Dermezel
23rd September 2011, 16:35
I have recently been speaking to members of the Sparticist League and have discovered some disturbing information. Basically what I was told is that they know with their support for NAMBLA and other crazy schemes there is no way the general public will support them....unless they are desperate and confused.
The strategy thus suggested was that they aid Republican victories over Democrats until the system "crashes". This they believe will induce Anarchy, and that will somehow transform into a socialist revolution.
This claim was also used to justify working with the feds to break up other "fake leftist" groups. As it was explained to me, "fake leftists" i.e. "reformists" were the 2nd worst group for a revolution next to the capitalists themselves. Worse then reactionaries and fascists because their positive/progressive reforms stabilize and hence perpetuate the capitalist system.
Of course I have several problems with this idea, the first-most being that it sounds obviously like a bad idea.
The second, being I believe instead of breaking the capitalist system this will entrench it. As Lenin noted, a Class Conscious Proletariat requires a material basis. The Workers require enough free time and resources to learn sophisticated theories, logic, and scientific methodology. Otherwise they can't tell who is correct or incorrect. Without the actual science of Scientific Socialism, the differing viewpoints sound like different versions of Utopias.
The third is that it sounds like the theory of Social Fascism:
Social fascism was a theory supported by the Communist International (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comintern) (Comintern) during the early 1930s, which believed that social democracy (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_democracy) was a variant of fascism (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism) because, in addition to a shared corporatist (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corporatism) economic model, it stood in the way of a complete and final transition to communism (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communism). At the time, the leaders of the Comintern, such as Joseph Stalin (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin) and Rajani Palme Dutt (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajani_Palme_Dutt), argued that capitalist (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capitalism) society had entered the "Third Period (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_Period)" in which a working class revolution was imminent, but could be prevented by social democrats and other "fascist" forces. The term "social fascist" was used pejoratively to describe social democratic parties, anti-Comintern and progressive (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#) socialist parties, and dissenters within Comintern affiliates throughout the interwar period (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interwar_period).
At the Sixth Congress of the Comintern in 1928, the end of capitalist stability and the beginning of the "Third Period" was proclaimed. The end of capitalism, accompanied with a working class revolution, was expected, and social democracy was identified as the main enemy of the Communists. This Comintern's theory had roots in Grigory Zinoviev (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grigory_Zinoviev)'s argument that international social democracy is a wing of fascism. This view was accepted by Joseph Stalin (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin) who described fascism and social democracy as "twin brothers", arguing that fascism depends on the active support of the social democracy and that the social democracy depends on the active support of fascism. After it was declared at the Sixth Congress, the theory of social fascism became accepted by the world Communist movement.[1] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-0)
At the same time, Social Democratic Party of Germany (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Democratic_Party_of_Germany) (SPD), under leadership of German chancellor (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chancellor)Hermann Müller (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermann_M%C3%BCller_(politician)), agreed with anti-communist parties that "red equals brown".[2] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-1) This led to mutual hostility between social democrats and communists, which were additionally intensified in 1929 when Berlin's police, under control of the SPD government, shot down communist workers demonstrating on May Day (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_Day) (Berlin's Bloody May). This, and the repressive legislation against the communists that followed, served as further evidence to communists that social democrats were indeed "social fascists".[3] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-2) In 1931 in Prussia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prussia), the largest state of Germany, Communist Party of Germany (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_Germany) (KPD), which referred to the Nazis (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazism) as "working people's comrades", united with them in unsuccessful attempt to bring down the state government of SPD by means of a plebiscite.[4] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-3) German Communists continued to deny any essential difference between Nazism and Social Democracy even after elections in 1933 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German_election,_1933). The KPD, under the leadership of Ernst Thälmann (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_Th%C3%A4lmann), coined the slogan "After Hitler, our turn!" – strongly believing that united front against Nazis wasn't needed, and that the workers would change their opinion and recognize that Nazism, unlike Communism, didn't offer a true way out of Germany's difficulties. See also: Wilhelm Hoegner (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wilhelm_Hoegner) and Walter Kolbenhoff (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Kolbenhoff).[5] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-4)
"After Hitler, our turn!"
aka
"After the Republicans, our turn."
Unfortunately this is not a turned based game. They will not be getting a "turn" so much as allowing the most extreme Reactionaries to gain powerful political, economic, legal and social positions. These positions can be used to repress future Communist movements. Likewise, with control of the media they can just forth scapegoats for their failed policies- Immigrants, Muslims, Liberals, Communists, etc.
Simply put, I find it hard to believe a group claiming to be revolutionary would betray other Revolutionaries just because it increases their chance of getting power in their mind. I'm also amazed at how callous their attitude is to the actual welfare of the Workers (Their POV is that the Workers' are "failing them" and hence deserve some sort of punishment for not obeying the Sparts).
