Queercommie Girl
5th July 2011, 16:53
Here is a Chinese socialist article written by CWI's Chinese branch (CWI China or Chinaworker) which I've translated into English. It will feature in CWI China's latest issue of the Socialist magazine. (Which is in Chinese)
黨殤：中國共產黨建黨九十周年
被背叛的理想與危機四伏的發展
風嵐
The Death of a Party: The 90th Anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party
Betrayed Ideals and Risk-filled Development Prospects
「7月1日中國共產黨建黨90周年的大慶人群中很多其實都是這個國度的資產階級反動派。」（中國的未來：崛 起的強權，焦慮的國家（China’s future:Rising Power, Anxious State），《經濟學家》雜誌（The Economist）2011年 6月23日）
“AMONG those with most to celebrate as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) marks its 90th birthday on July 1st are the country’s bourgeois reactionaries.” (China’s future:Rising Power, Anxious State, The Economist 23 June 2011)
近來，《建黨偉業》之類歌功頌德的影片正在全國各地如火如荼地放映，各地政府官僚更是花樣百出地組織各種文 藝演出和紅歌會以營造喜慶氣氛。（注：中國共產黨一大會議其實是在1921年7月23日召開的，而非官方紀 念的7月1日）。但是，在鋪天蓋地的紅色盛典之下，90年前的理想早已被背叛，無數犧牲的革命亦已被埋葬。 剩下的只有堅硬冰冷的專制與貪婪無度的欲望。中共建黨90年走過的道路，對於今天所有的社會主義者和左翼分 子都是一個實在而慘痛的教訓。
Recently, films that glorify the communist party, such as “The Founding of a Party”, are being greatly promoted all around China, and the bureaucratic officials of every region in China are busy at organizing all kinds of events and shows to celebrate the 90th anniversary of the CCP. (Note, the First Congress of the CCP was actually held on 23 July 1921, rather than on the official anniversary date of 1 July) However, beneath the great celebrations of this “red festival”, the revolutionary ideals of 90 years ago have long ago been betrayed, and the revolution that was created from the blood of countless martyrs has been completely buried. The only thing that remains now is the cold hard logic of dictatorial rule and its insatiable greed. For all socialists and leftists today, the path taken by the CCP over the 90 years since its founding is indeed a tragic lesson.
中國共產黨的崛起與理想的墮落
The Rise of the Chinese Communist Party and the Degeneration of Its Ideals
二十世紀初的中國正處在帝國主義、官僚資本主義和封建主義三座大山下深重壓迫之下，社會黑暗、官僚腐敗、資 本壓迫、軍閥混戰，民眾苦不堪言。1917年俄國布爾什維克領導的十月革命的勝利為全世界受壓迫者指引了一 條迥然不同的解放之路。1919年，轟轟烈烈的「五四」運動激化了一大批以改造社會為使命的中國知識份子和 青年學生，而中國工人階級也第一次通過罷工等抗爭方式走上政治舞臺。「以俄為師」成為了時代先 鋒們的目標。
In the early 20th century, China was suppressed under the “three mountains” of imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and feudalism. The society was corrupt, and the masses suffer greatly under capitalist exploitation and the constant warfare between the various warlords. The victory of the October Revolution in 1917 Russia led by the Bolsheviks pointed to an alternative path to liberation for the oppressed peoples of the globe. In 1919, the great May Fourth Movement radicalized a great many Chinese intellectuals and young students who considered transforming society to be their great work, and the Chinese working class also embarked on the arena of politics for the first time in history through strike actions. “Learn from Russia” became the slogan and objective of the great vanguards of their day.
