bureaucratic, undemocratic and totalitarian forms of socialism that plagued the workers movement of the last century in the shape of Stalinism, right wing Social Democracy and so on. Members of the ideologically most advanced section of the working class -- the socialist vanguard -- are if elected to leading positions not to have any privileges over, and must remain fully accountable before, the class they represent.

We also oppose all forms of discrimination such as racism, sexism and homophobia, and advocate militant action against them whereever they raise their ugly head. Furthermore, we are firmly internationalist and reject the idea that it is possible to build socialism within national limits.

Only a united working class can overthrow the capitalist system, and it must happen on a global scale to be ultimately successful. Together we can create a truly democratic and socialist world without capitalism, oppression and discrimination!


History

Short summary of the history of the CWI

The CWI was founded in 1974 by delegates from 12 countries. The largest section was Militant (today Socialist Party) in England and Wales, which published the radical newspaper Militant and operated as a marxist tendency within the British Labour Party. In the 1980's it played a crucial role in the struggle of the Anti-Poll Tax movement, especially in the city of Liverpool which council it controlled, and thus contributed to the fall from power of hated conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.

The right wing leadership of the Labour party, however, was bitterly opposed to Militant and constantly strived to expel it's members from the party. In 1983 they succeeded in expelling the National Editorial Board of Militant, consisting of Ted Grant, Peter Taaffe, Lynn Walsh, Clare Doyle and Keith Dickinson, from the party. This was followed by expulsions of other prominent Militants.

The same kind of development happened in other countries too. In Sweden several members of Offensiv, today Rättvisepartiet Socialisterna, were likewise expelled from the Social Democratic Workers Party due to their radical politics, and for belonging to the CWI.

By the 1990s, it had become increasingly difficult to perform meaningful activity within the labour/social democrat parties all across the world, which had set their course into reactionary, neo-liberal 'third way' politics -- nor was there much point as the workers had lost their confidence in these parties. This development led to the CWI deciding to in most cases focus on forming independent organisations instead.

A minority centered around Ted Grant and Alan Woods, however, disagreed with this decision and split out, forming the Committee for a Marxist International, today known as the International Marxist Tendency, which continues to mainly attempt entryist tactics. There were other reasons behind this split as well.

The CWI is today constantly growing and gaining in influence. It continues to accurately analyse the historic events of our time with the scientific method of Marxism, and to organise workers in the tradition of Leon Trotsky.


Pictures and videos

Pictures and videos of and by the CWI


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The CWI online

Essential CWI Websites, and information about the CWI on the Internet


Socialistworld.net, Website of the CWI in English (http://www.socialistworld.net/)
Mundosocialista.net, Website of the CWI in Spanish (http://www.mundosocialista.net/)
Marxist.net, theoretical website of the CWI (http://www.marxist.net/)
Wikipedia page about the CWI (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Committee_for_a_Workers%27_International)

Sections

Names and Websites of CWI sections around the world:


Argentina: La Chispa (http://lachispa-argentina.blogspot.com/)

Australia: Socialist Party Australia (http://www.socialistpartyaustralia.org/)

Austria: Sozialistische Linkspartei (http://www.slp.at/)

Belgium: Linkse Socialistiche Partij / Parti Socialiste de Lutte (PSL/LSP) (http://www.socialisme.be/)

Bolivia: Alternativa Socialista Revolucionaria (http://alternativasocialistarevolucionaria.blogspot.com/)

Brazil: Liberdade Socialismo e Revolução (http://www.lsr-cit.org/)

Canada: Socialist Alternative

Chile: Socialismo Revolucionario (http://revistasocialismorevolucionario.blogspot.com/)

China: chinaworker (http://www.chinaworker.info/)

Costa Rica: Alternativa Socialista Costa Rica (http://alternativasocialistacr.blogspot.com/)

Cyprus: Youth Against Nationalism (http://www.youthagainstnationalism.wordpress.com/)

Czech Republic: Socialistická alternativa Budoucnost (http://www.levice.cz/)

England and Wales: Socialist Party of England and Wales (http://www.socialistparty.org.uk/)

France: Gauche Révolutionnaire (http://www.gr-socialisme.org/)

Germany: Sozialistische Alternative (SAV) (http://www.sozialismus.info/)

Greece: Xekinima (http://www.xekinima.org/)

Hong Kong: Socialist Action (http://www.socialism.hk/)

Iceland: Sósíalíska Réttlætisflokksins (Svíþjóðardeild CWI) (http://sosialisktrettlaeti.blogspot.com/)

India: Dudiyora Horaata (http://www.socialism.in/)

Ireland North: Socialist Party (http://www.socialistpartyni.net/)

Ireland Republic: Socialist Party (http://www.socialistparty.net/)

Israel: Ma'avak Sotzialisti/Socialist Struggle Movement (http://www.maavak.org.il/)

Italy: ControCorrente (http://www.controcorrentesinistraprc.org/)

Japan: CWI in Japan (http://www.cwij.org/)

Kazakhstan: Socialist Resistance Kazakhstan (http://www.socialismkz.info/)

Lebanon: CWI Lebanon (http://cwi-lebanon.blogspot.com/)

Malaysia: Towards a democratic socialist society in Malaysia and the world (http://asocialistmalaysia.blogspot.com/)

Netherlands: Socialistisch Alternatief (http://socialistischalternatief.nl/)

Nigeria: Democratic Socialist Movement (http://www.socialistnigeria.org/)

Pakistan: Socialist Movement Pakistan (http://www.socialistpakistan.org/modules/news/)

Poland: Alternatywa Socjalistyczna (Dawniej GPR) (http://wladzarobotnicza.pl/)

Portugal: Socialismo Revolucionario (http://www.socialismo-revolucionario.org/)

Quebec: Mouvement pour le Parti Socialiste (http://mpsquebec.org/)

Russia: CWI in Russia (http://socialistworld.ru/)

Scotland: Socialist Party Scotland (http://www.socialistpartyscotland.org.uk/)

South africa: Democratic Socialist Movement (http://www.socialistsouthafrica.co.za/)

Spain: Socialismo Revolucionario (http://srev.blogspot.com/)

Sri lanka: United Socialist Party (http://www.lankasocialist.com/)

Sweden: Rättvisepartiet Socialisterna (http://www.socialisterna.org/)

Taiwan: CWI in Taiwan (http://socialisttw.blogspot.com/)

United States of America: Socialist Alternative (http://www.socialistalternative.org/)

Venezuela: Socialismo Revolucionario (http://csrvenezuela.blogspot.com/)

Wales: Socialist Party Wales (http://www.socialistpartywales.org.uk/)


International Marxist Tendency - IMT


http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/IMT-international_marxist_tendency.jpg

Ideology and aims

A very brief summary of IMT's ideology and goals

The IMT and its branches realize that a revolution of the working class will not be made by a party separate from the masses, and that is why it calls for revolutionary action to be undertaken through the channels of traditional mass organizations of labor. In conjunction with this, a tremendous value is placed on the development of an organization of well educated comrades knowledgeable in the theory of revolutionary action, in order to provide the masses with truly revolutionary leadership in the coming struggle.

As the working class continues to develop a class consciousness in conjunction with the growing intensity of the capitalist crisis, as they are forced to bear the burden of the capitalists failings, they will become increasingly open to ideas of an alternative. The IMT seeks to provide this movement of politically conscious workers with organizations and program to arm it in its efforts against capitalism, and it recognizes that this will need to be done through organizations which utilize correct theory, analysis, and organizational capacity.

Spreading the ideas of Marxism will not be done on without the traditional organizations of mass labor equipped with the revolutionary theory and program of Marxism, and the IMT seeks to create socialism though just those movements because of such.

From the American branch of the IMT, the WIL


We also base ourselves on the ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky, and on the further development of these ideas by the supporters of the In Defence of Marxism website. The ideas of scientific socialism have been tarnished in the minds of millions by the horrific experience of Stalinism and the continued lies and distortions of the ruling class. We believe that Stalinism was a historical aberration and a criminal totalitarian caricature of genuine socialism. We fight for international socialism, where the world working class has full democratic control over the means of production, distribution, and exchange, in harmony with the environment. Without democracy there can be no socialism! A workers’ government in the US would take over the vast wealth now owned by just a handful of individuals and democratically use it in the interests of everyone.


Additional information can be found at the following links:
http://www.marxist.com/about-us.htm
http://www.socialistappeal.org/wil/about-us

History

Short summary of the history of the IMT


The following text is a very brief outline of the history of our tendency, in answer to questions we have received from different people around the world.
When it comes to Trotsky's writings most groups claiming to be Trotskyist would accept Trotsky's conclusions in his major works as an analysis of the period Trotsky was writing about. What we have to do is apply the ‘method' of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky to today's world. So it is not a question of harping on different interpretations of Trotsky. The most important thing is to discuss the period we have been through and the stage we are at now.

Trotsky had expected a revolutionary wave at the end of the Second World War and he had expected the Fourth International to become the dominant force within the labour movement. There was a revolutionary wave. The Civil War in Greece, the resistance movement and the strikes in both Italy and France towards the end of the war and immediately after it, the Chinese revolution, the struggle for independence throughout the Colonial world, in Britain the landslide victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 elections, etc., all show that Trotsky's prognosis was correct. The only problem was that the forces of the Fourth International were too weak to be able to play a fundamental role in these unfolding events. The result was a major historical defeat of the revolutionary movements that emerged at the end of the War. Where there were victories, such as in China, these took the form of Stalinism, i.e. deformed workers' states modeled on the Soviet regime.

The break-up and splintering of the Trotskyist movement is rooted in that period. The then leadership of the Fourth International was totally incapable of understanding what was happening. If you read the writings of leaders like James Cannon (leader of the American SWP at the time) in the late '40s and early '50s you will find a totally wrong perspective. His perspective was one of the immediate crisis of capitalism and thus revolutionary developments in the short-term. In 1946 the Fourth International held its International Pre-Conference. The manifesto for that conference was written by Ernest Mandel.

That manifesto clashed totally with reality. The leadership of the Fourth International had developed the theory that capitalism would not be able to develop the productive forces beyond the level of 1938, and that any boom was out of the question. This proved to be totally false. The defeat of the working class after the War was the main political pre-condition for an upturn in the economy. The United States had emerged enormously strengthened from the War. It was the main capitalist Superpower that had accumulated huge profits from war production. For fear of revolution in Europe the USA pumped in huge amounts of money into countries like Germany, Italy, France, etc., to revive their economies. The destruction caused by the war meant a huge reconstruction program was necessary. All this laid the basis for the biggest economic boom in the history of capitalism.

The leadership of the Fourth International couldn't come to terms with these new developments. They did not understand that a reappraisal of the situation was necessary. The fact is that they thought they could hold their forces together by promising revolution "round the corner". Such a policy could only lead to the break-up of the International.

As Lenin explained, if you do not correct your mistakes then you will stumble from one mistake to another. The end result is sectarianism. Not having understood their mistakes they went further along the road of degeneration coming up with all kinds of strange theories. From one of immediate revolution they swung over to the theory of the 'bourgeoisification' of the working class in Europe. For instance in April 1968 Ernest Mandel in a meeting in London declared that there would not be a movement of the European working class for at least twenty years. This was on the eve of the momentous May 1968 movement of the French workers!

The leadership of the British section of the Fourth International, the RCP (Revolutionary Communist Party) understood the changes that were taking place and developed different perspectives. The main theoretician of the RCP was Ted Grant. If you access our web site you will find a book called The Unbroken Thread. It is a selection of Ted's writings from 1938-83. You can judge for yourself, but in the section on Economic Perspectives written in 1946 you will find an analysis of the unfolding economic upswing, a much more sober appraisal of how things were developing.

Again on China the leadership of the Fourth International were saying that Mao would have compromised with Chang Kai Shek. Ted's writings on China reveal a much more precise understanding of what was going on.

Ted made a major contribution to Marxism in his writings on the development of 'proletarian Bonapartism' (i.e. bureaucratically deformed workers' states) in eastern Europe, China, Cuba etc. The leadership of the Fourth International first started off by refusing to accept that what we had in Eastern Europe were regimes modeled on Soviet Russia. Then they swung the other way (without explaining why) and even declared some of these countries (China, Cuba, Yugoslavia) 'healthy workers' states', abandoning that definition as soon as it became untenable.

I could go into a lot more detail about the mistakes of the then leadership of the Fourth International, but I think these short points suffice to show that Mandel, Cannon and co., lost their bearings after the war and this led to a zigzagging away from a genuine Marxist analysis.

What I would like to emphasize is Socialist Appeal's approach towards the mass organisations. As opposed to all the other groups we believe that the workers when they move into action will not go towards some small grouping on the fringes of the labour movement. They will move through their traditional mass organisations.

The whole history of the international labour movement confirms this. The Third Communist International itself was not born of small sects, but developed from the left-wing of the Second Socialist International. The Bolsheviks were a faction of the same party as the Mensheviks for many years before emerging as an independent force. The French and Italian Communist Parties developed from within the Socialist Parties. The German Communist Party likewise gained its mass force from a split to the left of the SPD, etc.. etc. In Britain the Communist Party did emerge from the fusion of four smaller groupings. But I would advise you to read Lenin's 'Left-wing Communism, infantile disorder' (published in 1920) and note the advice Lenin gives to the British Communists. He advises them to go into the British Labour Party!

This was not a tactic invented by Lenin. It was part of the tradition of Marx himself. Back in 1848 the German Communists dissolved their organisation to enter the Democratic Party because at that stage the most advanced workers were to be found there. The First International itself was made up of all kinds of elements from genuine Communists to British Trade Unionists, often represented by Liberal-inclined individuals.

If we apply these lessons to today the conclusions we can reach is that genuine Marxists, i.e. Trotskyists must orientate towards the mass organisations. The dilemma of the epoch is the totally degenerate Social democratic leadership of the movement stifling the aspirations of the workers (see Blair in Britain, Jospin in France, Schroeder in Germany, etc. etc.,).

But it is very easy to declare the official leadership as degenerate. The task is to build up an alternative. The question is this: is it sufficient to simply declare "the revolutionary party" and wait for the masses to come to you? We think not. Marxists must go to the workers and patiently explain an alternative. We think Lenin's advice to the British Communists back in 1920 is even more relevant today than it was then. This is one of the main points that distinguishes us from all other groups claiming to be Trotskyist. We do not think this is a detail.

You may have heard of the Socialist Party/CWI. This group was formerly known as The Militant tendency. It worked within the Labour Party and Ted Grant was its founder and main theoretician. Unfortunately the majority of the British leadership developed along similar lines to the leadership of the Fourth International at the end of the Second World War. Although there are many differences there are also many parallels that can be made.

On the basis of a correct orientation to the Labour Party and the Trade Unions the Militant tendency had become a powerful force on the left in Britain. At its peak it had about 8,000 supporters. It had three Labour MPs supporting its ideas, it controlled Liverpool Labour Council and had many important trade union leaders. It also led the magnificent Anti-Poll Tax movement in the 1980s, culminating in a demonstration in London of 250,000 people (on the same day a further 50,000 demonstrated in Glasgow, Scotland). Unfortunately the majority of its leadership began to draw the wrong conclusions from the events of the 1980s.

The 1980s saw a temporary stabilisation of capitalism on a world level. There were many contributing factors that led to this. One was the defeat of the struggles of the 1970s which had begun with the 1968 movement. In the 1970s we saw a turn to the left throughout the world. In Europe this was translated into a big increase of votes for the Socialist and Communist parties. All these parties, together with the trade unions, saw a substantial increase in membership. On this basis, as events unfolded, we saw an increasing radicalisation of the rank and file. This in turn led to the development of strong left currents within these parties.

In Britain we had a Labour government from 1974 to 1979. Because of its right-wing policies that Labour government prepared the road for the coming to power of Thatcher. This brought about a questioning of the Labour leadership on the part of the ranks of the Labour Party. These were the conditions in which the Militant tendency developed as an important force. Having said that it is also necessary to remember that however impressive its growth was it was still a very small force compared to the size of the British labour movement. This meant that it was not strong enough to offer an alternative leadership to the working class.

Thus we saw throughout the 1980s a gradual decline of the trade unions and the Labour Party. A whole generation had been betrayed and this led many to abandon active participation in the Labour Party and the unions. This decline made it difficult to defend genuine Marxist ideas within the Labour Party. The fact of the matter was that what was taking place was a turn to the right within the labour movement. This was possible because the bureaucracy of the labour organisations was becoming relatively free of any control on the part of the ranks of the movement.

Unfortunately the majority of the leadership of the Militant drew the conclusion that the problem was the Labour Party itself. They began to develop the illusion that setting up an 'independent" organisation and 'flying the banner high' would solve their problems. That was a big mistake. They left the Labour Party, and since then have declined to the point that they have become much weaker (from about 4,000 in 1992 they have now fallen to about 400!). Having made one mistake they then compounded it by drawing pessimistic conclusions about the whole objective situation. They talk of the labour movement having been thrown back one hundred years, etc.

It is a process which we have seen many times. They have gone from one extreme to the other, just like Cannon and Mandel before them.

Now we are facing the beginnings of a totally new situation. The world economic crisis is the most serious since 1929. It has already provoked big movements in Asia. Indonesia is in the forefront, but many more will follow. On this basis we see the masses returning to the traditional mass organisations of the working class. In Britain four years ago, mass opposition to the Tories was translated into a massive Labour victory. In France the Socialist party has benefited from the same process. In Greece we have the PASOK in power. The same has occurred in Germany, etc. etc.

