Comrade-Z
25th September 2011, 08:21
I've been reading a book on paramilitary groups in Weimar Germany for a history class of mine (Diehl, James M. Paramilitary Politics in Weimar Germany. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), and one of the implicit arguments in this book is that, regardless of the many factors that distinguished the plethora of right-wing paramilitary groups in the period of 1918-1933, the main uniting factor for right-wing paramilitary organizations was the aim of protecting middle-class interests.
This basic ideological blueprint was already in place by the Kapp Putsch in 1920 among ALL of the right-wing paramilitary groups:
*Establish a "National Dictatorship" to subdue "internal enemies," which meant working-class organizations.
*After having dealt with these "internal enemies," rebuild Germany in preparation for revoking the Treaty of Versailles, expanding Germany's territory (especially in the East), and dealing with the inevitable opposition from Germany's "external enemies" (which primarily meant France at this point).
The Nazis were in no way original in putting forward this basic program. Only some of their organizational methods, symbols, and personalities were unique.
The question that I am left with from reading this book is the same question that I am always left with when thinking about the so-called "middle-class" in American politics: what IS IT that makes these self-perceived members of the "middle-class" view their interests as residing with the imperialist capitalist class rather than the working class.
After all, most of the members of the middle-class do not make their living from capital. Some work for a wage, while some work for a salary, which is essentially the same thing merely enumerated differently. Some might have intermediate decision-making authority in the workplace, and I'll grant that it makes more sense for those to side with capitalists, but even so, they still do not work for themselves.
Only small business owners truly work for themselves, and they are always bound to be a small percentage. Most other middle-class people I would count as wage-slaves, and I would naively pre-suppose that they would do so for themselves as well (except for people in management at any level above the lowest foreman/supervisor level). Why don't these "middle-class" people think of themselves as working-class? (And I'm looking for factors that transcend things like the cultural connotations that the words "working-class" might have in any particular society because it appears to me that this trend is almost universal).
One idea I have had in the past is that people will often settle for being not fully in control of their economic life as long as they have a little petty fiefdom of their own to control. So, a manager has his little petty fiefdom. And you could apply this idea to parents too and argue that having children makes people more conservative partly because the family acts as a compensatory domestic fiefdom in lieu of having political or economic power in public.
Another idea I came up with from glancing at the wikipedia page on the term "middle-class." Wikipedia pointed out that one common aspect of being "middle-class" is having "human capital," meaning education and the like. Presumably, this is an investment in the same way that factory equipment is an investment in terms of giving its owner economic power and economic returns. In this sense, we could say that any, let's say, college-education person has this "capital" and is thus a "petty-capitalist" with interests coinciding with that of the capitalist class.
According to this viewpoint, such members of the "middle-class" are pursuing their self-interests by allying with the capitalist class since in a communist society they would not have the (supposedly) better-than-average economic power and remuneration that they enjoy now. (Even if that were the case, though, I'd think there'd still be other reasons to ally with working-class revolution, such as the removal of the threat of downward mobility, the increased security of one's existence, and the increased political power one would enjoy (since most (non-petty-capitalist) middle-class people have to effectively forfeit any claim to political power under capitalism, just as everyone else not of the capitalist or petty-capitalist class has to do).
It is interesting to note that the rock-solid middle-class consensus in American politics really got going after WWII, when an explosion in college-educated people ensued from the G.I. Bill.
The problem with this "human capital" explanation of the middle-class alliance with the capitalist class is the fact that this "human capital" is really not like other capital.
Like the capitalist, the human-capital petty-capitalist needs labor-power in order to put to use his/her capital. The capitalist can usually exploit the labor-power of a number of workers, whereas the human-capital petty-capitalist can only exploit his/her own labor-power. This makes the college-educated owner of "human-capital" simultaneously a petty-capitalist and a wage-slave.
The petty-capitalist owner of a car wash needs people who want the service that the petty-capitalist is offering (car washes). Likewise, the human-capital petty-capitalist needs people who want the service that the human-capital petty-capitalist is offering (teaching high-schoolers, or filing TPS reports, etc.) But whereas the car wash owner is subject to the preferences of a multitude of customers, and thus is dependent on none of them singly (unless the consumers organize a consumers' union), the human-capital petty-capitalist has only one "customer"--his/her boss--and is in a fundamentally different sort of position of (greatly lessened) power over his/her own fate.
So you'd think that all of these factors would make such human-capital petty-capitalists more predisposed to see themselves as members of the working class...which leads me to conclude that imperialism can be the only thing that could explain why these members of the "middle-class" (as well as many members of the working class in the U.S. currently) ally with the capitalist class and their bourgeois parties.
What if it is not a problem of "false-consciousness"? What if it really is in the interest of the self-described "middle-class" and much of the working-class to ally with capitalist imperialism?
How, specifically, could imperialism make up (at least partially) for the fact that capitalists are still exploiting their surplus value that they produce? Is there a Marxist economic way of explaining how this could be?
I realize that this is the road to Maoist third-worldism, and I don't really want to go there unless the facts lead nowhere else...so, has anyone ever honestly looked at the question of exactly how much imperialism pays off for the average worker (if it does at all)? Has anyone ever tried to calculate, for example, how much poorer the American working-class would be if the American Empire ceased to exist tomorrow? (And by "American Empire," we're not just talking about military bases. We're also talking about investments in foreign countries. If all of those got nationalized, how much poorer would an average worker really be?)