1920年起在北京、上海、廣州和天津等中國主要大城市紛紛出現了中國第一批共產主義小組。1921年，各 地的共產主義小組在上海和浙江嘉興召開了第一次黨代表大會正式組建中國共產黨。中共一大黨綱開宗明義就是「 以無產階級革命軍隊推翻資產階級，由勞動階級重建國家，直至消滅階級差別。」當時全國不過黨員57人，但隨 著鬥爭形勢的逐步發展，在共產國際的支持下，中國共產黨以工人階級和廣大民眾的利益與解放為宗旨，吸引了一 大批工人、知識份子、青年和農民加入其中。
The first communist groups emerged in major Chinese cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Tianjin in 1920. In 1921, the various communist groups in different parts of China held the First Congress in Shanghai as well as Jiaxing in neighbouring Zhejiang province in which the Chinese Communist Party was formally established. The party programme of the First Congress very explicitly stated “our aim is to overthrow the capitalist class with the proletarian revolutionary army, so that the working class can establish a state, until the elimination of all class differences”. In the beginning there were only 57 members in the CCP, but as events developed further, under the support of the Communist International, the CCP attracted a large number of workers, intellectuals, youths and peasants to join the party with its banner of working for the interests and liberating the working class and the broad masses of people.
不到6年時間，1927年大革命前，中共人數已經擴展到5萬7千多人，工人黨員有3萬5千人左右，占黨員比 例58%。中國共產黨成功地領導上海80萬工人階級通過總同盟罷工和武裝起義第一次以工人階級的力量推翻軍 閥統治。
In less than 6 years, the CCP had a membership of more than 57,000 people prior to the great revolution of 1927. There were around 35,000 working class members in the party, 58% of the total membership. The CCP successfully led 800,000 workers in Shanghai to defeat the reign of the warlords through strikes and armed uprisings, the first time in history the working class did such a thing in China.
但是，由於史達林等共產國際官僚集團代表人物的錯誤指揮，稚嫩的中共領導對以蔣介石為代表的國民黨右派步步 退讓，終導致1927年大革命慘敗，數以十萬計的共產黨人和革命工農慘死於蔣介石等右派軍閥的屠刀之下，共 產黨員數量驟降至1萬多人。（關於大革命失敗的歷史和史達林主義的錯誤可閱讀本期雜誌由左仁撰寫的《評伊羅 生<中國革命的悲劇>一書》一文）
However, due to the mistakes made by the Stalinist bureaucratic bloc in the Communist International, the young CCP compromised more and more towards the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) led by Chiang Kai-sheik. In the end this led to the tragic defeat of the 1927 revolution, in which hundreds of thousands of communists and revolutionary workers and peasants were brutally slaughtered by the KMT and the right-wing warlords. The CCP membership decreased dramatically to only around 10,000 people. (For more details on the defeat of the 1927 revolution and the historical mistakes of Stalinism one can read the “Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution” article in the latest issue of the Socialist magazine”)
1927年大革命失敗後，史達林指揮的共產國際指揮下，在中共黨內的「大小史達林們」的實踐中，中國共產黨 日益變成少數官僚統治下以農民為主體的政黨。由於客觀環境和階級矛盾，中共仍然在群眾的壓力之下繼續推動激 進的社會改變和執行土地革命政策，仍然標榜推翻三座大山壓迫和建立相對公平和進步的新社會。但正如眾多其他 史達林主義政黨一樣，它已經從原本以無產階級利益為根本原則的立場墮落成為充滿機會主義的政治組織，在發展 中充滿曲折蜿蜒的迂回和試圖贏得資產階級成為自己的盟友，而且明顯表現出官僚專制、個人獨裁、軍事主義和中 派機會主義等波拿巴官僚集團的特徵。
After the defeat of the 1927 revolution, under the overall leadership of the Stalinist Communist International, and the “mini-Stalins” within the CCP, the party became increased dominated by the peasantry who were controlled by a minority of bureaucrats. Due to both objective conditions and basic class contradictions, the CCP still pushed forward many radical and progressive policies, such as land reforms, under the pressure of the masses. It still explicitly called for the removal of the “three mountains” of bureaucratic capitalism, imperialism and feudalism from the Chinese people, in order to create a more just and progressive society. But like the other Stalinist parties, it changed from a party that had class interests as its basic principle to an opportunistic organization. The zig-zags in policies throughout its history and its attempt to collaborate with the capitalist class clearly show the special characteristics of a Bonapartist bureaucratic bloc and its dictatorial, militarist and opportunist tendencies.