At this stage the masses are not moving into the traditional organisations, especially where they are in government. That is the case in Britain today. And that is why we have launched Youth for International Socialism as a means of attracting the best of the youth. But in the long run things will change. Blair will most likely win the next election, but then he will be forced to attack the gains of the working class once more. At the moment he is benefiting from the lowest unemployment figures for 25 years. Last year wages in Britain went up by over 5% with inflation at less than 3%, which means many workers have actually had a real increase in wages. But this won't last for long.

Look at the situation in Italy. The Center-Left coalition lost the elections, although they had the same policies as Blair. But in Italy unemployment is nearly 10%, twice the level in Britain. Wages went up last year by only 2%, with inflation at nearly 3%, a real WAGE CUT. Now internal conflicts are opening up in the PDS, which at some stage could lead to a split between the more openly bourgeois elements and those bureaucrats closer to the labour movement. The Berlusconi government will inevitably provoke a reaction among the workers at some stage and this will have an effect on the trade unions, on the PDS and on Rifondazione Comunista. In that situation Rifondazione Comunista (if it had a genuinely Marxist program) could have an effect on the workers looking towards the PDS.

In Britain, Blair will not maintain his present position for long. The recession is just beginning to have an effect. Within a year or two Britain could be in a serious recession, this will lead to many people losing the confidence they have at present (that "New" Labour can guarantee economic growth) and this will lead to defeats for Labour in the future. In those conditions internal criticisms will open up in the Labour Party. This process will probably start first in the trade unions. We already have symptoms of this. See the strikes on the London Underground, the wildcat strikes of the postal workers. And if Blair goes ahead with his plans to privatize the health service then he will face a major confrontation with the health workers. All this will eventually have an effect inside the Labour Party, and when that happens Marxists must know how to orientate to this process.

Once the movement explodes there will be a need for Marxist ideas. Without these the workers and youth will struggle but will not have the leadership they deserve.

On the question of the mass organisations I think we should avoid any misunderstanding. We believe that when the mass of workers will begin to move in a decisive manner then they will move through the traditional mass organisations. That is a lesson from history and it is quite easy to understand why.

In "normal" periods of relative stability the masses are not involved in political activity. In fact they tend to see politics as something alien to them. In these periods it is only a minority of the workers and youth who are interested in political activity. Sometimes in fact this minority can actually become an obstacle to an involvement of the masses precisely because of their conservative and routinist approach.

If we look at the movement of the working class from a long historical viewpoint we see periods of revolutionary upheavals in which the mass of the workers come into activity. We have seen periods such as this in 1918-21, the '30s in some countries, 1943-48, 1968-69.

What we saw was a revolutionary reawakening of the working class. Parties and trade unions which were small in terms of activists suddenly filled out. The Italian Socialist Party had about 60,000 members in 1918, but by 1920 it had grown to over 200,000. The Socialist Party led trade union federation, the CGIL, grew from 250,000 to 2,150,000 in the same period. This was in spite of the CGIL having played an openly counter-revolutionary role during the First World War.

Here we have an important historical lesson. In the first decade of the century an opposition had developed within the Italian Socialist party but unfortunately it decided to split prematurely from the Socialist Party and later also led a split from the CGIL in 1912 and founded the revolutionary syndicalist union the USI. These people believed they were providing the workers with a channel for their revolutionary aspirations. That was not to be the case.

The CGIL remained the dominant trade union organisation, in spite of its treacherous role. All the USI achieved was a division within the ranks of the working class that simply isolated the more advanced workers from the masses.

When the conditions that were brought about by the war pushed the masses into action they went to the CGIL and the Socialist Party. It was only by going through the "school of reformism" that a mass left-wing developed within the Socialist Party and the CGIL. This was to crystallize at a later stage into the formation of the Communist Party of Italy in 1921. The masses needed to see for themselves the activities of these reformist leaders before they would be prepared to look for a revolutionary alternative.

A similar process developed in France where the then SFIO (Socialist Party) changed its name to the Communist Party and adhered to the Third International in 1920. We saw a similar process in Germany where the USPD was born from a split in the SPD. The bulk of the USPD was later won by the German Communists and the KPD was formed.

In general we can see how the mass revolutionary parties of the Third International were born from the inner differentiation of the Socialist Parties.

But what happens when the movements that brought these parties into being ebbs? If the revolutionary aspirations of the masses are betrayed and the working class goes down to defeat we see a mass exodus from these parties. Only a rump remains active, and these quite often tend to be the elements more loyal to the party bureaucracy. They draw the wrong conclusions from the defeats and serve as a further brake on the workers and youth as a whole. In such a situation it becomes more difficult to defend revolutionary ideas and the Marxists find themselves more isolated.

It is precisely in such a situation that ultra-left sectarian tendencies (as well as reformist ones) can develop. The anarchists emerged as a force within the First International after the defeat of the Paris Commune. The ultra-leftism of the leaders of the Fourth International can also be explained in the same.

But what we are interested in here is the process whereby a layer of advanced workers in the movement can also develop sectarian ideas. Precisely because they are more advanced they would like to push the struggle forward. But because they do not have a Marxist understanding of how the movement develops they can become impatient with their own class.

At a time when the masses are not involved in politics, when they are not actively participating in the mass organisations, the leadership of these organisations can move over to the right. The workers after a period of defeats, or during a long boom such as in the period of the boom of the '50s and '60s, can tend to delegate politics to the leadership. Without an active participation of the masses it is not possible to put a check on the reformist leaders.

If we do not understand how the class moves then we can draw the wrong conclusions in such situations, as does a layer of more advanced workers. When there is an ebb in the movement this strengthens the bureaucracy of the trade unions and mass workers' parties. Some of the more advanced workers continue their struggle against this bureaucracy but do not find an echo among the ranks. From this they conclude that these organisations are too bureaucratic to work in and end up leaving them to set up new unions or parties with the idea of offering the working class an alternative. Unfortunately they find that outside the official organisations things are not so easy. That is because there is no short cut, no magic formula to resolving the problem. If there is an ebb in the movement due to past defeats you cannot simply resolve it by declaring an "independent" revolutionary party. The movement of the working class has its own tempo, its own timing. You cannot prematurely force it to move more quickly.

Obviously the presence of a mass revolutionary party can change things rapidly, but even the Bolsheviks back in 1917 did not immediately emerge as the dominant force in the working class. The workers needed to go through the experience of the Provisional government before they were prepared to follow the Bolsheviks. That explains why, initially, the Mensheviks were much stronger than the Bolsheviks. That explains why Lenin posed the tactic of the United Front. The Bolsheviks offered the Mensheviks and other workers' organisations a united front against the capitalists. They called on the Mensheviks to break with the bourgeoisie with their famous slogan "Out with the ten bourgeois ministers". This tactic combined with an implacable opposition to the Russian ruling class and their political representatives prepared the ground for the passing over of the mass of the workers to the Bolsheviks.

As I said previously Lenin provided a precious education for the Marxist cadres in his work 'Left-wing Communism, Infantile disorder'. We must learn from that and from the experience of the labour movement itself over a period of decades.

An example of how not to develop tactics is what the followers of Ernest Mandel did in Italy in 1968. They had been working inside the Communist Party. This was very difficult work, especially in a period in which the Italian Communist Party was in decline. It was losing members and its membership was growing older.

In 1968 the student movement revealed that things were beginning to stir in society. At that stage it was a minority that was moving and this came into direct conflict with the bureaucracy of the Communist Party. Based on this process the followers of Mandel decided to leave the Communist Party and set up an open independent organisation. But they had a totally wrong perspective.

In 1969 there was a massive movement of the Italian working class, of revolutionary dimensions. But this did not lead to a crisis of the Communist Party, as many on the left had thought, but to its development. The Communist Party began to grow, in particular among the youth, both students and workers. At one stage it had about two million members. But precisely because it was growing, opposition ideas did begin to develop within the Communist Party. A new generation of young workers and students was coming into political activity looking for a way out of the impasse of capitalist society. This was reflected in the early stages with the development of the Manifesto newspaper, which gathered around itself about 100,000 members of the Communist Party. Unfortunately the leaders of this grouping also drew the wrong conclusions after they were expelled. They could have helped to form a mass opposition inside the Communist Party. Instead they left and dwindled to a grouping of about 10,000 before disappearing altogether.

From 1968 to 1977 the Communist Party continued to grow. After the 1976 elections the leadership of the Italian Communist Party reached an agreement with the Christian Democrats and betrayed the aspirations of the Italian workers. This led to an internal crisis, especially after the defeat in the 1979 elections. Had there been a Marxist tendency working patiently inside the Communist Party at that time it could have made big gains and transformed the whole situation. Instead we witnessed the demoralisation of the ranks of the Communist Party and its long-term decline. But the workers who abandoned the Communist Party did not join any of the many ultra-left "revolutionary" groupings on the left. This also led these groups to enter into a crisis, with many of them disbanding.

We must learn from these historical examples, and develop a perspective for the future. The workers will be forced by the crisis of capitalism to go once more onto the offensive. Where will they go? Again, they can only go to the traditional mass organisations, and we have to prepare to intervene in that process.

In the meantime does that mean that we sit and wait in party branches waiting for the masses to arrive? That would be ridiculous. In the conditions of today we must find channels to the most advanced workers and youth. We must intervene in working class and student struggles and offer an alternative. On this basis we can build up the forces to build a Marxist tendency to prepare to intervene in the mass organisations in the future. That is why we have to develop flexible tactics, but without abandoning the fundamental perspective on the traditional mass organisations of the working class.

Today, at least in most of the advanced capitalist countries, the conditions for a rapid development of a mass Marxist party do not exist. There are still big illusions in reformism. These will not go away simply by declaring the revolutionary party. The illusions of the masses will be torn down by event themselves. Capitalism is entering a period of great convulsions. Big movements will take place. The workers will put their traditional mass organisations to the test. Over a period of years they will come to the conclusion that the leaders of these organisations offer no real alternative. The workers will put pressure on these organisations and a process of radicalisation will take place similar to what happened after the First World War, in the 1930s, after the Second World War and in the 1970s. On that basis with a correct orientation a small Marxist force can begin to grow rapidly. But to achieve that, the nucleus of that Marxist force must be built now. That is why now we must know how to win the best workers and youth, while at the same time maintaining a perspective for the future developments inside the mass organisations.

http://www.marxist.com/history-marxist-tendency.htm

Pictures and videos

Pictures and videos of and by the IMT



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The IMT Online

Essential websites on the theoretical and historical basis of the IMT and on campaigns supported and maintained by the IMT.


http://www.marxist.com (http://www.marxist.com/)
http://www.masspartyoflabor.org/
http://www.handsoffvenezuela.org/
http://www.newyouth.com/
http://www.trotsky.net/
http://www.tedgrant.org/

Sections

Names and Websites of IMT sections around the world:

Arabic - Marxy.com
http://www.marxy.com/

Argentina - El Militante
http://argentina.elmilitante.org/

Australia - Fightback
http://www.fightback.org.au/

Austria - Der Funke
http://www.derfunke.at/

Basque Country - Euskal Herria
http://www.euskalherriasozialista.net/

Belgium - Vonk and Unité Socialiste
http://www.vonk.org/
http://www.unitesocialiste.be/

Bolivia- El Militante
http://bolivia.elmilitante.org/

Brazil - Esquerda Marxista
http://www.marxismo.org.br/
http://www.mns.org.br/

Britain - Socialist Appeal
http://www.socialist.net/

Canada - Fightback
http://www.marxist.ca/

Catalonia - Militant
http://www.militant.cat/

Denmark - Socialistisk Standpunkt
http://www.marxist.dk/

El Salvador- Bloque Popular Juvenil
http://www.bloquepopularjuvenil.org/

France - La Riposte
http://www.lariposte.com/

Germany - Der Funke
http://www.derfunke.de/

Greece - Marxistiki Foni
http://www.marxismos.com/

Indonesia- Militan
http://www.militanindonesia.org/

Iran - Mobarezeye Tabagathi
http://www.mobareze.org/

Ireland- Fight Back
http://ireland.marxist.com/

Israel
http://www.marxist.com/hebrew.htm

Italy - FalceMartello
http://www.marxismo.net/

Mexico - Militante
http://www.militante.org/
http://www.laizquierdasocialista.org/

Netherlands- Vonk
http://vonknl.org/page86/page86.html

New Zealand- Socialist Appeal
http://www.socialist.org.nz/

Nigeria- Campaign for a Workers Alternative
http://www.workersalternative.com/

Pakistan - The Struggle
http://www.struggle.com.pk/
http://www.ptudc.org/

Peru - El Militante
http://peru.elmilitante.org/

Poland - Socjalizm.org
http://www.socjalizm.org/

Portugal - Esquerda Comunista
http://esquerda-comunista.blogspot.com/

Quebec- Tendance Marxiste Internationale
http://www.marxiste.qc.ca/

Russia - 1917.com
http://www.1917.com/

Spain - Corriente Marxista Internacional
http://www.luchadeclases.org/

Sweden - Avanti!
http://sweden.marxist.com/

Switzerland - Der Funke
http://www.derfunke.ch/

USA - Socialist Appeal
http://www.socialistappeal.org/

Venezuela - Corriente Marxista
http://venezuela.elmilitante.org/

Yugoslavia - Pobunjeni Um
http://yu.marxist.com/
Regional:

International Socialist Organization - ISO (USA)



http://internationalsocialist.org/images/title.gif

Principles
"Where We Stand" (Long) (http://internationalsocialist.org/pdfs/WhereWeStandPamphlet.pdf)
"What We Stand For" (Short) (http://internationalsocialist.org/what_we_stand_for.html)

Contact
Branches (http://internationalsocialist.org/branches.html)
General (http://internationalsocialist.org/contact.html)

Press
Socialist Worker (Newspaper) (http://socialistworker.org/)
International Socialist Review (Journal) (http://www.isreview.org/)
Haymarket Books (Publishers) (http://www.haymarketbooks.org/)
International Socialist Group (Scotland)


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Who We Are

The ISG (Scotland) is a revolutionary socialist organisation operating in Scotland, that stands in the International Socialist tradition. We are strongly influenced by the theory, strategy and tactics of such Marxists as Lenin, Trotsky, Cliff and Gramsci. Aside from being a group that agitates and organises as revolutionaries, we also participate in many other coalitions and united fronts, in particular Coalition of Resistance and Stop the War. In the few short months of our existance the ISG has expanded to several cities and has played a leading role in the anti-cuts movement across the country.

Our Founding Statement

A group of revolutionary socialists have come together to form the International Socialist Group (Scotland).
We will participate in the movements against austerity, war and racism and will campaign around climate change, disability discrimination, LGBT and women’s oppression. We believe that the Marxist tradition is essential for anyone who believes we need radical social change and will attempt to develop marxist theory and test our ideas in the struggle- on every protest and every picket line.
The challenge which immediately faces the ISG is to engage with the growing resistance to the austerity program of the Con-Dem government. We aim to do what we can to argue for one, united, mass campaign against austerity. Now more than ever we must strive to build a campaign which unites anti-cuts groups, trade unionists, pensioners, students and the whole Left. We want to help to build a mass movement against the ConDems.
The May 5th elections to the Scottish Parliament require immediate and joint activity. We will be out in force to support George Galloway’s election bid and send fraternal greetings to all candidates on the list.
We believe its vital to engage with the Left on an international level, which will start by sending a delegation to the Cairo Conference. From here live reports will be available on our website.
We will publish a monthly magazine which will agitate for action and protest, analyse world events, contain interviews with major figures on the Left and review the cultural scene. These will be sold at events, outside workplaces, on street stalls and will be offered by subscription to institutions and trade union branches. Being situated in Scotland, we will provide cutting edge analysis and debate of Scottish politics, economics and culture.
Additionally, we aim to produce a regular theoretical journal to provide space for the development of Marxist theory. We will be inviting contributions from the broad left to form set-piece debates on issues of strategy and tactics, history, Marxist theory and economics.
Over the coming months the ISG will hold a launch conference and public rally, to which we extend an open invite to socialists across the country who are interested in our organisation. Additionally, we will begin formal meetings with others on the Left to discuss how we might work together on building the widest possible movement against the cuts.
We need to bring the spirit of the arab revolutions to Britain- a political movement in the streets coupled with workplace and trade union agitation for a general strike. The Left in Britain needs to relate to the millions, not the thousands. Everything is to play for.
We now extend to you an invitation to join the International Socialist Group (Scotland): for the Marxist tradition, for a mass national campaign against austerity, for a fresh and dynamic approach to socialist politics.


Publication
The ISG produces a monthly magazine, International Socialist, currently (Sept 2011) on its third issue.

Contact Us
http://internationalsocialist.org.uk/index.php/contact/ has all the details you need; including email addresses and phone numbers. Our website has a comprehensive selection of theory and up-to-date news items.

[Sentinel]

:cubaflag: Marxism-Leninism

Anti-Revisionist, Maoist, etc parties and organisations that uphold the line of the Soviet Union under and/or after Joseph Stalin



International:

Regional:

Communist Party of Greece


Brief History (HUGE!)
The Communist Party of Greece was founded in November 1918, as working class consciousness grew and the revolutionary theory of Marxism- Leninism spreader in our country, With only short periods of legal operation, KKE was from that time on until September 1974 banned and forced to work under conditions of clandestinity. Expressing the historical tasks of working class and other strata of working people, KKE has set the revolutionary transformation of Greek society through the elimination of capitalism and the building of socialism and communism as its ultimate goal.

Continuing the fight to implement the objectives of the national liberation revolution of 1821 and of the progressive democratic movement of the early 20th century, KKE has constantly been in the forefront of the struggles for democracy, national independence, peace and social progress. Conveying the ideals of working class along with the aspirations and the interests of the working people, KKE has, from the very time it was founded, organized and guided their struggles to enhance democratic liberties and their liberation from all exploitation and oppression.