The strategy thus suggested was that they aid Republican victories over Democrats until the system "crashes". This they believe will induce Anarchy, and that will somehow transform into a socialist revolution.
This claim was also used to justify working with the feds to break up other "fake leftist" groups. As it was explained to me, "fake leftists" i.e. "reformists" were the 2nd worst group for a revolution next to the capitalists themselves. Worse then reactionaries and fascists because their positive/progressive reforms stabilize and hence perpetuate the capitalist system.
Of course I have several problems with this idea, the first-most being that it sounds obviously like a bad idea.
The second, being I believe instead of breaking the capitalist system this will entrench it. As Lenin noted, a Class Conscious Proletariat requires a material basis. The Workers require enough free time and resources to learn sophisticated theories, logic, and scientific methodology. Otherwise they can't tell who is correct or incorrect. Without the actual science of Scientific Socialism, the differing viewpoints sound like different versions of Utopias.
The third is that it sounds like the theory of Social Fascism:
Social fascism was a theory supported by the Communist International (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comintern) (Comintern) during the early 1930s, which believed that social democracy (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_democracy) was a variant of fascism (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism) because, in addition to a shared corporatist (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corporatism) economic model, it stood in the way of a complete and final transition to communism (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communism). At the time, the leaders of the Comintern, such as Joseph Stalin (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin) and Rajani Palme Dutt (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajani_Palme_Dutt), argued that capitalist (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capitalism) society had entered the "Third Period (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_Period)" in which a working class revolution was imminent, but could be prevented by social democrats and other "fascist" forces. The term "social fascist" was used pejoratively to describe social democratic parties, anti-Comintern and progressive (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#) socialist parties, and dissenters within Comintern affiliates throughout the interwar period (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interwar_period).
At the Sixth Congress of the Comintern in 1928, the end of capitalist stability and the beginning of the "Third Period" was proclaimed. The end of capitalism, accompanied with a working class revolution, was expected, and social democracy was identified as the main enemy of the Communists. This Comintern's theory had roots in Grigory Zinoviev (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grigory_Zinoviev)'s argument that international social democracy is a wing of fascism. This view was accepted by Joseph Stalin (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin) who described fascism and social democracy as "twin brothers", arguing that fascism depends on the active support of the social democracy and that the social democracy depends on the active support of fascism. After it was declared at the Sixth Congress, the theory of social fascism became accepted by the world Communist movement.[1] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-0)
At the same time, Social Democratic Party of Germany (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Democratic_Party_of_Germany) (SPD), under leadership of German chancellor (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chancellor)Hermann Müller (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermann_M%C3%BCller_(politician)), agreed with anti-communist parties that "red equals brown".[2] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-1) This led to mutual hostility between social democrats and communists, which were additionally intensified in 1929 when Berlin's police, under control of the SPD government, shot down communist workers demonstrating on May Day (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_Day) (Berlin's Bloody May). This, and the repressive legislation against the communists that followed, served as further evidence to communists that social democrats were indeed "social fascists".[3] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-2) In 1931 in Prussia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prussia), the largest state of Germany, Communist Party of Germany (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_Germany) (KPD), which referred to the Nazis (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazism) as "working people's comrades", united with them in unsuccessful attempt to bring down the state government of SPD by means of a plebiscite.[4] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-3) German Communists continued to deny any essential difference between Nazism and Social Democracy even after elections in 1933 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German_election,_1933). The KPD, under the leadership of Ernst Thälmann (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernst_Th%C3%A4lmann), coined the slogan "After Hitler, our turn!" – strongly believing that united front against Nazis wasn't needed, and that the workers would change their opinion and recognize that Nazism, unlike Communism, didn't offer a true way out of Germany's difficulties. See also: Wilhelm Hoegner (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wilhelm_Hoegner) and Walter Kolbenhoff (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Kolbenhoff).[5] (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism#cite_note-4)
"After Hitler, our turn!"
aka
"After the Republicans, our turn."
Unfortunately this is not a turned based game. They will not be getting a "turn" so much as allowing the most extreme Reactionaries to gain powerful political, economic, legal and social positions. These positions can be used to repress future Communist movements. Likewise, with control of the media they can just forth scapegoats for their failed policies- Immigrants, Muslims, Liberals, Communists, etc.
Simply put, I find it hard to believe a group claiming to be revolutionary would betray other Revolutionaries just because it increases their chance of getting power in their mind. I'm also amazed at how callous their attitude is to the actual welfare of the Workers (Their POV is that the Workers' are "failing them" and hence deserve some sort of punishment for not obeying the Sparts).