1949年在國際形勢和國內階級矛盾激化的情況下，蔣介石為代表的國民黨統治集團分崩離析，毛澤東率領的中 國共產黨摧枯拉朽贏得政權。1949年革命是一場影響巨大而深遠的歷史性革命，是20世紀僅次於俄國十月革 命最偉大的革命。中共建政後，通過土地改革、國有化工商業（所謂的「社會主義改造」）、快速擴張的工業化和 城市化進程，以及初步建立普惠社會福利保障體系（仍然落後而不完善的，並存在城鄉二元化的特徵），確實在相 當程度上改變了中國億萬民眾的生活和實現了顯著社會進步。（關於人口、工業和社會進步的具體資料和指標可參 閱美國著名歷史學家莫里斯-邁斯納（Maurice Meisner）的《毛澤東的中國及以後：人民共和國歷史》和《鄧小平時代》二書）
In 1949, as the international situation and the domestic class antagonisms in China became more radicalized, the KMT ruling bloc represented by Chiang Kai-sheik completely broke apart, and the CCP under Mao Zedong pushed over the remains of the KMT to acquire political power in China. The revolution in 1949 was a highly influential and historically important great revolutionary event, the greatest revolution in the 20th century, second only to the 1917 revolution in Russia. After coming to power, the CCP significantly improved the living conditions of hundreds of millions of people in China and initiated many progressive social policies, through its land reforms, nationalization of industry and commerce, expansion of industrialization and urbanization, as well as the introduction of a basic social welfare system (even though this was far from perfect – inequalities such as the hukou system that discriminates between urban and rural dwellers still existed). (For more details on the social progress created in China by the CCP and relevant statistics the reader can refer to “Mao’s China and After: A History of the People’s Republic” and “The Age of Deng Xiaoping” by the famous American historian Maurice Meisner)
但與此同時，中國的億萬工人、農民和廣大勞苦大眾也為中共當局專制、瘋狂和野蠻的統治方式付出了慘重代價。 1950年代末到1960年代初的大躍進使2000萬民眾死於可避免的20世紀最嚴重的災荒、1960年代 到1970年代的十年文化大革命葬送了數以百萬民眾的生活與激情。近30年時間，工人被圈禁在工廠中，而農 民被囚困於人民公社裡。雖然名義上（憲法中）人民擁有結社、罷工、言論等自由，最高權力機關是由民眾通過普 選產生的人民代表大會。但是在現實中，億萬人民無從真正實踐這些權利，官僚專制集團嚴格監控社會和人民的思 想。工人無權組織獨立的工會，必須集體加入官方控制的總工會，更沒有罷工與抗議的自由。文化大革命中工人所 謂自組的造反派組織與罷工抗爭更多的成為了上層政治鬥爭的工具，最後也是兔死狗烹遭到嚴酷鎮壓 。
But at the same time, the hundreds of millions of workers, peasants and poor masses in China also paid the price for the dictatorial and sometimes barbaric policies of the CCP. The Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s and early 1960s caused 20 million people to die from the greatest natural disaster in the 20th century. The decade of “Cultural Revolution” in the 1960s to 1970s destroyed the lives and passions of millions of ordinary people in China. For almost 30 years, workers were imprisoned inside their factories, and peasants were locked inside the people’s communes. Although in theory (according to China’s constitution) the people had the freedom of association, strikes and speech, and the greater organ of power in China was supposed to be the elected National People’s Congress (NPC), but in reality, the masses had no real means to realize these basic rights, and the dictatorial bureaucratic ruling bloc strictly controlled society in general as well as the thoughts of the people at large. Workers could not form their own independent unions, they must all join the official All China Trade Union Federation collectively. They also had no real rights to engage in strikes and demonstrations. The rebel groups created by the workers themselves during the Cultural Revolution became in reality instruments of power struggles between the higher levels of the party, and therefore could not escape their fate of being violently suppressed towards the end of the Cultural Revolution and they no longer had any political uses.