After a fascist dictatorship was established under general Metaxas in 1936, Greek Communists were imprisoned or exiled to barren islands, but when Mussolini attacked the country in 1940 they - with the Greek people - voiced a resounding «NO» to the invaders and fought in the front lines to stop them. Greece was then occupied by Hitler’s Nazi troops in the spring of 1941, and KKE became the mainstay of the National Resistance, organizing and leading it with EAM and ELAS, which represented the overwhelming majority of the Greek people, providing a beaconof hope for a better and more just future.
The end of the Second World War meant further turmoil and struggle in Greece, with internal reaction and the British military intervention, succeeded by that of US imperialism (1946-1949). Thousands of fighters resorted to the mountains persecuted by the army and bands formed of collaborators of the Occupation and other anticommunist elements.

On the 28th of October 1946 the Democratic army of Greece was formed. DSE struggle emerged and developed as a result of the heightening of the class struggle in Greece. It was a just, anti-imperialist internationalist struggle. It expressed unfulfilled people’s dreams and turned against the coordinated attack of bourgeois parties on EAM movement and KKE. It was a struggle for power in Greece. The highest moment of class struggle in Greece against the allies of the domestic bourgeoisie, the Anglo-American military, political and economic power, the cold war “Marshal plan” and “Truman dogma”.

After scoring an important victory in December 1944, these forces attempted to change the correlation of forces, which did not content bourgeoisie, despite the Varkiza agreement that led to the disarming of ELAS. This was attempted through a terrorist assault against KKE and EAM and the enforcement of bourgeois repressive mechanisms financed by the USA.

The DSE was in every sense a democratic people’s army. Assemblies were held at the level of platoons. Political education was carried out systematically by the political officers assigned to every unit. Women played a significant role in the struggle making up to the 30% of the DSE’s fighting strength, and 70% of the medical and other support personnel. A medical service was established with training schools and hospitals. 125 health workers were trained.

During 1946-1949 the terror intensified which culminated on the 17th of June when the Greek parliament voted through “emergency measures” which effectively abolished individual and political rights and established martial law.
The countryside was cleared to deprive the DSE of support and recruits an estimated 700,000 people were driven away from their villages and became internal refugees in the towns and cities. The network of prison islands and concentration camps was extended, suspected leftists, their families, leftwing soldiers (it is estimated that between 1947-50 28,800 were sent to prison camps) were sent to these notorious dungeons, Makronissos, Yioura etc. Every form of torture and degradation was inflicted on those unfortunate to find themselves there.

After the Americans took over responsibility for managing Greece from the British with the Truman Doctrine, the range and amount of military help available to the Greek government increased dramatically. What is little known is that Napalm, used so devastatingly in Vietnam, was first used in Greece. In the battles on the mountains Grammos-Vitsi in 1949 388 Napalm bombs were used.

The number of people killed in the Civil war was close to 150,000. According to the official data of the General Staff of the Greek army, 38,839 DAD partisans were killed or wounded, 20,128 taken captive. The casualties of the governmental army numbered 55,528 according to the official data.

More than 65,000 communists and other fighters and supporters of EAM and DSE were forced to leave Greece and seek refuge in the Socialist countries (around 20,000 of them were deprived of their citizenship), 40,000 were sent to the prisons and concentration camps such as Makronnissos. The executions of resistance fighters continued until 1955 (at least 5000 were executed including the famous case of Nikos Belogiannis member of the PB of the KKE). The monarchy was re-established along with a reactionary regime notable for its subservience to Anglo-American imperialism, its repression of the left, economic mismanagement, its political and cultural bankruptcy.

Solidarity was raised by progressive forces all over the world in the face of this mass extermination campaign, as in the famous case of Nikos Belogiannis, a KKE leader arrested and executed in 1952. KKE came out against the transformation of the country into a military base of the USA and NATO, against the dispatch of Greek troops to fight in the Korean War and against nuclear weapons. It was in favor of cooperation in the Balkans but against Greek accession to the European Economic Community (now the European Union).KKE stood in the forefront of the struggle against the US-imposed junta of the Colonels that came to power by coup d’etat on April 21, 1967, while at the same time dealing successfully with the revisionist faction that split from the party in 1968 under the name Communist Party of the Interior. Throughout this period of resistance to the military dictatorship (1967-1974), KKE played a decisive role in mobilizing the people, youth and students culminating in the November 1973 uprising at the National Technical University of Athens, which accelerated the fall of the junta in July, 1974.

In the post-dictatorship period the bourgeois parliamentary system was restore, and KKE was in vanguard of efforts to establish national independence, democracy and social justice.

In 1989, KKE took an initiative to set up alliance of political parties and public figures under the name «Coalition of the Left and Progress» (Synaspismos). But KKE withdrew from this alliance after an attempt was made by a faction of leading KKE cadres to dissolve the Party in the aftermath of the overthrow of the socialist system in Europe. These former cadres are active today in a new party called «Coalition» (Synaspismos), a false title they usurped after the original «Coalition» was disbanded in 1991.

The Party successfully dealt with this attempt to dissolve it from within and today stands strong and steadfast, a rallying point for all progressive people in our country. It maintains a strong presence in local government, trade unions, agricultural associations, students’ movements in secondary schools, technical colleges and universities and in the youth movement in general through the activity of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).

KKE was sole party in Greece to oppose the Maastricht Treaty and the enlargement of the EU, which it considers to be a union of European capital under the sway of three or four large powers, with Germany playing the leading role. The party is diametrically opposed to our country’s productive base being dismantled and to harsh austerity and unemployment, all of which are policies implemented over the years by two alternating ruling parties, PASOK and New Democracy.

KKE stands in solidarity with the Cypriot people in their struggle for just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem, which the Party sees as being an international one, with a part independent UN member state (Cyprus) being invaded and occupied by another (Turkey). The problem must, thus, be addressed in the context of international law and the pertinent UN resolutions, rather than in that of the so-called «common foreign policy» of the EU or of the US «New World Order». KKE supports equitable and mutually beneficial relations being maintained with all countries. As regards the Balkans and the Mediterranean in particular, the party demands that imperialist intervention and NATO expansion be stopped.
KKE is in favor of a direct dialogue with all neighboring countries where problems have arisen, such as Albania, FYROM and Turkey (with which most of the differences constitute intra-NATO problems), within the framework provided by the UN. The Party demands that the Greek government cancel our country’s participation in the multinational NATO force in Bosnia-Herzegovina, close down the US-NATO bases in Greece - particularly the AWACS base at Cape Aktion and to abort the plans to create new NATO headquarters on Greek territories and a NATO Rapid Intervention Force stationed in our country.

Though its political presence and activity, KKE is striving to make it clear to the Greek people that the negative path followed by our country to date is reversible, that a positive political solution for the working people of Greece can be found and implemented. KKE estimates that the process of rallying the most vanguard forces of the people can and must continue. Through KKE policy and mass action, the communists of Greece are working to consolidate an anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly movement led by the working class, conscious of its mission to bring about radical change on all levels.

Following the internal party crisis and the split, the majority of the Central Committee (CC) that was elected at the 13th Congress led the Party to its 14th Congress (December 1991), which put forward the duty of rebuilding the party. The Congress specified the need to reverse the negative situation in which the KKE was. This situation was characterized by a reduction in membership, ideological, political and organizational disorganization with particularly severe consequences for the Communist Youth (KNE). The contribution of that Congress was to restore the ideological and political character of the Party.

The 15th Congress (1996) was a decisive turn-point, where the new Program and Constitution of the Party were developed and the political proposal for the establishment of the Anti-imperialist, Anti-Monopoly Democratic Front (AADF) was adopted. It demonstrated the character of our era, as well as the character of the revolution as a socialist one. At the 15th Congress, the foundations were laid for the strategy of the Party, on the basis of the systematic study of developments and changes in international and Greek reality. It reflected the effort to utilize, to some extent, the experience drawn from the struggle for socialism and its construction in the 20th century.

The 16th Congress (2000) developed further the programmatic directions and goals of the AADF. It went into the greatest possible analysis, under today's conditions, of the general characteristics of the people's rule and the people's economy.

The 17th Congress will not be limited exclusively to an assessment of the Party and CC activities since the previous Congress. It is necessary to generalize the experience of the reorganization that began at the 14th Congress and continued in the following years. To take a brave step towards the full-fledged strengthening of the Party, ideological, political, organizational. The discussion must not be limited to the positive aspects of the KKE. Our main interest is that the members of the Party, its friends, supporters and associates, help in bringing forth and studying, at a deeper level, the subjective deficiencies and weaknesses; to reveal what must be corrected and improved.

The course of rebuilding of the KKE and its rising course in the recent years, and even more after the 16th Congress, are irrefutable proof of the vitality of communist ideas.

The efforts of the enemy to marginalize the Party and deprive it of the stature it has earned in its historic course, have not borne fruit.

If, in 1989-1991 the KKE had been dissolved, if it had been liquidated into the Coalition of the Left and of Progress (Synaspismos), losing its autonomy if it had mutated into a party with social-democratic orientations, the loss would have been great for the popular movement and, more generally, for mass political action. This fact is widely recognized today by the popular masses, radicals, left-wing people and militants.

In the positive course of the Party, thousands of members and cadre, friends and supporters, as well as associates, progressive people with their own proposals and thoughts, have contributed. They have joined their action with that of the Party, supporting its initiatives regardless of their particular views

The valuable lesson for the Communist Party is that in periods of retreat and crisis in the communist movement, under conditions of imperialist counter-attack, the Party, in order to survive, must have steadfast faith in Marxist-Leninist ideology, in the principles and values of the movement, in socialism. It must be open to the critical and self-critical examination of its work. It must strive for the development of a contemporary theoretical analyses; it must be able to recognize every new tendency in a timely manner. With far-reaching vision, it must be able to foresee, to adapt and readapt itself when developments demand, without at any moment losing sight of the principal goal, the struggle for socialism with the prospect of communist society.

The permanent duty of ideological-political and organizational strengthening of the KKE is determined by the new needs as well as the new problems that have appeared in the process of the ascending course of the Party in the past 13 years. It is affected by the particular characteristics of our times, due to the multi-faceted consequences that capitalist restructuring brings to the lives of the working people, under conditions of victory of counter-revolution; under conditions where, objectively, the need for struggle and radical change at the level of political power becomes more urgent. The issue of the timeliness and the realistic possibility of socialism, of communist society, is brought forward.

Without underestimating the consequences of the change in the balance of forces, we must become more demanding of ourselves. We must become stricter so that not only do we consolidate and solidify what we achieved so far, but also that we move forward to a more dynamic phase of counter-attack and strengthening, at least to the extent that this depends upon us. We neither bow to the difficulties nor do we ignore them. We face our work with objectivity, without any subjective nihilism or beautification. We try to exhaust all possibilities that exist for the benefit of the popular movement.

The KKE, by its nature and character, must set forth vanguard goals. It must not restrict itself to the condemnation of human exploitation and injustice, of imperialist war and oppression, but must also show the way that the movement must follow in order to stand up against the forces of capital and conservatism, effectively and victoriously.

The strengthening of the KKE does not concern communists only. It is in the interest of all working people because such strengthening will have an immediate positive effect on the development of struggle, on their effectiveness and on the greatest possible social and political consolidation for building the AADF.

The developments in the world imperialist system, the position of Greece in this system and the domestic economic and political developments justify the policy of the Party; they impose us to take them under serious consideration when we set up duties that require the strengthening of the KKE.

It is our deep conviction that the KKE can move forward into a new phase of counter-attack. The 21st Century will be a century of regrouping of revolutionary forces, of repelling the attack of international capital. It will be a century of decisive counter-attack, a century of the new rise of the world revolutionary movement and a new series of social revolutions.

The 18th Congress of KKE was held in Athens on 18th-22nd February. Except from the activity of the party since the previous Congress, the duties of the party until the 19th Congress and the election of the new CC, the Congress discussed also the “Theses of KKE on Socialism”.

In that way KKE enriched its programmatic perception of Socialism incorporating, as much as possible, the negative and positive experience from the course of the socialist construction in the 20th century and drawing conclusions concerning the causes of the victory of the counterrevolution, mainly in the USSR. And this is more than important as the revival of the consciousness and the faith to Socialism and inextricably linked with the interpretation of the counterrevolution and the capitalist restoration. KKE believes that this duty is imperative and mature for our Party as well as for the every communist party in its country. Communists in Greece have already dealt with his issue in 1995 through the Pan-Hellenic Conference on the “first assessments on the overthrow of Socialism in USSR, central and eastern Europe”.

Furthermore in the period after the 17th Congress the utilization of the study-research work of the previous period intensified. The Party acquired new sources of information; we organized the theoretical symposium of the Communist Review in which representatives of communist journals, Marxist research centers and Communist Parties participated. Moreover, there has been an inner-party discussion on this issues which was carried out in three consecutive rounds. The resolution of the 18th Congress defends the contribution of the Socialist System and focuses on the theoretical positions of the Classics of Marxism – Leninism on Socialism as the first stage of communism. At the same time it examines the causes of the overthrow of Socialism in the USSR. In addition, it makes a special effort to study the economy of the USSR as well as the achievements, shortcomings, mistakes, deviations, during the socialist construction. It also studies the role of the Communist Parties as well as issues concerning the strategy of the international communist movement. It examines the stance of KKE in a spirit of self-criticism and clarifies issues that require further research. Last, it tries to generalize these conclusions and enrich the perception of KKE on Socialism.

The Resolution on Socialism constitutes a contribution to the international communist movement, to the struggle against imperialism. It intends to help the international movement to overcome the crisis in which it finds itself after 1991. it constitutes a weapon for the struggle against the various bourgeois and petty- bourgeois views, against social-democracy, against the opportunist views and illusions, against the old recipes for Socialism “with freedom and democracy” that appear again as new ones, against the views on “national particularities of Socialism” that lead to the longevity of capitalism”
Photos and Videos (http://inter.kke.gr/PhotoAlbum/)
Contact Us (http://inter.kke.gr/Contact/)


Portuguese Communist Party - Partido Comunista Português (PCP)



http://barreiroweb.com/bweb/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/pcp.jpg

Programme: http://www.pcp.pt/pcp_programme
1. The Portuguese Communist Party is the political Party of the working class and of all working people, fully dedicated to serving the Portuguese people and Portugal. Its prime goals are building Socialism and Communism - a new society freed from the exploitation of man by man, from oppression, inequality, injustice and social scourges, a society in which the development of productive forces, the progress of science and technology, and ever greater economic, social, political and cultural democracy will guarantee citizens' freedom, equality, high living standards, culture, an ecologically balanced environment and respect for human beings.


2. Inspired by its prime goals, the PCP's history, since its founding on March 6, 1921, has been marked throughout the years by unparalleled trials of dedication, courage and heroism of whole generations of members, constantly and consistently fighting to defend the interests of the working class and of all working people, of the Portuguese people and of Portugal. A struggle for freedom, democracy, social progress, culture, peace, national sovereignty and independence, and of solidarity with the cause of social and political emancipation for workers and peoples the world over.

Those are permanent values in the PCP's work - throughout the 48 years of fascist dictatorship, in the April revolution process, throughout the counter-revolutionary process that ensued, and in today's struggle geared toward the future - with various modes of expression and immediate specific goals, according to the prevailing problems and situations; with changes dictated by world developments and experience gained. These values are valid for a long historical period, and they make up the Programme for an advanced democracy on the threshold of the 21st century that the PCP proposes to the Portuguese people. They are also part - with further enhancement and elaboration - of the vision of a future socialist society.

The struggle for immediate goals and the struggle for an advanced democracy are both part and parcel of the struggle for socialism.


3. The goals of the PCP's struggle correspond to basic interests of the vast majority of the Portuguese people. The working class, whose composition is being modified and diversified with the development of capitalism and of the scientific and technological revolution, is confirming through the struggle its role as the decisive social force in the process of democratic and progressive transformation of society.

The implementation of the advanced democracy proposed by the PCP is objectively in the interests of all working people, of the small and medium-scale farmers, of intellectuals, of technical workers, of small and medium-scale businesspeople in commerce, industry and services, of artisans, and also of pensioners, disabled persons, women and young people as social forces with specific situations, problems, aspirations and goals. This reality and layout of forces determines the system of social alliances. In it, the basic alliances are the alliance between working class and farmers (small and medium-scale farmers) and the alliance between the working class and intellectuals and other middle strata.

The system of party-political alliances encompasses (under different forms) all those democratic movements, organisations and political parties which - in their goals and in their deeds - uphold the interests and aspirations of social classes and forces that take part in the system of social alliances.

The growing foreign domination over Portugal's economy, and the subjection of Portuguese interests to foreign interests - within a framework of monopoly restoration and European integration - have created conditions to extend even further the social and party-political alliances for specific goals, even if merely short-term ones.

The system of alliances determines PCP policy towards working-class unity and unity among all working people, towards unity or convergence between anti-monopoly classes and social movements, towards unity or convergence in action between democratic and patriotic forces.


4. By creatively responding to existing realities and to change, with proposals, solutions and struggles, the PCP reasserts, renews and strengthens its own identity: as a party of the working class and of all working people, with close links to the masses; as a party fighting for a socialist society; as a party whose theoretical basis is materialist and dialectical - necessarily creative - Marxism-Leninism; as a party with thorough internal democracy both in principle and in practice; as a party with a unified line and action, acquired through democratic centralism's inherent development; as a patriotic party, that is at the same time internationalist, co-operating and standing in solidarity with workers' and peoples' struggles in other countries, with Communists and other revolutionary and progressive forces the world over.