The college-educated petty-capitalist owner of his/her own "human capital" exploits this capital by employing his/her own labor-power.
This basic ideological blueprint was already in place by the Kapp Putsch in 1920 among ALL of the right-wing paramilitary groups:
*Establish a "National Dictatorship" to subdue "internal enemies," which meant working-class organizations.
*After having dealt with these "internal enemies," rebuild Germany in preparation for revoking the Treaty of Versailles, expanding Germany's territory (especially in the East), and dealing with the inevitable opposition from Germany's "external enemies" (which primarily meant France at this point).
The Nazis were in no way original in putting forward this basic program. Only some of their organizational methods, symbols, and personalities were unique.
The question that I am left with from reading this book is the same question that I am always left with when thinking about the so-called "middle-class" in American politics: what IS IT that makes these self-perceived members of the "middle-class" view their interests as residing with the imperialist capitalist class rather than the working class.
After all, most of the members of the middle-class do not make their living from capital. Some work for a wage, while some work for a salary, which is essentially the same thing merely enumerated differently. Some might have intermediate decision-making authority in the workplace, and I'll grant that it makes more sense for those to side with capitalists, but even so, they still do not work for themselves.
Only small business owners truly work for themselves, and they are always bound to be a small percentage. Most other middle-class people I would count as wage-slaves, and I would naively pre-suppose that they would do so for themselves as well (except for people in management at any level above the lowest foreman/supervisor level). Why don't these "middle-class" people think of themselves as working-class? (And I'm looking for factors that transcend things like the cultural connotations that the words "working-class" might have in any particular society because it appears to me that this trend is almost universal).
One idea I have had in the past is that people will often settle for being not fully in control of their economic life as long as they have a little petty fiefdom of their own to control. So, a manager has his little petty fiefdom. And you could apply this idea to parents too and argue that having children makes people more conservative partly because the family acts as a compensatory domestic fiefdom in lieu of having political or economic power in public.
Another idea I came up with from glancing at the wikipedia page on the term "middle-class." Wikipedia pointed out that one common aspect of being "middle-class" is having "human capital," meaning education and the like. Presumably, this is an investment in the same way that factory equipment is an investment in terms of giving its owner economic power and economic returns. In this sense, we could say that any, let's say, college-education person has this "capital" and is thus a "petty-capitalist" with interests coinciding with that of the capitalist class.
According to this viewpoint, such members of the "middle-class" are pursuing their self-interests by allying with the capitalist class since in a communist society they would not have the (supposedly) better-than-average economic power and remuneration that they enjoy now. (Even if that were the case, though, I'd think there'd still be other reasons to ally with working-class revolution, such as the removal of the threat of downward mobility, the increased security of one's existence, and the increased political power one would enjoy (since most (non-petty-capitalist) middle-class people have to effectively forfeit any claim to political power under capitalism, just as everyone else not of the capitalist or petty-capitalist class has to do).
It is interesting to note that the rock-solid middle-class consensus in American politics really got going after WWII, when an explosion in college-educated people ensued from the G.I. Bill.
The problem with this "human capital" explanation of the middle-class alliance with the capitalist class is the fact that this "human capital" is really not like other capital.
Like the capitalist, the human-capital petty-capitalist needs labor-power in order to put to use his/her capital. The capitalist can usually exploit the labor-power of a number of workers, whereas the human-capital petty-capitalist can only exploit his/her own labor-power. This makes the college-educated owner of "human-capital" simultaneously a petty-capitalist and a wage-slave.
The petty-capitalist owner of a car wash needs people who want the service that the petty-capitalist is offering (car washes). Likewise, the human-capital petty-capitalist needs people who want the service that the human-capital petty-capitalist is offering (teaching high-schoolers, or filing TPS reports, etc.) But whereas the car wash owner is subject to the preferences of a multitude of customers, and thus is dependent on none of them singly (unless the consumers organize a consumers' union), the human-capital petty-capitalist has only one "customer"--his/her boss--and is in a fundamentally different sort of position of (greatly lessened) power over his/her own fate.
So you'd think that all of these factors would make such human-capital petty-capitalists more predisposed to see themselves as members of the working class...which leads me to conclude that imperialism can be the only thing that could explain why these members of the "middle-class" (as well as many members of the working class in the U.S. currently) ally with the capitalist class and their bourgeois parties.
What if it is not a problem of "false-consciousness"? What if it really is in the interest of the self-described "middle-class" and much of the working-class to ally with capitalist imperialism?
How, specifically, could imperialism make up (at least partially) for the fact that capitalists are still exploiting their surplus value that they produce? Is there a Marxist economic way of explaining how this could be?
I realize that this is the road to Maoist third-worldism, and I don't really want to go there unless the facts lead nowhere else...so, has anyone ever honestly looked at the question of exactly how much imperialism pays off for the average worker (if it does at all)? Has anyone ever tried to calculate, for example, how much poorer the American working-class would be if the American Empire ceased to exist tomorrow? (And by "American Empire," we're not just talking about military bases. We're also talking about investments in foreign countries. If all of those got nationalized, how much poorer would an average worker really be?)
The college-educated petty-capitalist owner of his/her own "human capital" exploits this capital by employing his/her own labor-power.