資本主義捲土重來
The Restoration of Capitalism
1976年4月5日，當北京200萬群眾走上天安門廣場反對毛和其繼承人四人幫的極左僵化專制統治時，毛澤 東時代和官僚專制下的官僚計劃經濟已經窮途末路。而這一切都為「貌似開明的」鄧小平集團推行資本主義反革命 復辟打開了大門，並導致工人階級和社會大眾在政治冷漠中抵抗微弱。1982年， 鄧小平先是直接將憲法中規定的「罷工自由」條文刪去，試圖禁止一切工人階級與底層的抗爭。同時，中國共產黨 為了維持其統治和官僚集團的特權，大規模地引入 資本主義。通過聯產承包責任制瓦解農村集體經濟、大規模私有化工業體系，在商業流通領域大規模引入市場經濟 、放鬆對外貿和金融的管制。而這也導致了社會矛 盾激化、嚴重通貨膨脹和資產階級思想的迅速發展，在各種矛盾的交織下，爆發了數以千萬計群眾參與的1989 年民主運動。
When 2 million people went to Tiananmen Square to oppose Mao and his successors the “Gang of Four” and their stagnant ultra-leftist dictatorial rule on 5 April 1976, the bureaucratic planned economy of the Maoist era was already on its death bed. Yet all of these simply paved the way for the pseudo-liberal Deng Xiaoping bloc to embark on their counter-revolutionary capitalist restoration in China, as the working class and the masses in general showed very little resistance amidst the general atmosphere of political apathy following the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution. In 1982, Deng directly removed the “right to strike” from the Chinese Constitution in order to prevent any kind of resistance from the working class and the poorest layers of society. At the same time, in order to maintain its reign and the privileges of the bureaucratic bloc, the CCP began to re-introduce capitalism to China on a massive scale. The rural collectivist economy was dismantled through the “household responsibility system”, the national industries were privatised on a massive scale, and market mechanisms were introduced to a very significant extent in the general economy. In addition to all of this, national control over foreign capital and finance was also greatly reduced. These policies radicalised antagonisms in Chinese society, and created severe inflation and the spread of bourgeois ideologies. As the various social conflicts interacted with each other and merged together, the democratic movement participated by tens of millions of ordinary people in China finally emerged in 1989.
鄧小平統治集團6月4日 在北京的槍聲宣告了從此之後這一政權與徒有言辭的「共產主義」意識形態的徹底決裂，此後史達林主義的蘇聯和 東歐「共產主義陣營」的土崩瓦解，更使資本主義 （市場經濟）成為了中共當局的「唯一歷史性選擇」（歷史性背叛）。所謂的「經濟發展與政治穩定」成為了中共 當局維持統治僅有的口號，而赤裸裸的利己主義成 為了官僚集團的目標。
The gunshots against democratic protestors in Beijing on 4 June 1989 marked the final break with the “communist ideology” by the ruling Deng Xiaoping bloc. Since then, the complete dissolution of the Stalinist Soviet Union and the “communist camp” of Eastern Europe meant that capitalist market economics became the only possible ideological choice for the CCP regime that has already betrayed the communist cause. The so-called “economic development” and “political stability” became the only ideological slogans for the CCP to maintain its rule, and naked selfishness became the only goal of the ruling bureaucrats.