5. In upholding the people's and the country's interests, in consolidating, enhancing and building the democratic regime, in the struggle for a new society freed from exploitation of man by man, the PCP plays a necessary, indispensable and irreplaceable role in Portuguese society.

[...]

In proposing an advanced democracy on the threshold of the 21st century, the PCP proclaims: This is the Programme which we submit to the Portuguese people. If you agree with it, then come and fight with the PCP for its implementation.

The struggle to implement the PCP's Programme, by will of the Portuguese people, is the road to freedom, democracy, national independence, peace and socialism.

It is the road that is in the interests of the Portuguese people and Nation.


Portuguese Communist Youth - Juventude Comunista Portuguesa (JCP)


http://www.jcp-pt.org/images/stories/sobreJCP/logo.jpg


Founded on November 10, 1979 (the unification of the Union of Communist Students and the Union of Communist Youth) Portuguese Communist Youth assumes itself, through its objectives, proposals and transforming action, as the organization of revolutionary youth.
JCP is a bearer of revolutionary traditions and heroic history of struggle for generations of young communists against fascism, against imperialism and later by the revolution of April, directs its action having Marxism-Leninism as a theoretical basis, the materialist and dialectic conception of the world.
The JCP encourages its members and its activity in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, of cooperation between the communist youth organizations and youth between the revolutionary and progressive forces, of solidarity with the workers and youth of other countries and with people in struggle against exploitation and political oppression, social, against imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism, racism, xenophobia and fascism - freedom, democracy, social progress, national independence, peace and socialism.
"To struggle and participate is to give life to an ideal"
In the JCP, youth works and struggles alongside the Portuguese people, along with the working class and all workers, with the Portuguese Communist Party, forming, in the spirit of dedication to the people and country and contributing to the construction of an advanced democracy in Portugal and a new society to build with the people, there is no place where there is no exploitation of man by man, where the full realization of the rights and aspirations of youth is possible - Socialism and Communism. JCP is a member and is the president organization of WFDY.


The Netherlands: Marxist-Leninist parties and orgs

NCPN (Nieuwe Communistische Partij Nederland) (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.ncpn.nl/)
Manifest (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.ncpn.nl/archief/chrono.htm) (NCPN magazine)
Communistische Jongeren Beweging (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.cjb.nu/) (youth organization aligned with the NCPN)
Voorwaarts! online (http://www.voorwaarts.net/) (magazine of the CJB)
Rode Morgen (http://www.rodemorgen.nl/) (maoist)
- Jonge Revolutionairen (http://www.jongerevolutionairen.nl/)
HTIB (http://www.htib.nl/) (Turkish migrant self-organization-marxist)

[Sentinel]

:ninja: Other

Parties and organisations that don't fit under any of the above tendencies


International:

World Federation of Democratic Youth



http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/b/b1/Wfdy_logo.png
I would suggest putting this one under "others".

Origins
On November 10, 1945 the World Youth Conference, organized in London, founded the World Federation of Democratic Youth. This historic Conference convened at the initiative of the World Youth Council which was formed during the II world war to fight against fascism by the youth of the allied countries brought together for the first time in the history of the international youth movement representatives of more than 30 million young people of different political ideologies and religious beliefs from 63 nations. It adopted a pledge for peace.

Pledge
“We pledge that we shall remember this unity, forged in this month, November 1945 Not only today, not only this week, this year, but always Until we have built the world we have dreamed of and fought for We pledge ourselves to build the unity of youth of the world All races, all colors, all nationalities, all beliefs To eliminate all traces of fascism from the earth To build a deep and sincere international friendship among the peoples of the world To keep a just lasting peace To eliminate want, frustration and enforced idleness We have come to confirm the unity of all youth salute our comrades who have died-and pledge our word that skilful hands, keen brains and young enthusiasm shall never more be wasted in war”

Forward For Our Future!
We hold that the democratic and progressive traditions of the WFDY strengthen our determination to continue to strive for a better world in which humankind will fully emancipate itself. In this collective effort the youth will be the vanguard, will remain at the forefront, for as long as it takes, in order to materialize our vision.
Regional:

Homes Not Jails


Website:

Homes Not Jails (http://www.homesnotjailssf.org/wb/)
Info:

Homes not Jails was established in 1992 out of an alliance between Food not Bombs and the Coalition on Homelessness. The network has two functions: holding public occupations of buildings in an effort to bring attention the amount of vacant and abandoned properties and advocate/demand their use to house the homeless; the network also helps to set up covert squat to provide its members and others with housing. In a step in a new direction, HnJ also provided squat housing for attendants of the 2011 SF Anarchist bookfair. Although HnJ was started in San Francisco, chapters have been started in Oakland and San Jose.

Examples of their public actions can be found here (http://www.revleft.com/vb/../sf-squatter-collective-t153154/index.html) and here (http://www.revleft.com/vb/../sf-hotel-takeover-t143206/index.html?t=143206).

The group meets weekly and publicly. In meeting people can talk about their housing needs and get housed; report back on news from squats and away teams with the hope of sharing and increasing collective knowledge of squatting techniques, how to deal with problems that arise etc.; and discuss and plan future actions.

After meetings and on other nights, "away teams" research and attempt to gain and maintain access to properties. I can not emphasize enough the need for attentive and dependable look outs on these away teams!

Netherlands: Autonomist/broad extra-parlementairy libertarian leftists


AFA-Nederland (Anti-Fascist Action) (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.afanederland.org/)
- Alert (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.alertafa.nl/)! (AFA-magazine)
Kraakforum (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.kraak-forum.nl/) - Forum for the dutch squat movement
Greece Is Everywhere (http://gioaction.org/)
Critical Students Utrecht (http://kritischestudentenutrecht.wordpress.com/)
Doorbraak (http://www.doorbraak.eu/)
de Fabel van de Illegaal (http://defabel.home.xs4all.nl/) (migrant solidarity Leiden)
Groenfront! (http://www.groenfront.nl/) (dutch Earth First chapter)
respect voor dieren (http://www.respectvoordieren.nl/)(animal rights)
Queer-nl (http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=121417821212532) (Queer/LGBT-activist group)

[Revolutionair]

Nice idea, but could you make the font a little bit smaller?
Also you might want to take a look at a picture with ALL of the historical American leftist organizations. I have it somewhere on my computer but I can't find it. Maybe someone else has the picture I am talking about?

[Sentinel]

Nice idea, but could you make the font a little bit smaller?If others think the same I will consider it.


Also you might want to take a look at a picture with ALL of the historical American leftist organizations. I'm not sure how that would be helpful, this isn't a thread about historical organisations, but ones that are currently active..?

I'm also not intending to all the research work by myself, this is a project for the entire community and members are meant to contribute by posting the info of their orgs here.

[Smyg]

Smaller font would be nice, yes.

[Sentinel]

Smaller font would be nice, yes. There you go, I've changed the font then. How about you post the details of your orgs now? ;)

[Smyg]

You've already posted it.

[Revolutionair]

If others think the same I will consider it.

I'm not sure how that would be helpful, this isn't a thread about historical organisations, but ones that are currently active..?

Yes I realize that, but it also contains alot of the active organizations.

[Sentinel]

Yes I realize that, but it also contains alot of the active organizations.The problem is that I don't know that much of the orgs in the US. But if you can point out which ones are active, link to their websites, and write a short summary about each, then I guess we could use it.

Lot's of work for the two of us as non-members of those orgs though, the idea is that people write an entry about their own org. But if you want to do it, I'll list them.

Try make the descriptions of orgs you don't belong to short and objective (something like 'Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party active on the US West Coast, founded in 1985'). Their actual members can contact me, or another moderator, later if they want them edited.


You've already posted it.

Ok, but unless it's the CWI it doesn't contain any information, links etc.

[Искра]

What about adding papers, portals or websites? Sometimes people can't form an organisation but they start something smaller. Maybe this could help those initiatives to grow into political organisations.

[Sentinel]

What about adding papers, portals or websites? Sometimes people can't form an organisation but they start something smaller. Maybe this could help those initiatives to grow into political organisations.As explained in the OP, this particular Index is meant as a tool for people looking for 'established' organisations of the Revolutionary Left which they can join.

You are of course free to start another thread listing leftist websites, newspapers, etc if you wish, but it's not the purpose of this one.

[Kornilios Sunshine]

One really good M-L party is KKE.It is also Stalinist,Guevarist and Castroist.However I cannot say it supports Mao and Trotsky.Despite that,it is the greatest communist party for me in Greece. :)

Communist Party of Greece
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/6/6c/Logo_of_the_Communist_Party_of_Greece.svg
Brief History (HUGE!)
The Communist Party of Greece was founded in November 1918, as working class consciousness grew and the revolutionary theory of Marxism- Leninism spreader in our country, With only short periods of legal operation, KKE was from that time on until September 1974 banned and forced to work under conditions of clandestinity. Expressing the historical tasks of working class and other strata of working people, KKE has set the revolutionary transformation of Greek society through the elimination of capitalism and the building of socialism and communism as its ultimate goal.

Continuing the fight to implement the objectives of the national liberation revolution of 1821 and of the progressive democratic movement of the early 20th century, KKE has constantly been in the forefront of the struggles for democracy, national independence, peace and social progress. Conveying the ideals of working class along with the aspirations and the interests of the working people, KKE has, from the very time it was founded, organized and guided their struggles to enhance democratic liberties and their liberation from all exploitation and oppression.

After a fascist dictatorship was established under general Metaxas in 1936, Greek Communists were imprisoned or exiled to barren islands, but when Mussolini attacked the country in 1940 they - with the Greek people - voiced a resounding «NO» to the invaders and fought in the front lines to stop them. Greece was then occupied by Hitler’s Nazi troops in the spring of 1941, and KKE became the mainstay of the National Resistance, organizing and leading it with EAM and ELAS, which represented the overwhelming majority of the Greek people, providing a beaconof hope for a better and more just future.
The end of the Second World War meant further turmoil and struggle in Greece, with internal reaction and the British military intervention, succeeded by that of US imperialism (1946-1949). Thousands of fighters resorted to the mountains persecuted by the army and bands formed of collaborators of the Occupation and other anticommunist elements.

On the 28th of October 1946 the Democratic army of Greece was formed. DSE struggle emerged and developed as a result of the heightening of the class struggle in Greece. It was a just, anti-imperialist internationalist struggle. It expressed unfulfilled people’s dreams and turned against the coordinated attack of bourgeois parties on EAM movement and KKE. It was a struggle for power in Greece. The highest moment of class struggle in Greece against the allies of the domestic bourgeoisie, the Anglo-American military, political and economic power, the cold war “Marshal plan” and “Truman dogma”.

After scoring an important victory in December 1944, these forces attempted to change the correlation of forces, which did not content bourgeoisie, despite the Varkiza agreement that led to the disarming of ELAS. This was attempted through a terrorist assault against KKE and EAM and the enforcement of bourgeois repressive mechanisms financed by the USA.

The DSE was in every sense a democratic people’s army. Assemblies were held at the level of platoons. Political education was carried out systematically by the political officers assigned to every unit. Women played a significant role in the struggle making up to the 30% of the DSE’s fighting strength, and 70% of the medical and other support personnel. A medical service was established with training schools and hospitals. 125 health workers were trained.

During 1946-1949 the terror intensified which culminated on the 17th of June when the Greek parliament voted through “emergency measures” which effectively abolished individual and political rights and established martial law.
The countryside was cleared to deprive the DSE of support and recruits an estimated 700,000 people were driven away from their villages and became internal refugees in the towns and cities. The network of prison islands and concentration camps was extended, suspected leftists, their families, leftwing soldiers (it is estimated that between 1947-50 28,800 were sent to prison camps) were sent to these notorious dungeons, Makronissos, Yioura etc. Every form of torture and degradation was inflicted on those unfortunate to find themselves there.

After the Americans took over responsibility for managing Greece from the British with the Truman Doctrine, the range and amount of military help available to the Greek government increased dramatically. What is little known is that Napalm, used so devastatingly in Vietnam, was first used in Greece. In the battles on the mountains Grammos-Vitsi in 1949 388 Napalm bombs were used.

The number of people killed in the Civil war was close to 150,000. According to the official data of the General Staff of the Greek army, 38,839 DAD partisans were killed or wounded, 20,128 taken captive. The casualties of the governmental army numbered 55,528 according to the official data.

More than 65,000 communists and other fighters and supporters of EAM and DSE were forced to leave Greece and seek refuge in the Socialist countries (around 20,000 of them were deprived of their citizenship), 40,000 were sent to the prisons and concentration camps such as Makronnissos. The executions of resistance fighters continued until 1955 (at least 5000 were executed including the famous case of Nikos Belogiannis member of the PB of the KKE). The monarchy was re-established along with a reactionary regime notable for its subservience to Anglo-American imperialism, its repression of the left, economic mismanagement, its political and cultural bankruptcy.

Solidarity was raised by progressive forces all over the world in the face of this mass extermination campaign, as in the famous case of Nikos Belogiannis, a KKE leader arrested and executed in 1952. KKE came out against the transformation of the country into a military base of the USA and NATO, against the dispatch of Greek troops to fight in the Korean War and against nuclear weapons. It was in favor of cooperation in the Balkans but against Greek accession to the European Economic Community (now the European Union).KKE stood in the forefront of the struggle against the US-imposed junta of the Colonels that came to power by coup d’etat on April 21, 1967, while at the same time dealing successfully with the revisionist faction that split from the party in 1968 under the name Communist Party of the Interior. Throughout this period of resistance to the military dictatorship (1967-1974), KKE played a decisive role in mobilizing the people, youth and students culminating in the November 1973 uprising at the National Technical University of Athens, which accelerated the fall of the junta in July, 1974.

In the post-dictatorship period the bourgeois parliamentary system was restore, and KKE was in vanguard of efforts to establish national independence, democracy and social justice.

In 1989, KKE took an initiative to set up alliance of political parties and public figures under the name «Coalition of the Left and Progress» (Synaspismos). But KKE withdrew from this alliance after an attempt was made by a faction of leading KKE cadres to dissolve the Party in the aftermath of the overthrow of the socialist system in Europe. These former cadres are active today in a new party called «Coalition» (Synaspismos), a false title they usurped after the original «Coalition» was disbanded in 1991.

The Party successfully dealt with this attempt to dissolve it from within and today stands strong and steadfast, a rallying point for all progressive people in our country. It maintains a strong presence in local government, trade unions, agricultural associations, students’ movements in secondary schools, technical colleges and universities and in the youth movement in general through the activity of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).

KKE was sole party in Greece to oppose the Maastricht Treaty and the enlargement of the EU, which it considers to be a union of European capital under the sway of three or four large powers, with Germany playing the leading role. The party is diametrically opposed to our country’s productive base being dismantled and to harsh austerity and unemployment, all of which are policies implemented over the years by two alternating ruling parties, PASOK and New Democracy.

KKE stands in solidarity with the Cypriot people in their struggle for just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem, which the Party sees as being an international one, with a part independent UN member state (Cyprus) being invaded and occupied by another (Turkey). The problem must, thus, be addressed in the context of international law and the pertinent UN resolutions, rather than in that of the so-called «common foreign policy» of the EU or of the US «New World Order». KKE supports equitable and mutually beneficial relations being maintained with all countries. As regards the Balkans and the Mediterranean in particular, the party demands that imperialist intervention and NATO expansion be stopped.
KKE is in favor of a direct dialogue with all neighboring countries where problems have arisen, such as Albania, FYROM and Turkey (with which most of the differences constitute intra-NATO problems), within the framework provided by the UN. The Party demands that the Greek government cancel our country’s participation in the multinational NATO force in Bosnia-Herzegovina, close down the US-NATO bases in Greece - particularly the AWACS base at Cape Aktion and to abort the plans to create new NATO headquarters on Greek territories and a NATO Rapid Intervention Force stationed in our country.

Though its political presence and activity, KKE is striving to make it clear to the Greek people that the negative path followed by our country to date is reversible, that a positive political solution for the working people of Greece can be found and implemented. KKE estimates that the process of rallying the most vanguard forces of the people can and must continue. Through KKE policy and mass action, the communists of Greece are working to consolidate an anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly movement led by the working class, conscious of its mission to bring about radical change on all levels.

Following the internal party crisis and the split, the majority of the Central Committee (CC) that was elected at the 13th Congress led the Party to its 14th Congress (December 1991), which put forward the duty of rebuilding the party. The Congress specified the need to reverse the negative situation in which the KKE was. This situation was characterized by a reduction in membership, ideological, political and organizational disorganization with particularly severe consequences for the Communist Youth (KNE). The contribution of that Congress was to restore the ideological and political character of the Party.

The 15th Congress (1996) was a decisive turn-point, where the new Program and Constitution of the Party were developed and the political proposal for the establishment of the Anti-imperialist, Anti-Monopoly Democratic Front (AADF) was adopted. It demonstrated the character of our era, as well as the character of the revolution as a socialist one. At the 15th Congress, the foundations were laid for the strategy of the Party, on the basis of the systematic study of developments and changes in international and Greek reality. It reflected the effort to utilize, to some extent, the experience drawn from the struggle for socialism and its construction in the 20th century.

The 16th Congress (2000) developed further the programmatic directions and goals of the AADF. It went into the greatest possible analysis, under today's conditions, of the general characteristics of the people's rule and the people's economy.

The 17th Congress will not be limited exclusively to an assessment of the Party and CC activities since the previous Congress. It is necessary to generalize the experience of the reorganization that began at the 14th Congress and continued in the following years. To take a brave step towards the full-fledged strengthening of the Party, ideological, political, organizational. The discussion must not be limited to the positive aspects of the KKE. Our main interest is that the members of the Party, its friends, supporters and associates, help in bringing forth and studying, at a deeper level, the subjective deficiencies and weaknesses; to reveal what must be corrected and improved.

The course of rebuilding of the KKE and its rising course in the recent years, and even more after the 16th Congress, are irrefutable proof of the vitality of communist ideas.

The efforts of the enemy to marginalize the Party and deprive it of the stature it has earned in its historic course, have not borne fruit.

If, in 1989-1991 the KKE had been dissolved, if it had been liquidated into the Coalition of the Left and of Progress (Synaspismos), losing its autonomy if it had mutated into a party with social-democratic orientations, the loss would have been great for the popular movement and, more generally, for mass political action. This fact is widely recognized today by the popular masses, radicals, left-wing people and militants.

In the positive course of the Party, thousands of members and cadre, friends and supporters, as well as associates, progressive people with their own proposals and thoughts, have contributed. They have joined their action with that of the Party, supporting its initiatives regardless of their particular views

The valuable lesson for the Communist Party is that in periods of retreat and crisis in the communist movement, under conditions of imperialist counter-attack, the Party, in order to survive, must have steadfast faith in Marxist-Leninist ideology, in the principles and values of the movement, in socialism. It must be open to the critical and self-critical examination of its work. It must strive for the development of a contemporary theoretical analyses; it must be able to recognize every new tendency in a timely manner. With far-reaching vision, it must be able to foresee, to adapt and readapt itself when developments demand, without at any moment losing sight of the principal goal, the struggle for socialism with the prospect of communist society.

The permanent duty of ideological-political and organizational strengthening of the KKE is determined by the new needs as well as the new problems that have appeared in the process of the ascending course of the Party in the past 13 years. It is affected by the particular characteristics of our times, due to the multi-faceted consequences that capitalist restructuring brings to the lives of the working people, under conditions of victory of counter-revolution; under conditions where, objectively, the need for struggle and radical change at the level of political power becomes more urgent. The issue of the timeliness and the realistic possibility of socialism, of communist society, is brought forward.

Without underestimating the consequences of the change in the balance of forces, we must become more demanding of ourselves. We must become stricter so that not only do we consolidate and solidify what we achieved so far, but also that we move forward to a more dynamic phase of counter-attack and strengthening, at least to the extent that this depends upon us. We neither bow to the difficulties nor do we ignore them. We face our work with objectivity, without any subjective nihilism or beautification. We try to exhaust all possibilities that exist for the benefit of the popular movement.

The KKE, by its nature and character, must set forth vanguard goals. It must not restrict itself to the condemnation of human exploitation and injustice, of imperialist war and oppression, but must also show the way that the movement must follow in order to stand up against the forces of capital and conservatism, effectively and victoriously.

The strengthening of the KKE does not concern communists only. It is in the interest of all working people because such strengthening will have an immediate positive effect on the development of struggle, on their effectiveness and on the greatest possible social and political consolidation for building the AADF.

The developments in the world imperialist system, the position of Greece in this system and the domestic economic and political developments justify the policy of the Party; they impose us to take them under serious consideration when we set up duties that require the strengthening of the KKE.

It is our deep conviction that the KKE can move forward into a new phase of counter-attack. The 21st Century will be a century of regrouping of revolutionary forces, of repelling the attack of international capital. It will be a century of decisive counter-attack, a century of the new rise of the world revolutionary movement and a new series of social revolutions.

The 18th Congress of KKE was held in Athens on 18th-22nd February. Except from the activity of the party since the previous Congress, the duties of the party until the 19th Congress and the election of the new CC, the Congress discussed also the “Theses of KKE on Socialism”.

In that way KKE enriched its programmatic perception of Socialism incorporating, as much as possible, the negative and positive experience from the course of the socialist construction in the 20th century and drawing conclusions concerning the causes of the victory of the counterrevolution, mainly in the USSR. And this is more than important as the revival of the consciousness and the faith to Socialism and inextricably linked with the interpretation of the counterrevolution and the capitalist restoration. KKE believes that this duty is imperative and mature for our Party as well as for the every communist party in its country. Communists in Greece have already dealt with his issue in 1995 through the Pan-Hellenic Conference on the “first assessments on the overthrow of Socialism in USSR, central and eastern Europe”.

Furthermore in the period after the 17th Congress the utilization of the study-research work of the previous period intensified. The Party acquired new sources of information; we organized the theoretical symposium of the Communist Review in which representatives of communist journals, Marxist research centers and Communist Parties participated. Moreover, there has been an inner-party discussion on this issues which was carried out in three consecutive rounds. The resolution of the 18th Congress defends the contribution of the Socialist System and focuses on the theoretical positions of the Classics of Marxism – Leninism on Socialism as the first stage of communism. At the same time it examines the causes of the overthrow of Socialism in the USSR. In addition, it makes a special effort to study the economy of the USSR as well as the achievements, shortcomings, mistakes, deviations, during the socialist construction. It also studies the role of the Communist Parties as well as issues concerning the strategy of the international communist movement. It examines the stance of KKE in a spirit of self-criticism and clarifies issues that require further research. Last, it tries to generalize these conclusions and enrich the perception of KKE on Socialism.

The Resolution on Socialism constitutes a contribution to the international communist movement, to the struggle against imperialism. It intends to help the international movement to overcome the crisis in which it finds itself after 1991. it constitutes a weapon for the struggle against the various bourgeois and petty- bourgeois views, against social-democracy, against the opportunist views and illusions, against the old recipes for Socialism “with freedom and democracy” that appear again as new ones, against the views on “national particularities of Socialism” that lead to the longevity of capitalism”
Photos and Videos (http://inter.kke.gr/PhotoAlbum/)
Contact Us (http://inter.kke.gr/Contact/)

[Martin Blank]

OK, I'll bite.

Not exactly sure whether we should be categorized as "Left Communist" or "Other". A lot of our politics can be called Left Communist (especially if you consider DeLeon's politics "Left Communist"), but some cannot. Anyway,...


Workers Party in America

http://www.workers-party.com/images/ppoimages/logo-ppo-color_small.gif

Our Program:
http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=36&Itemid=55


Our Constitution and By-Laws:
http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=66&Itemid=77

Our Strategy:
General Strategy: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=71&Itemid=80
The Character and Structure of Revolutionary Industrial Unionism: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=87&Itemid=88
The Tea Party Nativists and the Working Class: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=198&Itemid=105

Our Magazine:
In PDF Format: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=49&Itemid=79
In Hardcopy Format: http://workersparty.magcloud.com/
In HTML Format: http://www.workers-republic.com/ (beginning November 2011)

Our Books/Literature:
Party Literature: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=38&Itemid=66
Online Bookstore: http://www.lulu.com/spotlight/workersparty

How to Contact Us:
Postal: WPA, P.O. Box 96503, PMB 59359, Washington, DC 20090-6503
E-Mail: [email protected]
Web: http://www.workers-party.com/
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/workerspartyinamerica • http://www.facebook.com/groups/workersparty
Twitter: @Workers_Party

[thesadmafioso]

Bear in mind I'm not actually a full member of this organization yet and that the extent of my experience with them is comparatively limited because of such. If any full members of the any branch of the organization would like to add to or edit the following, please feel free to do so. Also note that anything not in quotations here is my own work and that I am not speaking officially on behalf of the IMT, this is merely a compilation from what I have heard and experienced through my work and correspondence with them.

International Marxist Tendency

Ideology and aims

A very brief summary of IMT's ideology and goals

The IMT and its branches realize that a revolution of the working class will not be made by a party separate from the masses, and that is why it calls for revolutionary action to be undertaken through the channels of traditional mass organizations of labor. In conjunction with this, a tremendous value is placed on the development of an organization of well educated comrades knowledgeable in the theory of revolutionary action, in order to provide the masses with truly revolutionary leadership in the coming struggle.

As the working class continues to develop a class consciousness in conjunction with the growing intensity of the capitalist crisis, as they are forced to bear the burden of the capitalists failings, they will become increasingly open to ideas of an alternative. The IMT seeks to provide this movement of politically conscious workers with organizations and program to arm it in its efforts against capitalism, and it recognizes that this will need to be done through organizations which utilize correct theory, analysis, and organizational capacity.

Spreading the ideas of Marxism will not be done on without the traditional organizations of mass labor equipped with the revolutionary theory and program of Marxism, and the IMT seeks to create socialism though just those movements because of such.

From the American branch of the IMT, the WIL


We also base ourselves on the ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky, and on the further development of these ideas by the supporters of the In Defence of Marxism website. The ideas of scientific socialism have been tarnished in the minds of millions by the horrific experience of Stalinism and the continued lies and distortions of the ruling class. We believe that Stalinism was a historical aberration and a criminal totalitarian caricature of genuine socialism. We fight for international socialism, where the world working class has full democratic control over the means of production, distribution, and exchange, in harmony with the environment. Without democracy there can be no socialism! A workers’ government in the US would take over the vast wealth now owned by just a handful of individuals and democratically use it in the interests of everyone.


Additional information can be found at the following links:
http://www.marxist.com/about-us.htm
http://www.socialistappeal.org/wil/about-us

History

Short summary of the history of the IMT


The following text is a very brief outline of the history of our tendency, in answer to questions we have received from different people around the world.
When it comes to Trotsky's writings most groups claiming to be Trotskyist would accept Trotsky's conclusions in his major works as an analysis of the period Trotsky was writing about. What we have to do is apply the ‘method' of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky to today's world. So it is not a question of harping on different interpretations of Trotsky. The most important thing is to discuss the period we have been through and the stage we are at now.

Trotsky had expected a revolutionary wave at the end of the Second World War and he had expected the Fourth International to become the dominant force within the labour movement. There was a revolutionary wave. The Civil War in Greece, the resistance movement and the strikes in both Italy and France towards the end of the war and immediately after it, the Chinese revolution, the struggle for independence throughout the Colonial world, in Britain the landslide victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 elections, etc., all show that Trotsky's prognosis was correct. The only problem was that the forces of the Fourth International were too weak to be able to play a fundamental role in these unfolding events. The result was a major historical defeat of the revolutionary movements that emerged at the end of the War. Where there were victories, such as in China, these took the form of Stalinism, i.e. deformed workers' states modeled on the Soviet regime.

The break-up and splintering of the Trotskyist movement is rooted in that period. The then leadership of the Fourth International was totally incapable of understanding what was happening. If you read the writings of leaders like James Cannon (leader of the American SWP at the time) in the late '40s and early '50s you will find a totally wrong perspective. His perspective was one of the immediate crisis of capitalism and thus revolutionary developments in the short-term. In 1946 the Fourth International held its International Pre-Conference. The manifesto for that conference was written by Ernest Mandel.

That manifesto clashed totally with reality. The leadership of the Fourth International had developed the theory that capitalism would not be able to develop the productive forces beyond the level of 1938, and that any boom was out of the question. This proved to be totally false. The defeat of the working class after the War was the main political pre-condition for an upturn in the economy. The United States had emerged enormously strengthened from the War. It was the main capitalist Superpower that had accumulated huge profits from war production. For fear of revolution in Europe the USA pumped in huge amounts of money into countries like Germany, Italy, France, etc., to revive their economies. The destruction caused by the war meant a huge reconstruction program was necessary. All this laid the basis for the biggest economic boom in the history of capitalism.

The leadership of the Fourth International couldn't come to terms with these new developments. They did not understand that a reappraisal of the situation was necessary. The fact is that they thought they could hold their forces together by promising revolution "round the corner". Such a policy could only lead to the break-up of the International.

As Lenin explained, if you do not correct your mistakes then you will stumble from one mistake to another. The end result is sectarianism. Not having understood their mistakes they went further along the road of degeneration coming up with all kinds of strange theories. From one of immediate revolution they swung over to the theory of the 'bourgeoisification' of the working class in Europe. For instance in April 1968 Ernest Mandel in a meeting in London declared that there would not be a movement of the European working class for at least twenty years. This was on the eve of the momentous May 1968 movement of the French workers!

The leadership of the British section of the Fourth International, the RCP (Revolutionary Communist Party) understood the changes that were taking place and developed different perspectives. The main theoretician of the RCP was Ted Grant. If you access our web site you will find a book called The Unbroken Thread. It is a selection of Ted's writings from 1938-83. You can judge for yourself, but in the section on Economic Perspectives written in 1946 you will find an analysis of the unfolding economic upswing, a much more sober appraisal of how things were developing.

Again on China the leadership of the Fourth International were saying that Mao would have compromised with Chang Kai Shek. Ted's writings on China reveal a much more precise understanding of what was going on.

Ted made a major contribution to Marxism in his writings on the development of 'proletarian Bonapartism' (i.e. bureaucratically deformed workers' states) in eastern Europe, China, Cuba etc. The leadership of the Fourth International first started off by refusing to accept that what we had in Eastern Europe were regimes modeled on Soviet Russia. Then they swung the other way (without explaining why) and even declared some of these countries (China, Cuba, Yugoslavia) 'healthy workers' states', abandoning that definition as soon as it became untenable.

I could go into a lot more detail about the mistakes of the then leadership of the Fourth International, but I think these short points suffice to show that Mandel, Cannon and co., lost their bearings after the war and this led to a zigzagging away from a genuine Marxist analysis.

What I would like to emphasize is Socialist Appeal's approach towards the mass organisations. As opposed to all the other groups we believe that the workers when they move into action will not go towards some small grouping on the fringes of the labour movement. They will move through their traditional mass organisations.

The whole history of the international labour movement confirms this. The Third Communist International itself was not born of small sects, but developed from the left-wing of the Second Socialist International. The Bolsheviks were a faction of the same party as the Mensheviks for many years before emerging as an independent force. The French and Italian Communist Parties developed from within the Socialist Parties. The German Communist Party likewise gained its mass force from a split to the left of the SPD, etc.. etc. In Britain the Communist Party did emerge from the fusion of four smaller groupings. But I would advise you to read Lenin's 'Left-wing Communism, infantile disorder' (published in 1920) and note the advice Lenin gives to the British Communists. He advises them to go into the British Labour Party!

This was not a tactic invented by Lenin. It was part of the tradition of Marx himself. Back in 1848 the German Communists dissolved their organisation to enter the Democratic Party because at that stage the most advanced workers were to be found there. The First International itself was made up of all kinds of elements from genuine Communists to British Trade Unionists, often represented by Liberal-inclined individuals.

If we apply these lessons to today the conclusions we can reach is that genuine Marxists, i.e. Trotskyists must orientate towards the mass organisations. The dilemma of the epoch is the totally degenerate Social democratic leadership of the movement stifling the aspirations of the workers (see Blair in Britain, Jospin in France, Schroeder in Germany, etc. etc.,).

But it is very easy to declare the official leadership as degenerate. The task is to build up an alternative. The question is this: is it sufficient to simply declare "the revolutionary party" and wait for the masses to come to you? We think not. Marxists must go to the workers and patiently explain an alternative. We think Lenin's advice to the British Communists back in 1920 is even more relevant today than it was then. This is one of the main points that distinguishes us from all other groups claiming to be Trotskyist. We do not think this is a detail.

You may have heard of the Socialist Party/CWI. This group was formerly known as The Militant tendency. It worked within the Labour Party and Ted Grant was its founder and main theoretician. Unfortunately the majority of the British leadership developed along similar lines to the leadership of the Fourth International at the end of the Second World War. Although there are many differences there are also many parallels that can be made.

On the basis of a correct orientation to the Labour Party and the Trade Unions the Militant tendency had become a powerful force on the left in Britain. At its peak it had about 8,000 supporters. It had three Labour MPs supporting its ideas, it controlled Liverpool Labour Council and had many important trade union leaders. It also led the magnificent Anti-Poll Tax movement in the 1980s, culminating in a demonstration in London of 250,000 people (on the same day a further 50,000 demonstrated in Glasgow, Scotland). Unfortunately the majority of its leadership began to draw the wrong conclusions from the events of the 1980s.

The 1980s saw a temporary stabilisation of capitalism on a world level. There were many contributing factors that led to this. One was the defeat of the struggles of the 1970s which had begun with the 1968 movement. In the 1970s we saw a turn to the left throughout the world. In Europe this was translated into a big increase of votes for the Socialist and Communist parties. All these parties, together with the trade unions, saw a substantial increase in membership. On this basis, as events unfolded, we saw an increasing radicalisation of the rank and file. This in turn led to the development of strong left currents within these parties.

In Britain we had a Labour government from 1974 to 1979. Because of its right-wing policies that Labour government prepared the road for the coming to power of Thatcher. This brought about a questioning of the Labour leadership on the part of the ranks of the Labour Party. These were the conditions in which the Militant tendency developed as an important force. Having said that it is also necessary to remember that however impressive its growth was it was still a very small force compared to the size of the British labour movement. This meant that it was not strong enough to offer an alternative leadership to the working class.

Thus we saw throughout the 1980s a gradual decline of the trade unions and the Labour Party. A whole generation had been betrayed and this led many to abandon active participation in the Labour Party and the unions. This decline made it difficult to defend genuine Marxist ideas within the Labour Party. The fact of the matter was that what was taking place was a turn to the right within the labour movement. This was possible because the bureaucracy of the labour organisations was becoming relatively free of any control on the part of the ranks of the movement.

Unfortunately the majority of the leadership of the Militant drew the conclusion that the problem was the Labour Party itself. They began to develop the illusion that setting up an 'independent" organisation and 'flying the banner high' would solve their problems. That was a big mistake. They left the Labour Party, and since then have declined to the point that they have become much weaker (from about 4,000 in 1992 they have now fallen to about 400!). Having made one mistake they then compounded it by drawing pessimistic conclusions about the whole objective situation. They talk of the labour movement having been thrown back one hundred years, etc.

It is a process which we have seen many times. They have gone from one extreme to the other, just like Cannon and Mandel before them.