在廣大的民眾認知中，這個仍然自稱「共產黨」的政權與工人、農民和底層民眾已經無甚關係。1978年，中國 共產黨黨員人數達到3698萬，其中工人黨員693萬，占18.73%。到2009年底，黨員數量增加一倍 多達到7799.5萬名，但其中工人黨員30年間幾乎未有任何增加只有693.7萬，比例更是急劇下降到8 .9%。在人民共和國所謂的最高權力機關人民代表大會中，2011年第十一屆人大上工農代表比例不到10% ，在眾多省份百多人的代表團，真正來自基層第一線的工人不過是個位數，而與此同時資本家（所謂的民營企業家 ）數量激增，如廣東省等代表團民營企業家人數在三屆人大（10年）增加超過860%。自從2002年修改黨 章，將江澤民提出的「三個代表」（代表中國先進生產力的發展要求，代表中國先進文化的前進方向，代表中國最 廣大人民的根本利益）加入黨章後，作為「先進生產力的發展要求的代表」資本家也就得以公然入黨 。
In the eyes of the Chinese masses, this political party that still officially calls itself “communist” no longer has any real links with workers, peasants and the poor. In 1978, there were 36.98 million members in the CCP, of which 6.93 million were workers, as much as 18.73%. By the end of 2009, the CCP membership doubled in size to 77.995 million people, but the number of working class members has not increased at all in the last three decades. It stands at only 6.937 million people, so proportionally only 8.9% of CCP members are now from the working class. Less than 10% of representatives at the 11th National People’s Congress held in 2011 were workers or peasants, yet at the same time the number of capitalist NPC representatives has increased dramatically. For instance, in Guangdong province alone, there has been an 860% increase in the number of capitalist NPC representatives over the last decade. Ever since the Party Constitution was altered in 2002, and Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” (Representing the advanced productive forces in China, representing the direction of advanced culture in China, and representing the basic interests of the ordinary masses of China) was officially added into the Party Constitution, capitalists who represent “the most advanced productive forces” could openly join the CCP.
在1960、70年代，中共當局曾經將世界貿易組織（WTO）的前身關貿總協定（GATT）和國際貨幣基金 組織（IMF）稱為是西方帝國主義用來維持世界資本主義市場秩序的代理工具和「富人俱樂部」。而在21世紀 初，中國政府加入世界貿易組織（WTO）的過程中，則將之視為壓倒一切的政治任務，為此做出種種讓步，並打 壓國內反對入世的聲音。今天中國更是在國際貨幣基金組織（IMF）內投票權躍居第三，特別提款權（SDR） 比重升至6.39%，影響舉足輕重。
In the 1960s and 70s, the CCP explicitly considered organisations like WTO, GATT and IMF to be tools for Western imperialism to sustain the order of the capitalist market economy in the world, a kind of “club for the rich”. Yet at the beginning of the 21st century, the Chinese government considered China’s entry into the WTO to be the overriding political concern for the entire countries. For this numerous concessions were made to WTO, and opposing voices within China were suppressed. Today China has become the third greatest voter within the IMF, and the proportion of SDR has risen to 6.39%. China is now a major player in these international capitalist trade organisations.
中國經濟已經全面融入了世界資本主義市場中，同時是世界第二大經濟體、第一大出口國和第一大外國直接投資（ FDI）接收國。而在中國國內，經濟結構也發生了巨大變化。根據國家統計局的相關資料，2010年私營經濟 （外資企業+國內民營企業）占GDP比例達到約70%，對國家稅收貢獻私有經濟成分約占六成多，民營企業占 全國企業總數70%，民營經濟從業人員超過1.8億，達到就業人口的75%。
The Chinese economy has completely fused with the global capitalist market. China is now the second largest economy in the world and the world’s largest exporter. It is also the largest recipient of FDI (Foreign-Directed Investment). Within China, the economic structure has also undergone massive changes. According to statistical data from China’s National Statistics Bureau, in 2010 the private sector (both foreign and Chinese) occupies around 70% of the overall GDP, and provides more than 60% of China’s total tax income. Private enterprises account for 70% of the total number of enterprises in China, and the number of employees in private enterprises has increased to more than 180 million, around 75% of the entire employed worker force.