Now we are facing the beginnings of a totally new situation. The world economic crisis is the most serious since 1929. It has already provoked big movements in Asia. Indonesia is in the forefront, but many more will follow. On this basis we see the masses returning to the traditional mass organisations of the working class. In Britain four years ago, mass opposition to the Tories was translated into a massive Labour victory. In France the Socialist party has benefited from the same process. In Greece we have the PASOK in power. The same has occurred in Germany, etc. etc.

At this stage the masses are not moving into the traditional organisations, especially where they are in government. That is the case in Britain today. And that is why we have launched Youth for International Socialism as a means of attracting the best of the youth. But in the long run things will change. Blair will most likely win the next election, but then he will be forced to attack the gains of the working class once more. At the moment he is benefiting from the lowest unemployment figures for 25 years. Last year wages in Britain went up by over 5% with inflation at less than 3%, which means many workers have actually had a real increase in wages. But this won't last for long.

Look at the situation in Italy. The Center-Left coalition lost the elections, although they had the same policies as Blair. But in Italy unemployment is nearly 10%, twice the level in Britain. Wages went up last year by only 2%, with inflation at nearly 3%, a real WAGE CUT. Now internal conflicts are opening up in the PDS, which at some stage could lead to a split between the more openly bourgeois elements and those bureaucrats closer to the labour movement. The Berlusconi government will inevitably provoke a reaction among the workers at some stage and this will have an effect on the trade unions, on the PDS and on Rifondazione Comunista. In that situation Rifondazione Comunista (if it had a genuinely Marxist program) could have an effect on the workers looking towards the PDS.

In Britain, Blair will not maintain his present position for long. The recession is just beginning to have an effect. Within a year or two Britain could be in a serious recession, this will lead to many people losing the confidence they have at present (that "New" Labour can guarantee economic growth) and this will lead to defeats for Labour in the future. In those conditions internal criticisms will open up in the Labour Party. This process will probably start first in the trade unions. We already have symptoms of this. See the strikes on the London Underground, the wildcat strikes of the postal workers. And if Blair goes ahead with his plans to privatize the health service then he will face a major confrontation with the health workers. All this will eventually have an effect inside the Labour Party, and when that happens Marxists must know how to orientate to this process.

Once the movement explodes there will be a need for Marxist ideas. Without these the workers and youth will struggle but will not have the leadership they deserve.

On the question of the mass organisations I think we should avoid any misunderstanding. We believe that when the mass of workers will begin to move in a decisive manner then they will move through the traditional mass organisations. That is a lesson from history and it is quite easy to understand why.

In "normal" periods of relative stability the masses are not involved in political activity. In fact they tend to see politics as something alien to them. In these periods it is only a minority of the workers and youth who are interested in political activity. Sometimes in fact this minority can actually become an obstacle to an involvement of the masses precisely because of their conservative and routinist approach.

If we look at the movement of the working class from a long historical viewpoint we see periods of revolutionary upheavals in which the mass of the workers come into activity. We have seen periods such as this in 1918-21, the '30s in some countries, 1943-48, 1968-69.

What we saw was a revolutionary reawakening of the working class. Parties and trade unions which were small in terms of activists suddenly filled out. The Italian Socialist Party had about 60,000 members in 1918, but by 1920 it had grown to over 200,000. The Socialist Party led trade union federation, the CGIL, grew from 250,000 to 2,150,000 in the same period. This was in spite of the CGIL having played an openly counter-revolutionary role during the First World War.

Here we have an important historical lesson. In the first decade of the century an opposition had developed within the Italian Socialist party but unfortunately it decided to split prematurely from the Socialist Party and later also led a split from the CGIL in 1912 and founded the revolutionary syndicalist union the USI. These people believed they were providing the workers with a channel for their revolutionary aspirations. That was not to be the case.

The CGIL remained the dominant trade union organisation, in spite of its treacherous role. All the USI achieved was a division within the ranks of the working class that simply isolated the more advanced workers from the masses.

When the conditions that were brought about by the war pushed the masses into action they went to the CGIL and the Socialist Party. It was only by going through the "school of reformism" that a mass left-wing developed within the Socialist Party and the CGIL. This was to crystallize at a later stage into the formation of the Communist Party of Italy in 1921. The masses needed to see for themselves the activities of these reformist leaders before they would be prepared to look for a revolutionary alternative.

A similar process developed in France where the then SFIO (Socialist Party) changed its name to the Communist Party and adhered to the Third International in 1920. We saw a similar process in Germany where the USPD was born from a split in the SPD. The bulk of the USPD was later won by the German Communists and the KPD was formed.

In general we can see how the mass revolutionary parties of the Third International were born from the inner differentiation of the Socialist Parties.

But what happens when the movements that brought these parties into being ebbs? If the revolutionary aspirations of the masses are betrayed and the working class goes down to defeat we see a mass exodus from these parties. Only a rump remains active, and these quite often tend to be the elements more loyal to the party bureaucracy. They draw the wrong conclusions from the defeats and serve as a further brake on the workers and youth as a whole. In such a situation it becomes more difficult to defend revolutionary ideas and the Marxists find themselves more isolated.

It is precisely in such a situation that ultra-left sectarian tendencies (as well as reformist ones) can develop. The anarchists emerged as a force within the First International after the defeat of the Paris Commune. The ultra-leftism of the leaders of the Fourth International can also be explained in the same.

But what we are interested in here is the process whereby a layer of advanced workers in the movement can also develop sectarian ideas. Precisely because they are more advanced they would like to push the struggle forward. But because they do not have a Marxist understanding of how the movement develops they can become impatient with their own class.

At a time when the masses are not involved in politics, when they are not actively participating in the mass organisations, the leadership of these organisations can move over to the right. The workers after a period of defeats, or during a long boom such as in the period of the boom of the '50s and '60s, can tend to delegate politics to the leadership. Without an active participation of the masses it is not possible to put a check on the reformist leaders.

If we do not understand how the class moves then we can draw the wrong conclusions in such situations, as does a layer of more advanced workers. When there is an ebb in the movement this strengthens the bureaucracy of the trade unions and mass workers' parties. Some of the more advanced workers continue their struggle against this bureaucracy but do not find an echo among the ranks. From this they conclude that these organisations are too bureaucratic to work in and end up leaving them to set up new unions or parties with the idea of offering the working class an alternative. Unfortunately they find that outside the official organisations things are not so easy. That is because there is no short cut, no magic formula to resolving the problem. If there is an ebb in the movement due to past defeats you cannot simply resolve it by declaring an "independent" revolutionary party. The movement of the working class has its own tempo, its own timing. You cannot prematurely force it to move more quickly.

Obviously the presence of a mass revolutionary party can change things rapidly, but even the Bolsheviks back in 1917 did not immediately emerge as the dominant force in the working class. The workers needed to go through the experience of the Provisional government before they were prepared to follow the Bolsheviks. That explains why, initially, the Mensheviks were much stronger than the Bolsheviks. That explains why Lenin posed the tactic of the United Front. The Bolsheviks offered the Mensheviks and other workers' organisations a united front against the capitalists. They called on the Mensheviks to break with the bourgeoisie with their famous slogan "Out with the ten bourgeois ministers". This tactic combined with an implacable opposition to the Russian ruling class and their political representatives prepared the ground for the passing over of the mass of the workers to the Bolsheviks.

As I said previously Lenin provided a precious education for the Marxist cadres in his work 'Left-wing Communism, Infantile disorder'. We must learn from that and from the experience of the labour movement itself over a period of decades.

An example of how not to develop tactics is what the followers of Ernest Mandel did in Italy in 1968. They had been working inside the Communist Party. This was very difficult work, especially in a period in which the Italian Communist Party was in decline. It was losing members and its membership was growing older.

In 1968 the student movement revealed that things were beginning to stir in society. At that stage it was a minority that was moving and this came into direct conflict with the bureaucracy of the Communist Party. Based on this process the followers of Mandel decided to leave the Communist Party and set up an open independent organisation. But they had a totally wrong perspective.

In 1969 there was a massive movement of the Italian working class, of revolutionary dimensions. But this did not lead to a crisis of the Communist Party, as many on the left had thought, but to its development. The Communist Party began to grow, in particular among the youth, both students and workers. At one stage it had about two million members. But precisely because it was growing, opposition ideas did begin to develop within the Communist Party. A new generation of young workers and students was coming into political activity looking for a way out of the impasse of capitalist society. This was reflected in the early stages with the development of the Manifesto newspaper, which gathered around itself about 100,000 members of the Communist Party. Unfortunately the leaders of this grouping also drew the wrong conclusions after they were expelled. They could have helped to form a mass opposition inside the Communist Party. Instead they left and dwindled to a grouping of about 10,000 before disappearing altogether.

From 1968 to 1977 the Communist Party continued to grow. After the 1976 elections the leadership of the Italian Communist Party reached an agreement with the Christian Democrats and betrayed the aspirations of the Italian workers. This led to an internal crisis, especially after the defeat in the 1979 elections. Had there been a Marxist tendency working patiently inside the Communist Party at that time it could have made big gains and transformed the whole situation. Instead we witnessed the demoralisation of the ranks of the Communist Party and its long-term decline. But the workers who abandoned the Communist Party did not join any of the many ultra-left "revolutionary" groupings on the left. This also led these groups to enter into a crisis, with many of them disbanding.

We must learn from these historical examples, and develop a perspective for the future. The workers will be forced by the crisis of capitalism to go once more onto the offensive. Where will they go? Again, they can only go to the traditional mass organisations, and we have to prepare to intervene in that process.

In the meantime does that mean that we sit and wait in party branches waiting for the masses to arrive? That would be ridiculous. In the conditions of today we must find channels to the most advanced workers and youth. We must intervene in working class and student struggles and offer an alternative. On this basis we can build up the forces to build a Marxist tendency to prepare to intervene in the mass organisations in the future. That is why we have to develop flexible tactics, but without abandoning the fundamental perspective on the traditional mass organisations of the working class.

Today, at least in most of the advanced capitalist countries, the conditions for a rapid development of a mass Marxist party do not exist. There are still big illusions in reformism. These will not go away simply by declaring the revolutionary party. The illusions of the masses will be torn down by event themselves. Capitalism is entering a period of great convulsions. Big movements will take place. The workers will put their traditional mass organisations to the test. Over a period of years they will come to the conclusion that the leaders of these organisations offer no real alternative. The workers will put pressure on these organisations and a process of radicalisation will take place similar to what happened after the First World War, in the 1930s, after the Second World War and in the 1970s. On that basis with a correct orientation a small Marxist force can begin to grow rapidly. But to achieve that, the nucleus of that Marxist force must be built now. That is why now we must know how to win the best workers and youth, while at the same time maintaining a perspective for the future developments inside the mass organisations.

http://www.marxist.com/history-marxist-tendency.htm

Pictures and videos

Pictures and videos of and by the IMT



fkFZvb3NCFo

q1tMoTAXybE

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/ba/IMT-international_marxist_tendency.jpg

The IMT Online

Essential websites on the theoretical and historical basis of the IMT and on campaigns supported and maintained by the IMT.


http://www.marxist.com
http://www.masspartyoflabor.org/
http://www.handsoffvenezuela.org/
http://www.newyouth.com/
http://www.trotsky.net/
http://www.tedgrant.org/

Sections

Names and Websites of IMT sections around the world:

Arabic - Marxy.com
http://www.marxy.com/

Argentina - El Militante
http://argentina.elmilitante.org/

Australia - Fightback
http://www.fightback.org.au/

Austria - Der Funke
http://www.derfunke.at/

Basque Country - Euskal Herria
http://www.euskalherriasozialista.net/

Belgium - Vonk and Unité Socialiste
http://www.vonk.org/
http://www.unitesocialiste.be/

Bolivia- El Militante
http://bolivia.elmilitante.org/

Brazil - Esquerda Marxista
http://www.marxismo.org.br/
http://www.mns.org.br/

Britain - Socialist Appeal
http://www.socialist.net/

Canada - Fightback
http://www.marxist.ca/

Catalonia - Militant
http://www.militant.cat/

Denmark - Socialistisk Standpunkt
http://www.marxist.dk/

El Salvador- Bloque Popular Juvenil
http://www.bloquepopularjuvenil.org/

France - La Riposte
http://www.lariposte.com/

Germany - Der Funke
http://www.derfunke.de/

Greece - Marxistiki Foni
http://www.marxismos.com/

Indonesia- Militan
http://www.militanindonesia.org/

Iran - Mobarezeye Tabagathi
http://www.mobareze.org/

Ireland- Fight Back
http://ireland.marxist.com/

Israel
http://www.marxist.com/hebrew.htm

Italy - FalceMartello
http://www.marxismo.net/

Mexico - Militante
http://www.militante.org/
http://www.laizquierdasocialista.org/

Netherlands- Vonk
http://vonknl.org/page86/page86.html

New Zealand- Socialist Appeal
http://www.socialist.org.nz/

Nigeria- Campaign for a Workers Alternative
http://www.workersalternative.com/

Pakistan - The Struggle
http://www.struggle.com.pk/
http://www.ptudc.org/

Peru - El Militante
http://peru.elmilitante.org/

Poland - Socjalizm.org
http://www.socjalizm.org/

Portugal - Esquerda Comunista
http://esquerda-comunista.blogspot.com/

Quebec- Tendance Marxiste Internationale
http://www.marxiste.qc.ca/

Russia - 1917.com
http://www.1917.com/

Spain - Corriente Marxista Internacional
http://www.luchadeclases.org/

Sweden - Avanti!
http://sweden.marxist.com/

Switzerland - Der Funke
http://www.derfunke.ch/

USA - Socialist Appeal
http://www.socialistappeal.org/

Venezuela - Corriente Marxista
http://venezuela.elmilitante.org/

Yugoslavia - Pobunjeni Um
http://yu.marxist.com/

[Sasha]

Netherlands:

Short introduction to the dutch revolutionary leftist movement:

By my estimate the majority of the dutch revolutionary leftist activists are not organized within a specific political organization as they are mostly autonomist/insurrectionairy anarchist/post-marxist activists that are heavily involved in topic based activism like squatting, animal rights, refugee solidarity and anti-fascism. These topics also function as the place where those that are aligned with tendency specific organizations intermingle and cooperate.
With the (extreme-)right government amping up the repression through laws like the squatting ban the Anarcho-Autonomist scene over the last few years has seen more and more activists getting more structured and getting involved in formal and informal anarcho-communist/anarcho-syndicalist organizations.
Most statist leftist organizations have seen an continuing declining membership with an possible exception to the M-L CJB who seem to have a pretty stable membership.
By my estimate the anarchist/autonomists, which in dutch in general would be labeled as "the squat movement", have an core of activists of about 1.000 and can maybe mobilize an further 3.000 to 4.000 at best.
With an educated guess i would say all the Trotskist, M-L and Maoist organizations combined have an membership slightly above the five hundred (but that's excluding the migrant self-organizations who are often marxist orientated and foreign revolutionary groups with an dutch presence or support network like the PKK, DHKC, tamil tigers etc, with them included they very well may pass the 1.000 too)
(With the notable exception of IKS/ICC) all organizations, as i said, intermingle a lot and sometimes even cooperate on specific topics.

Organisations:

Anarchist:

Anarcho-Communist/Syndicalist
Anarcho-Syndicalist Union (ASB) (http://anarcho-syndicalisme.nl/)
Vrije Bond (http://www.vrijebond.nl/)
Anarchistische Groep Amsterdam (http://www.anonym.to/?http://agamsterdam.wordpress.com/)
Anarchist Anti-Deportations Group Utrecht (http://www.aagu.nl/)
Anarchistische Groep Nijmegen (http://www.anarchistischegroepnijmegen.nl/)
- Anarchist Black Cross Nijmegen (http://abcnijmegen.wordpress.com/)
Anarchist Collective Utrecht (http://www.ak-utrecht.nl/)
Anarchist Group Zaandam (http://agzaanstreek.wordpress.com/)
Anarchist Group Emmen (http://www.huizespoorloos.org/node)

Anarcho Feminism:
Dolle Mollies (http://dollemollies.puscii.nl/)

Insurectionairy Anarchism
Olie op het Vuur (http://olieophetvuur.6x.to/)

Autonomist/broad extra-parlementairy libertarian leftists:

AFA-Nederland (Anti-Fascist Action) (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.afanederland.org/)
- Alert (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.alertafa.nl/)! (AFA-magazine)
Kraakforum (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.kraak-forum.nl/) - Forum for the dutch squat movement
Greece Is Everywhere (http://gioaction.org/)
Critical Students Utrecht (http://kritischestudentenutrecht.wordpress.com/)
Doorbraak (http://www.doorbraak.eu/)
de Fabel van de Illegaal (http://defabel.home.xs4all.nl/) (migrant solidarity Leiden)
Groenfront! (http://www.groenfront.nl/) (dutch Earth First chapter)
respect voor dieren (http://www.respectvoordieren.nl/)(animal rights)
Queer-nl (http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=121417821212532) (Queer/LGBT-activist group)

Trotskyst:

Internationale Socialisten (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.internationalesocialisten.org/) (dutch section of the International Socialist Tendency (http://www.istendency.net/))
Socialistisch Alternatief (http://www.socialisten.net/) (dutch section of the Committee for a Workers' International (http://socialistworld.net/))
Sap/Grenzeloos (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.grenzeloos.org/) (dutch section of the Fourth International (http://internationalviewpoint.org/))
VONK (http://vonknl.org) (dutch section of the IMT)

Marxist-Leninist:

NCPN (Nieuwe Communistische Partij Nederland) (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.ncpn.nl/)
Manifest (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.ncpn.nl/archief/chrono.htm) (NCPN magazine)
Communistische Jongeren Beweging (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.cjb.nu/) (youth organization aligned with the NCPN)
Voorwaarts! online (http://www.voorwaarts.net/) (magazine of the CJB)
Rode Morgen (http://www.rodemorgen.nl/) (maoist)
- Jonge Revolutionairen (http://www.jongerevolutionairen.nl/)
HTIB (http://www.htib.nl) (Turkish migrant self-organization-marxist)


Left-Com:

Internationale Kommunistische Stroming (dutch section of the ICC) (http://nl.internationalism.org/)

Other:


DIDF (http://www.didf.nl/) (Turkish migrant self-organization)

Solidarity organisations:
Comité CubaSol (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.cubasol.nl/) - Cuba.
Baskenland Informatie Centrum (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.baskinfo.org/) - Basque Country
Nederlands Palestina Komitee (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.palestina-komitee.nl/) - Palestine


News and Media:
Indymedia Nederland (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.indymedia.nl/)
Onderzoeksgroep Kafka (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.kafka.nl/) (antifascist research group)
Stichting Bom (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.stichtingbom.org/)
De Waarheid (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.dewaarheid.nu/)
Ravage Digitaal (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.ravagedigitaal.org/)
De Vrije (http://www.anonym.to/?http://www.devrije.nl/)
Peter Storm schrijft (http://peterstormschrijft.wordpress.com/) (blog of an former IS member slowly drifting towards anarchism)

[thesadmafioso]

Netherlands: etc


The IMT has a branch in the Netherlands as well, I believe.

http://vonknl.org/page86/page86.html

[Astarte]

Yeah, actually, a list like this has been compiled already, and has been out there for a long time. Its fairly complete.

http://www.broadleft.org/index.htm

[Martin Blank]

Yeah, actually, a list like this has been compiled already, and has been out there for a long time. Its fairly complete.

http://www.broadleft.org/index.htm

That site hasn't been updated in at least five years -- some pages, even longer. It might be a good idea to have something more current.