深入骨髓的腐敗與危機四伏的發展
Deep Corruption and Risk-filled Development
在過去的二十多年間，隨著私有化進程的發展，數 以萬億計的國有資產賤賣半送，為官僚資本、國際資本和新興資產階級大肆瓜分。所謂剩下的百多家國有大型央企 也成為了少數紅色權貴和利益集團的禁臠，與真正 創造社會財富的普通勞動群眾毫無關係。腐敗早已成為了中國共產黨深入骨髓的不治之症。根據多家媒體的報導， 中共最高層的歷屆領導人家庭是富可敵國，如《金 融時報》在2010年發佈的《生而為錢——中國的太子党們》中更是點名道姓地指出了包括江澤民、朱鎔基、李 瑞環、溫家寶、李長春、曾培炎和劉雲山等前任和現任中共國家領導人子女官商勾結、引進外國資本，通過金融、 通信等行業大發其財。（Financial Times,2010-03-29,To the money born）為此，坊間群眾傳言，中共「反腐，亡黨，不反腐，則亡國」。
In the last 2 or 3 decades, as privatisation in China deepened further and further, state capital measured in the trillions were sold off at much cheaper prices to bureaucratic capitalists, international capitalists and the newly emerging domestic capitalists in China. The remaining 100 or so large-scale state-owned enterprises (SOEs) became in concrete sense nothing more than the private wealth of a small minority of Red elites and aristocrats, and they no longer have any real links with the ordinary workers who create all of the wealth in society. Corruption has long ago became the untreatable disease within the CCP regime. According to the reports of various media sources, the families of the highest layers of the CCP ruling bloc have more wealth than many countries. For instance, in the article “To the Money-born – the Princelings of China” written by the Financial Times in 2010, many instances of collaboration between the families and relatives of the current leaders of the CCP such as Jiang Zemin, Zhu Rongji, Li Ruihuan, Wen Jiabao, Li Changchun, Zeng Peiyan and Liu Yunshan and both foreign and domestic capitalist interests were explicitly mentioned. These princelings exploit their political connections to become super-rich through finance and other industries like communications. (See The Financial Times, 29/03/2010, “To the Money-born”) Therefore nowadays in China there is a popular saying among the people: “If the CCP really opposes corruption, the party will be destroyed; If the CCP does not oppose corruption, the nation will be destroyed.”
近日，國內外媒體紛紛引述央行人民銀行在網站上發佈的報告《我國腐敗分子向境外轉移資產的途徑及監測方法研 究》，從上世紀90年代中期以來，外逃、失蹤官員人數高達16000至18000人，攜帶款項達8000億 元人民幣。但將該報告評定為優秀金融調研報告的中國金融學會立即發佈聲明，引用的有關外逃貪官、金額的資料 嚴重失實，希望媒體及公眾勿要採信。而此前有過媒體披露中國的億萬富翁中有90%是高幹子弟，也被當局「闢 謠」。
Recently, both Chinese and foreign media sources have utilised the report published on the website of the People’s Bank of China, which states that “corrupt elements” are transferring capital to foreign countries through various means. Ever since the mid-1990s, as many as 16,000 – 18,000 high-level Chinese officials escaped to foreign countries, and they took with them 800 billion RMB (around 120 billion USD). Yet the Chinese Finance Association which labelled this report as “top quality” in the first place immediately issued a statement claiming that the statistics in this report that describe the massive numbers of Chinese officials escaping overseas with huge amounts of money is untrustworthy, and the public should not rely on these figures. Previously when a media source revealed that 90% of billionaires in China are from the ranks of the families, children and relatives of the highest ranking officials of the CCP, the government immediately tried to convince people that such data is false as well.
但是，正如網路上眾多讀者的回應，「中國有貪官麼？中國有貪官外逃麼？中國有貪官外逃卷走大筆資金麼？」假 如這些問題不回答清楚，官方的任何闢謠顯得蒼白無力，而二十多年來中共政府迄今未敢推行官員幹部的財產公示 制度恐怕為「謠言」提供了最好的注腳。
But, as many people have responded online, if the Chinese government cannot even provide a clear answer to the questions of “corrupt officials” and “officials escaping overseas with massive amounts of money”, it only shows how pathetic its attempt to falsify these reports as “hear-say” really is. The fact that for more than 2 decades the CCP regime has not dared to explicitly publish any data on the personal wealth of high-level government officials is perhaps the best “footnotes” for such “hear-say”.
三十年間，中國資本主義經濟一直保持高速增長（平均增長10%以上），其實很大程度上是過去計劃經濟的積累 （人力資本、工業設施和資源）的集中釋放和西方發達資本主義經濟體為追求利潤轉移實體生產與擴張資本主義市 場的共同運作結果。所謂「令人炫目的」發展並沒有給中國民眾帶來普遍性分享的經濟成果。中國正從世界上收入 最平等的國家之一迅速變成貧富分化最嚴重的國家之一。
Over the last 3 decades, the Chinese capitalist economy has grown at a high rate (on average more than 10% per year). Much of this is really due to the economic potential from the basic infrastructure laid down during the era of the planned economy being released in a very focussed manner and the fact that advanced capitalist nations of the West are relying on cheap Chinese labour to increase their profits and expand their markets. But this “amazing” economic growth has failed to grant the fruits of prosperity to the ordinary masses of China in general. China changed from one of the most economically equal countries in the world to one of the world’s most severely unequal countries.
根據世界銀行的資料，10%的最富有人口控制了社會41.4%的財富。福布斯網站公佈的201 0 年中國億萬富翁（以美元計）的數量超過了115人僅次於美國，中國也已成為世界第二大奢侈品消費市場；但與 此同時中國仍然有兩億多人口每天生活費不足1.25美元，5-6億人每天生活費用不足3美元。當紅色權貴和資本新富們燈紅酒綠之時，貧苦大眾的生活則貧病無著。曾經建立 起來的基本社會保障體系也被毀壞一空，住房、教育與醫療成為了普通民眾的「新三座大山」。
According to statistics from the World Bank, in China the 10% richest people control more than 41.4% of the wealth in society. According to the Forbes website, in 2010, there were more than 115 USD billionaires in China, and the number of billionaires in China is second only to the US. China has also become the second largest consumer of luxury goods in the world. In the meantime more than 200 million people in China live on less than 1.25 USD a day, and 500 – 600 million people live on less than 3 USD a day. As the Red aristocrats and the capitalist noveau riche enjoy their lavish and decadent lifestyles, the poor people of China cannot even receive the most basic kinds of healthcare. The old basic social security system of the Maoist era has been completely dismantled, and “housing, education and healthcare” have become the “new three mountains” oppressing the Chinese people today.
1993年到2007年，中國居民勞動報酬占GDP比重由49.49%降至39.74%，而在過去二十二年 裡，資本報酬比重反升兩成。從1978年到2004年，中國經濟高速增長了近30年，工資卻只有美國的1／ 20，日本的1／24。在製造業領域，中國的勞動力價格甚至比20世紀90年代才開始快速增長的印度還要低 。
From 1993 to 2007, worker’s wage as a proportion of overall GDP in China decreased from 49.49% to 39.74%. Yet in the last 22 years, capital return as a proportion of GDP has increased by 20%. From 1978 to 2004, the Chinese economy grew at a very high speed for nearly 3 decades, but average worker’s wage levels in China are only 1/20th of the US, and 1/24th of Japan. In the construction industry, the price of Chinese labour is even lower than India which only began to have fast economic growth from the 1990s.
專制殘酷的打壓與遍地烽火的反抗
Brutal Autocratic Rule and Widespread Resistance and Struggles
90年 前以馬克思主義為指導，以工人階級為依歸，由一群熱血青年和知識份子組建的工人政黨，如今早已經徹底墮落成 為了一個依賴一黨專制官僚主義推行新自由主義經 濟政策的政商權力利益集團。而由此導致中國階級矛盾日益嚴重和社會衝突四起。群體事件（含罷工、集會、抗議 和騷亂等）從1993年時的8700起增加到2010年超過27萬起。今年各種惡性暴力群體事件更是層出不 窮，規模越來越大，持續時間越來越長，暴力程度越來越激烈。
That great worker’s communist party based on Marxism, working class activism and established by a group of passionate youths and intellectuals 90 years ago has now completely and utterly degenerated into a political and economic power bloc that promotes ruthless neoliberal capitalism and relies on the brute political force of a one-party bureaucratic dictatorship. This has caused class conflict in China to become more and more radicalised, leading to widespread social unrests. “Mass incidents”, which include strikes, demonstrations and riots, have increased from only 8700 instances in 1993 to more than 270,000 instances in 2010. This year various kinds of severe and violent “mass incidents” have continued to occur, and they are becoming greater in scale, longer in duration, and increasingly violent.