[Sam_b]

Right, why not for a bit of fun.

http://a1.twimg.com/profile_images/1485467474/image_bigger.jpg

International Socialist Group (Scotland)

Who We Are

The ISG (Scotland) is a revolutionary socialist organisation operating in Scotland, that stands in the International Socialist tradition. We are strongly influenced by the theory, strategy and tactics of such Marxists as Lenin, Trotsky, Cliff and Gramsci. Aside from being a group that agitates and organises as revolutionaries, we also participate in many other coalitions and united fronts, in particular Coalition of Resistance and Stop the War. In the few short months of our existance the ISG has expanded to several cities and has played a leading role in the anti-cuts movement across the country.

Our Founding Statement

A group of revolutionary socialists have come together to form the International Socialist Group (Scotland).
We will participate in the movements against austerity, war and racism and will campaign around climate change, disability discrimination, LGBT and women’s oppression. We believe that the Marxist tradition is essential for anyone who believes we need radical social change and will attempt to develop marxist theory and test our ideas in the struggle- on every protest and every picket line.
The challenge which immediately faces the ISG is to engage with the growing resistance to the austerity program of the Con-Dem government. We aim to do what we can to argue for one, united, mass campaign against austerity. Now more than ever we must strive to build a campaign which unites anti-cuts groups, trade unionists, pensioners, students and the whole Left. We want to help to build a mass movement against the ConDems.
The May 5th elections to the Scottish Parliament require immediate and joint activity. We will be out in force to support George Galloway’s election bid and send fraternal greetings to all candidates on the list.
We believe its vital to engage with the Left on an international level, which will start by sending a delegation to the Cairo Conference. From here live reports will be available on our website.
We will publish a monthly magazine which will agitate for action and protest, analyse world events, contain interviews with major figures on the Left and review the cultural scene. These will be sold at events, outside workplaces, on street stalls and will be offered by subscription to institutions and trade union branches. Being situated in Scotland, we will provide cutting edge analysis and debate of Scottish politics, economics and culture.
Additionally, we aim to produce a regular theoretical journal to provide space for the development of Marxist theory. We will be inviting contributions from the broad left to form set-piece debates on issues of strategy and tactics, history, Marxist theory and economics.
Over the coming months the ISG will hold a launch conference and public rally, to which we extend an open invite to socialists across the country who are interested in our organisation. Additionally, we will begin formal meetings with others on the Left to discuss how we might work together on building the widest possible movement against the cuts.
We need to bring the spirit of the arab revolutions to Britain- a political movement in the streets coupled with workplace and trade union agitation for a general strike. The Left in Britain needs to relate to the millions, not the thousands. Everything is to play for.
We now extend to you an invitation to join the International Socialist Group (Scotland): for the Marxist tradition, for a mass national campaign against austerity, for a fresh and dynamic approach to socialist politics.


Publication
The ISG produces a monthly magazine, International Socialist, currently (Sept 2011) on its third issue.

Contact Us
http://internationalsocialist.org.uk/index.php/contact/ has all the details you need; including email addresses and phone numbers. Our website has a comprehensive selection of theory and up-to-date news items.

[PhoenixAsh]

Perhaps it would be useful if a direct link would be created for each organisation when they have an e-letter or newsbrief which you can subscribe to?

[Sentinel]

Thanks a lot for the contributions so far, some of them have now been added to the index! I have to get to work now but will continue with this as soon as time allows.

[Manic Impressive]

http://profile.ak.fbcdn.net/hprofile-ak-snc4/50274_4940054730_2806_n.jpg
World Socialist Movement

Who We Are
The World Socialist Movement (or WSM) consists of working class people who have organised themselves democratically with one objective; to bring about a complete change in world society. Although small, we are made up of companion parties and groups (http://www.worldsocialism.org/parties.php) in several countries.
The WSM is a global socialist movement that believes capitalism cannot meet the needs of the majority of us, the workers (or proletariat) of the world, no matter how progressive it might become in the future.
To meet these needs we contend, capitalism must be replaced by socialism.


claims that socialism will, and must, be a wageless, moneyless, worldwide society of common (not state) ownership and democratic control of the means of wealth production and distribution.
claims that socialism will be a sharp break with capitalism with no "transition period" or gradual implementation of socialism (although socialism will be a dynamic, changing society once it is established).
claims that there can be no state in a socialist society.
claims that there can be no classes in a socialist society.
promotes only socialism, and as an immediate goal.
claims that only the vast majority, acting consciously in its own interests, for itself, by itself, can create socialism.
opposes any vanguardist approach, minority-led movements, and leadership, as inherently undemocratic (among other negative things).
promotes a peaceful democratic revolution, achieved through force of numbers and understanding.
neither promotes, nor opposes, reforms to capitalism.
claims that there is one working class, worldwide.
lays out the fundamentals of what a socialist society must be, but does not presume to tell the future socialist society how to go about its business.
promotes an historical materialist approach—real understanding.
claims that religion is a social, not personal, matter and that religion is incompatible with socialist understanding.
seeks election to facilitate the elimination of capitalism by the vast majority of socialists, not to govern capitalism.
claims that Leninism is a distortion of Marxian analysis.
opposes all war and claims that socialism will inherently end war, including the "war" between classes.
noted, in 1918, that the Bolshevik Revolution was not socialist. Had earlier, long noted that Russia was not ready for a socialist revolution.
was the first to recognize that the former USSR, China, Cuba and other so-called "socialist countries" were not socialist, but instead, state capitalist.
claims a very accurate, consistent analysis since 1904 when the first Companion Party was founded.


Decleration of Principles


The Companion Parties of the World Socialist Movement hold



That society as at present constituted is based upon the ownership of the means of living (i.e., land, factories, railways, etc.) by the capitalist or master class, and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth is produced.
That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself as a class struggle between those who possess but do not produce and those who produce but do not possess.
That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working class from the domination of the master class, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their democratic control by the whole people.
That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve the emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex.
That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself.
That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working class must organize consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, national and local, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and the overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and plutocratic.
That as all political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party.
The Companion Parties of the World Socialist Movement, therefore, enter the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labor or avowedly capitalist, and call upon the members of the working class of each country to muster under its banner to the end that a speedy termination may be wrought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom.

Regional contact details
World Socialist Party of Australia
P.O. Box 1266
North Richmond
Victoria 3121
Australia

Socialist Party of Canada (http://www.worldsocialism.org/canada/)
Box 4280
Victoria, BC V8X 3X8
Canada
http://www.worldsocialism.org/canada/

Socialist Party of Great Britain (http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/)
London
SW4 7UN
United Kingdom
Tel: +44 20 7622 3811
[email protected]
http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/

World Socialist Party (New Zealand) (http://www.worldsocialism.org/nz/)
P.O. Box 1929
Auckland, NI
New Zealand
http://www.worldsocialism.org/nz/

World Socialist Party of the United States (http://www.worldsocialism.org/usa/)
P.O. Box 440247
Boston, MA 02144
United States of America
[email protected]
http://www.wspus.org/
Publication
http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/standardonline/

[thesadmafioso]

Brief suggestion here, but does anyone else think this index may benefit from a unified formatting style? I think it would make the information on display here much more navigable and usable for individuals trying to learn about multiple organizations.

[Manic Impressive]

How about one group for orgs which are international and then country by country lists in alphabetical order underneath?
That way you wouldn't have to keep putting the same information for parties which are in multiple countries. Or you could split the international groups into their national groups w/e

[El Louton]

That's really useful,thanks!

[Sentinel]

Brief suggestion here, but does anyone else think this index may benefit from a unified formatting style? I think it would make the information on display here much more navigable and usable for individuals trying to learn about multiple organizations.I'm not sure what you mean by unified formatting style? But it sounds like a major change and I'm personally pleased with the current way it's organised.. I think it's quite easy to navigate as it is (and has taken some time to make)?


How about one group for orgs which are international and then country by country lists in alphabetical order underneath?
That way you wouldn't have to keep putting the same information for parties which are in multiple countries. Or you could split the international groups into their national groups w/eI've already made that division under the tendencies, when you choose for example Trotskyism you'll first see International orgs, and then Regional ones under them. I'm going to put them in Alphabetical order countrywise.

I can add an explanation about this so that everyone understands.

Psycho -- I'm not sure how to add your contribution to the index, as it's organised first by tendencies and then countries. The international org local sections should also be put under their mother orgs (or in some cases already are listed there). I guess I can add the purely regional orgs though.

I'll do it as soon as I have some more time.

[Sasha]

hmmm, people should note though that anything in spoilers still loads at the same time as the page does.
this means that the O.P. is going to be one heavy motherfucker for those unfortunate enough to have an shitty internet connection...

and i'm also not sure if the lay-out as proposed by sentinel works, i'm already getting lost in all the spoilers.
i would indeed rather have one international organizations overview and then separate ones for each country

[The Idler]

How about doing something on a wiki where everyone can contribute?

To name a few;
Revleft Wiki (http://www.revleft.com/vb/../wiki)

http://communpedia.wikia.com/wiki/

http://www.wikinfo.org/index.php/Socialism:A_Marxist_viewpoint

list of left-wing parties in the United Kingdom (http://eng.anarchopedia.org/list_of_left-wing_parties_in_the_United_Kingdom)
http://eng.anarchopedia.org/Socialism
list of Left-Wing Parties in the United States of America (http://eng.anarchopedia.org/list_of_Left-Wing_Parties_in_the_United_States_of_America)
ReWiki - (http://www.rewiki.co.uk/index.php?title=ReWiki)

List of Left-Wing Parties in the United States (http://www.dkosopedia.com/wiki/List_of_Left-Wing_Parties_in_the_United_States)

http://knowino.org/wiki/Socialism

http://rationalwiki.org/wiki/Socialism

[Sentinel]

this means that the O.P. is going to be one heavy motherfucker for those unfortunate enough to have an shitty internet connection...I have a very shitty internet connection at the moment, I'm at work on the sea. Pages can take ages to load (sometimes as long as 5-10 minutes), but that's because of the ads.

When they have loaded the rest goes smooth enough, also in this thread. I really doubt that it's going to be a problem.


and i'm also not sure if the lay-out as proposed by sentinel works, i'm already getting lost in all the spoilers.How is that even possible? You open the tendency you want, then the org you want, then the separate features they have chosen to add.

Just don't open all of them at the same time, close the ones you aren't using..

[bietan jarrai]

http://barreiroweb.com/bweb/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/pcp.jpg

PORTUGUESE COMMUNIST PARTY - PARTIDO COMUNISTA PORTUGUÊS (PCP)

(Marxist-Leninist)

Programme: http://www.pcp.pt/pcp_programme
1. The Portuguese Communist Party is the political Party of the working class and of all working people, fully dedicated to serving the Portuguese people and Portugal. Its prime goals are building Socialism and Communism - a new society freed from the exploitation of man by man, from oppression, inequality, injustice and social scourges, a society in which the development of productive forces, the progress of science and technology, and ever greater economic, social, political and cultural democracy will guarantee citizens' freedom, equality, high living standards, culture, an ecologically balanced environment and respect for human beings.


2. Inspired by its prime goals, the PCP's history, since its founding on March 6, 1921, has been marked throughout the years by unparalleled trials of dedication, courage and heroism of whole generations of members, constantly and consistently fighting to defend the interests of the working class and of all working people, of the Portuguese people and of Portugal. A struggle for freedom, democracy, social progress, culture, peace, national sovereignty and independence, and of solidarity with the cause of social and political emancipation for workers and peoples the world over.

Those are permanent values in the PCP's work - throughout the 48 years of fascist dictatorship, in the April revolution process, throughout the counter-revolutionary process that ensued, and in today's struggle geared toward the future - with various modes of expression and immediate specific goals, according to the prevailing problems and situations; with changes dictated by world developments and experience gained. These values are valid for a long historical period, and they make up the Programme for an advanced democracy on the threshold of the 21st century that the PCP proposes to the Portuguese people. They are also part - with further enhancement and elaboration - of the vision of a future socialist society.

The struggle for immediate goals and the struggle for an advanced democracy are both part and parcel of the struggle for socialism.


3. The goals of the PCP's struggle correspond to basic interests of the vast majority of the Portuguese people. The working class, whose composition is being modified and diversified with the development of capitalism and of the scientific and technological revolution, is confirming through the struggle its role as the decisive social force in the process of democratic and progressive transformation of society.

The implementation of the advanced democracy proposed by the PCP is objectively in the interests of all working people, of the small and medium-scale farmers, of intellectuals, of technical workers, of small and medium-scale businesspeople in commerce, industry and services, of artisans, and also of pensioners, disabled persons, women and young people as social forces with specific situations, problems, aspirations and goals. This reality and layout of forces determines the system of social alliances. In it, the basic alliances are the alliance between working class and farmers (small and medium-scale farmers) and the alliance between the working class and intellectuals and other middle strata.

The system of party-political alliances encompasses (under different forms) all those democratic movements, organisations and political parties which - in their goals and in their deeds - uphold the interests and aspirations of social classes and forces that take part in the system of social alliances.

The growing foreign domination over Portugal's economy, and the subjection of Portuguese interests to foreign interests - within a framework of monopoly restoration and European integration - have created conditions to extend even further the social and party-political alliances for specific goals, even if merely short-term ones.

The system of alliances determines PCP policy towards working-class unity and unity among all working people, towards unity or convergence between anti-monopoly classes and social movements, towards unity or convergence in action between democratic and patriotic forces.


4. By creatively responding to existing realities and to change, with proposals, solutions and struggles, the PCP reasserts, renews and strengthens its own identity: as a party of the working class and of all working people, with close links to the masses; as a party fighting for a socialist society; as a party whose theoretical basis is materialist and dialectical - necessarily creative - Marxism-Leninism; as a party with thorough internal democracy both in principle and in practice; as a party with a unified line and action, acquired through democratic centralism's inherent development; as a patriotic party, that is at the same time internationalist, co-operating and standing in solidarity with workers' and peoples' struggles in other countries, with Communists and other revolutionary and progressive forces the world over.


5. In upholding the people's and the country's interests, in consolidating, enhancing and building the democratic regime, in the struggle for a new society freed from exploitation of man by man, the PCP plays a necessary, indispensable and irreplaceable role in Portuguese society.

[...]

In proposing an advanced democracy on the threshold of the 21st century, the PCP proclaims: This is the Programme which we submit to the Portuguese people. If you agree with it, then come and fight with the PCP for its implementation.

The struggle to implement the PCP's Programme, by will of the Portuguese people, is the road to freedom, democracy, national independence, peace and socialism.

It is the road that is in the interests of the Portuguese people and Nation.

[bietan jarrai]

PORTUGUESE COMMUNIST YOUTH - JUVENTUDE COMUNISTA PORTUGUESA (JCP)
http://www.jcp-pt.org/images/stories/sobreJCP/logo.jpg


Founded on November 10, 1979 (the unification of the Union of Communist Students and the Union of Communist Youth) Portuguese Communist Youth assumes itself, through its objectives, proposals and transforming action, as the organization of revolutionary youth.
JCP is a bearer of revolutionary traditions and heroic history of struggle for generations of young communists against fascism, against imperialism and later by the revolution of April, directs its action having Marxism-Leninism as a theoretical basis, the materialist and dialectic conception of the world.
The JCP encourages its members and its activity in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, of cooperation between the communist youth organizations and youth between the revolutionary and progressive forces, of solidarity with the workers and youth of other countries and with people in struggle against exploitation and political oppression, social, against imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism, racism, xenophobia and fascism - freedom, democracy, social progress, national independence, peace and socialism.
"To struggle and participate is to give life to an ideal"
In the JCP, youth works and struggles alongside the Portuguese people, along with the working class and all workers, with the Portuguese Communist Party, forming, in the spirit of dedication to the people and country and contributing to the construction of an advanced democracy in Portugal and a new society to build with the people, there is no place where there is no exploitation of man by man, where the full realization of the rights and aspirations of youth is possible - Socialism and Communism. JCP is a member and is the president organization of WFDY.

[bietan jarrai]

WORLD FEDERATION OF DEMOCRATIC YOUTH
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/b/b1/Wfdy_logo.png
I would suggest putting this one under "others".

Origins
On November 10, 1945 the World Youth Conference, organized in London, founded the World Federation of Democratic Youth. This historic Conference convened at the initiative of the World Youth Council which was formed during the II world war to fight against fascism by the youth of the allied countries brought together for the first time in the history of the international youth movement representatives of more than 30 million young people of different political ideologies and religious beliefs from 63 nations. It adopted a pledge for peace.

Pledge
“We pledge that we shall remember this unity, forged in this month, November 1945 Not only today, not only this week, this year, but always Until we have built the world we have dreamed of and fought for We pledge ourselves to build the unity of youth of the world All races, all colors, all nationalities, all beliefs To eliminate all traces of fascism from the earth To build a deep and sincere international friendship among the peoples of the world To keep a just lasting peace To eliminate want, frustration and enforced idleness We have come to confirm the unity of all youth salute our comrades who have died-and pledge our word that skilful hands, keen brains and young enthusiasm shall never more be wasted in war”

Forward For Our Future!
We hold that the democratic and progressive traditions of the WFDY strengthen our determination to continue to strive for a better world in which humankind will fully emancipate itself. In this collective effort the youth will be the vanguard, will remain at the forefront, for as long as it takes, in order to materialize our vision.

[ellipsis]

Homes Not Jails (http://www.homesnotjailssf.org/wb/)

Homes not Jails was established in 1992 out of an alliance between Food not Bombs and the Coalition on Homelessness. The network has two functions: holding public occupations of buildings in an effort to bring attention the amount of vacant and abandoned properties and advocate/demand their use to house the homeless; the network also helps to set up covert squat to provide its members and others with housing. In a step in a new direction, HnJ also provided squat housing for attendants of the 2011 SF Anarchist bookfair. Although HnJ was started in San Francisco, chapters have been started in Oakland and San Jose.

Examples of their public actions can be found here (http://www.revleft.com/vb/sf-squatter-collective-t153154/index.html) and here (http://www.revleft.com/vb/sf-hotel-takeover-t143206/index.html?t=143206).

The group meets weekly and publicly. In meeting people can talk about their housing needs and get housed; report back on news from squats and away teams with the hope of sharing and increasing collective knowledge of squatting techniques, how to deal with problems that arise etc.; and discuss and plan future actions.

After meetings and on other nights, "away teams" research and attempt to gain and maintain access to properties. I can not emphasize enough the need for attentive and dependable look outs on these away teams!

[Sentinel]

Theredson, would you say that Homes Not Jails should go under 'anarchist' or 'other'? Also, could some anarchist do orgs like the Anarchist Federation, IWW and IWA-AIT? :)

[bietan jarrai]

For the anarchism section:

ASSOCIAÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DOS TRABALHADORES - SECÇÃO PORTUGUESA (INTERNATIONAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION - PORTUGUESE SECTION)

http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-8jAAST6QHCw/TX1qdBWyMrI/AAAAAAAAArQ/4cHm4Kg-DYw/s1600/bannerblogaitsp.png
(I google translated the principles because i was too lazy to do it myself.)
Principles:
1. The AIT-SP is an independent association of workers who try to intervene directly, ie without intermediaries or representatives of any kind, in defense of their economic, social and cultural rights.
With this alliance its members want to set up in Portugal, a vast and powerful Confederation of Trade Unions actually based on respect for the dignity of each producer, a union of unions that are not mere appendages or transmission belts of forces outside the world of work (parties politicians, for example), in which workers are not replaced, under the protection of his interests, by a trade union bureaucracy.

2. The practice of this alliance is based on the specific problems and interests, mediate and immediate, of the workers. Its action is aimed at both improving under the present social system, living conditions of workers and total emancipation of this class.
Not leaving to fight for the immediate improvement of living conditions in the industrious population, this alliance demand that workers acquire through their trade union practice, the ability to make a complete transformation of the current social environment. The building of a society based on libertarian communism, the replacement of authoritarian-capitalist organization by a confederation of local communities, ECONOMIC, egalitarian and Liberator, is the ultimate goal or the overall AIT-SP.

3. The AIT-SP supports in theory and in practice, the social union, freedom and solidarity of all workers.
The AIT-SP is opposed to any form of media coverage of workers' struggles and considers that an attack on one part of the proletariat is an attack on all workers. Using the method of direct action and the use of weapon of solidarity are two key aspects of trade union practice of AIT-SP.
The AIT-SP uses the active general strike and other means of struggle themselves anarcho-syndicalism.

4. Based on the opposition of interests that characterizes capitalist society, and as a method of taking direct action to fight the AIT-SP refuses to participate in social dialogue and called criticism of government intervention in social conflicts that pit the workers employers.
The AIT-SP does not make any agreements with unions that put the general interests of the capitalist economy above the specific interests of workers, the government attributed the role of arbiter of disputes, and therefore part of the organs of the agreement called social.

5. The AIT-SP supports the existence of full freedom of association and the fight against all measures, government or employers who seek to limit the right to strike.
The AIT-SP argues that workers can make full use of fundamental freedoms: freedom of assembly, association, expression of thought, expression, to resort to strike, etc..
The AIT-SP is in solidarity with all workers who, due to their participation in labor struggles, are the subject of government repression and / or employers.

6. The action of AIT-SP takes place completely outside the field in the electoral contests and parliamentary struggles. The AIT-SP does not participate in any kind of political struggle or make any agreements with political organizations. In particular, this alliance does not make any agreements with organizations that, although call themselves libertarian, advocating the participation of workers anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists in electoral disputes and seek integration within the bourgeois representative democracy.
The defense of economic, social and cultural workers is the only concern of AIT-SP.

7. The AIT-SP is an international association. She argues that there is a practical solidarity between workers of the world. As an internationalist, AIT-SP is therefore anti-militarist. The AIT-SP opposes workers to be cannon fodder of the inter-state wars and inter-capitalist, who kill each other, or to defend capitalist interests of nation states.
In the division of human society on national states and capitalist economic competition, the AIT-SP opposed the union by the free agreement of all peoples, countries and regions on the basis of the abolition of wage labor and the establishment of an effective SOCIAL EQUALITY .
The AIT-SP fights all the maneuvers and exploitative ruling class (nationalism, racism, etc.) that aim to divide the working class.

8. The AIT-SP gives special attention to the interests of the laboring poor and most exploited and discriminated against: women workers, young people in precarious work conditions, the unemployed, "disabled", retired workers, etc..

9. Within this alliance there are no paid positions or functions. In this alliance there is no place for union bureaucrats, or rather to experts the defense of foreign interests. For TIA SP-emancipation of the workers can only be the work themselves.

10. This alliance is based on libertarian principles of federalism. The AIT-SP rejects any kind of coercion or imposition of a minority or majority, ie, based on the principle of individual autonomy and their free associations, and based on the principle of freedom of association and disassociation, in helping voluntary, mutual, the free pooling of efforts and solidarity among all its members.
The operation and activities of this alliance based on pacts or agreements FREE, developed in its various meetings (local, regional and interregional). Some governing bodies and in some cases, it is permissible, if not reached a consensus to take a majority decision, although no adherent to the AIT-SP is forced to do something they disagree. Cooperation in the field of trade union action and the realization of collective industrial action based solely on free agreement. Workers, trade unions and federations at various levels of AIT-SP, are autonomous. No federal union of AIT-SP, at the local, regional or inter-regional agreements shall establish the specific activities under the action of an association. A federation of AIT-SP, a specific area, not to develop agreements regarding the activities of specific components of a federal union would be extremely small.
The application within the AIT-SP, the principle of autonomy is not incompatible with federal compliance with the agreements of different levels. A trade union which adheres to the AIT-SP becomes responsible for compliance with federal agreements in connection with its work. Federal agreements for a specific area, not to be denied by federal agreements relating to a part of this area.
In federal unions of AIT-SP in different areas, there are no positions with deliberative and executive functions, but with functions of organs and organic relationship. The bodies of federal relations and governing bodies of trade unions do not interfere in the drafting of agreements relating to the practice of union workers AIT-SP.
The sections of the union delegates, delegates of trade unions and representatives of federal unions in different areas, are merely representative. Delegates, the elements of federal relations and members of the governing bodies of trade unions are elected by the respective assemblies or plenary sessions, for a limited period and are revocable at any time.
Within the AIT-SP, an individual or association, can not accumulate a number of positions or functions, and applies the principle of rotation in assignments.

11. Can join this alliance employees and autonomous agree with the method and means of struggle of anarcho-syndicalism and accept this covenant associations.
Can not join this alliance elements of employers, people who have employees on your own, individuals who hold positions of management and business administration, professional military institutions, police, judicial and penal elements of the religious hierarchies, union officials, members of parties, individuals who hold positions of leadership in the various government agencies, elements of Freemasonry, the "Opus Dei" and other sects of the genre.
They can also join this association retired, unemployed and students.

12. The AIT-SP does not depend on any financial aid to entities which are external. The AIT-SP is also independent in the financial field. Their income is donations and contributions of its members and issues arising from their advertising.
Each individual stick to his union pays a monthly share amount is agreed at the general assembly. Through regular contributions, agreed in plenary meetings, the local trade unions bear the costs for the operation of the various federal committees and ensure the payment of contributions to the AIT AIT-SP.

13. The AIT-SP not only supports the freedoms that the Portuguese people won after the fall of fascism in April 25, 1974, but also intends to expand them, especially in the economic and social development.
The AIT-SP is willing to fight vigorously against any attempt to restore the dictatorship overthrown in April 25, 1974.

14. The union practice of AIT-SP is based on the principles of a high morale. Its adherents advocate the ethical principle of consistency between ends and means. They totally reject terrorist methods and compulsive, used, for example, by Marxist-Leninists and the so-called revolutionary nationalists, or the "1st world" or the "3rd world". The social revolution that AIT-SP recommends the revolution that would establish a social environment based on individual freedom, social equality, cooperation by the free agreement on mutual help and solidarity, has a foundation and an ethical character. Not only is the goal, but his method and means a mean dignity of the human condition.

[Iraultzaile Ezkerreko]

International Socialist Organization

http://internationalsocialist.org/images/title.gif

Principles
"Where We Stand" (Long) (http://internationalsocialist.org/pdfs/WhereWeStandPamphlet.pdf)
"What We Stand For" (Short) (http://internationalsocialist.org/what_we_stand_for.html)

Contact
Branches (http://internationalsocialist.org/branches.html)
General (http://internationalsocialist.org/contact.html)

Press
Socialist Worker (Newspaper) (http://socialistworker.org/)
International Socialist Review (Journal) (http://www.isreview.org/)
Haymarket Books (Publishers) (http://www.haymarketbooks.org/)

[Sentinel]

So, I'm in the process adding some of the new contributions to the index. I had to split the index into separate posts for the tendencies as the post became too long (therefore the weird post dates, I basically imported old posts of mine and edited them).

When posting your contribution to the index, please remember to add the organisation's websites, so that people can read more and hopefully contact them.

Bietan Jarrai, I made an entry for IWA-AIT under Anarchism, and listed the Portugues branch as it's regional section. Could you help me out by expanding the entry about the International a bit, for example posting a summary about it's history and activities today, that I could replace the Wiki description with?

I'd be very grateful.

[Leo]

:star2: Left Communism

Left communist, council communist, luxemburgist, libertarian marxist etc parties and organisations



International:

World Socialist Movement



http://profile.ak.fbcdn.net/hprofile-ak-snc4/50274_4940054730_2806_n.jpg

Who We Are
The World Socialist Movement (or WSM) consists of working class people who have organised themselves democratically with one objective; to bring about a complete change in world society. Although small, we are made up of companion parties and groups (http://www.worldsocialism.org/parties.php) in several countries.
The WSM is a global socialist movement that believes capitalism cannot meet the needs of the majority of us, the workers (or proletariat) of the world, no matter how progressive it might become in the future.
To meet these needs we contend, capitalism must be replaced by socialism.


claims that socialism will, and must, be a wageless, moneyless, worldwide society of common (not state) ownership and democratic control of the means of wealth production and distribution.
claims that socialism will be a sharp break with capitalism with no "transition period" or gradual implementation of socialism (although socialism will be a dynamic, changing society once it is established).
claims that there can be no state in a socialist society.
claims that there can be no classes in a socialist society.
promotes only socialism, and as an immediate goal.
claims that only the vast majority, acting consciously in its own interests, for itself, by itself, can create socialism.
opposes any vanguardist approach, minority-led movements, and leadership, as inherently undemocratic (among other negative things).
promotes a peaceful democratic revolution, achieved through force of numbers and understanding.
neither promotes, nor opposes, reforms to capitalism.
claims that there is one working class, worldwide.
lays out the fundamentals of what a socialist society must be, but does not presume to tell the future socialist society how to go about its business.
promotes an historical materialist approach—real understanding.
claims that religion is a social, not personal, matter and that religion is incompatible with socialist understanding.
seeks election to facilitate the elimination of capitalism by the vast majority of socialists, not to govern capitalism.
claims that Leninism is a distortion of Marxian analysis.
opposes all war and claims that socialism will inherently end war, including the "war" between classes.
noted, in 1918, that the Bolshevik Revolution was not socialist. Had earlier, long noted that Russia was not ready for a socialist revolution.
was the first to recognize that the former USSR, China, Cuba and other so-called "socialist countries" were not socialist, but instead, state capitalist.
claims a very accurate, consistent analysis since 1904 when the first Companion Party was founded.


Decleration of Principles


The Companion Parties of the World Socialist Movement hold



That society as at present constituted is based upon the ownership of the means of living (i.e., land, factories, railways, etc.) by the capitalist or master class, and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth is produced.
That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself as a class struggle between those who possess but do not produce and those who produce but do not possess.
That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working class from the domination of the master class, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their democratic control by the whole people.
That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve the emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex.
That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself.
That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working class must organize consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, national and local, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and the overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and plutocratic.
That as all political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party.
The Companion Parties of the World Socialist Movement, therefore, enter the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labor or avowedly capitalist, and call upon the members of the working class of each country to muster under its banner to the end that a speedy termination may be wrought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom.

Regional contact details
World Socialist Party of Australia
P.O. Box 1266
North Richmond
Victoria 3121
Australia

Socialist Party of Canada (http://www.worldsocialism.org/canada/)
Box 4280
Victoria, BC V8X 3X8
Canada
http://www.worldsocialism.org/canada/

Socialist Party of Great Britain (http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/)
London
SW4 7UN
United Kingdom
Tel: +44 20 7622 3811
[email protected]
http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/

World Socialist Party (New Zealand) (http://www.worldsocialism.org/nz/)
P.O. Box 1929
Auckland, NI
New Zealand
http://www.worldsocialism.org/nz/

World Socialist Party of the United States (http://www.worldsocialism.org/usa/)
P.O. Box 440247
Boston, MA 02144
United States of America
[email protected]
http://www.wspus.org/
Publication
http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/standardonline/

Regional:

Workers Party in America (USA)


http://www.workers-party.com/images/ppoimages/logo-ppo-color_small.gif

Our Program:
http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=36&Itemid=55


Our Constitution and By-Laws:
http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=66&Itemid=77

Our Strategy:
General Strategy: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=71&Itemid=80
The Character and Structure of Revolutionary Industrial Unionism: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=87&Itemid=88
The Tea Party Nativists and the Working Class: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=198&Itemid=105

Our Magazine:
In PDF Format: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=49&Itemid=79
In Hardcopy Format: http://workersparty.magcloud.com/
In HTML Format: http://www.workers-republic.com/ (beginning November 2011)

Our Books/Literature:
Party Literature: http://www.workers-party.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=38&Itemid=66
Online Bookstore: http://www.lulu.com/spotlight/workersparty

How to Contact Us:
Postal: WPA, P.O. Box 96503, PMB 59359, Washington, DC 20090-6503
E-Mail: [email protected]
Web: http://www.workers-party.com/
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/workerspartyinamerica • http://www.facebook.com/groups/workersparty
Twitter: @Workers_Party

Neither the World Socialist Movement nor the Workers Party in America are left communist.

[Iraultzaile Ezkerreko]

Just a nitpick. The ISO is not International. It is an organization in the United States.

[Sentinel]

Neither the World Socialist Movement nor the Workers Party in America are left communist.

I'm sure that according to your definition they aren't, but that doesn't stop their members from self-identifying as such and that's what I'm going after here. As for WSM, I have to admit that I don't know much about it but it's clearly seen as left communist by some; Manic Impressive who posted the entry for it is a member of the left communist tendency here, and the article on WSM is part of the left communism series on wikipedia.

Miles on the other hand suggested that I put WPA under either 'left communism' or 'other', see his post.

Secondly, the word left communism is used in a broad sense here anyway: 'Left Communism: Left communist, council communist, luxemburgist, libertarian marxist etc parties and organisations'. Anyway, I will move any of these orgs to another tendency or the 'other' -category, but only if MI, Miles or another of their members request it.

I'm referring others to the OP: 'This thread is not meant for discussion on the different orgs or their descriptions, only suggestions for improvement of the index or adding of new orgs are to be posted here'. So, please post an entry for the ICC instead. ;)


Just a nitpick. The ISO is not International. It is an organization in the United States.

Duly noted, and changed. :)

[bietan jarrai]

Sure, I'll do that later, if I take too much time just send me a pm or something and I'll post here if I can find something. Cheers!