國家從來就是統治階級的工具，托洛茨基在《蘇聯官僚集團的波拿巴主義哲學》一文中說，「社會不平等本身就是 國家存在的最好解釋。不平等始終需要警衛，因為特權需要保護，而無權無勢者的反抗需要懲罰，這便是歷史意義 上的全部國家的工作！」
The state has always been an instrument of the ruling class. As Trotsky pointed out in his article “The Bonapartist Philosophy of the Soviet Bureaucratic Bloc”: “Social inequality is the best explanation for the existence of the state. Inequality must always be defended by the police, because privileges need to be protected, and the retaliation of the powerless must be punished. This is indeed the entire task of the “state” in the historical sense!”
為 此，一黨專制的國家機器如今的終極使命就是維護資產階級與特權精英的「可持續的」剝削與統治。在四處烽火的 中國，當局自去年下半年開始大規模的鎮壓與整 肅，對左派和右翼的挑戰者採取嚴厲打擊，封閉與遮罩各種異議網站，監控網上輿論。其中包括重判劉曉波與監禁 艾未未，秘密拘捕毛派地下組織和驅散群眾紅歌 會。面對中東革命所引發的所謂「茉莉花革命」更是廣布眼線、戒備森嚴。迄今已經有數百名不同階級、背景和傾 向的政治異議分子與維權分子被當局監禁、拘捕、 軟禁和「被失蹤」。
Therefore the only remaining ultimate objective of the one-party dictatorship is to defend the “sustainable” exploitation of the masses by the capitalist and political elites in power. In today’s China with its widespread unrests, the CCP regime has began to utilise massive forces of suppression since the second half of last year. Both leftist and right-wing protestors were severely suppressed, various websites with “alternative voices” were closed down, and all speech on the Internet is now very tightly supervised and controlled. These include the heavy sentences given to the likes of Liu Xiaobo and Ai Weiwei, and also the secrete arrests of Maoist underground forces and breaking up the “red songs meetings” of the masses. Faced with the “jasmine revolutions” in the Middle East the Chinese regime has further increased the intensity of its control and suppression powers. Now there are hundreds of political dissidents and human rights activists from all kinds of class backgrounds and ideologies being imprisoned, put down house arrest, and even “being made to disappear” by the Chinese regime.
中 南海裡的袞袞諸公本以為經此一番打壓，自然做到「萬馬齊喑」，可以唯我獨尊地喜迎慶典。但未想現實資本主義 矛盾與專制統治危機導致的群眾性反抗又豈是鎮壓 威嚇就能扼制的？近來在中國各地，如廣東、湖北、內蒙古等地，發生的抗議與騷亂表明長期以來的專制獨裁統治 是不可能長久維繫下去的。
The lords in Zhongnanhai (the seat of the Chinese central government) may think that with their powers of suppression all dissent can be crushed in China, so that they could freely enjoy their great anniversary party. But how could the mass struggles which are spurred on by the basic contradictions of capitalism and dictatorial rule be so easily stifled? Recently across many regions of China, such as Guangdong, Hubei and Inner Mongolia, the numerous demonstrations and protests vividly show that in the long-run, autocratic rule in China cannot be maintained.
90年過去了，「中國共產黨」在政治上早已死去，但革命的理想並未死去。歷史的發展規律決定著，無論多少曲 折和荊棘，革命仍然在向前不斷發展。今天，中國新一代社會主義者、工人階級、激進青年和勞苦大眾將重新團結 起來高擎起90前的那面紅旗，自下而上地推動新的工人階級抗爭和社會主義運動，並將之與世界範圍內的社會主 義運動緊密聯繫起來。
90 years have passed, and the “Chinese Communist Party” has long ago completely died in terms of its political spirit, but the spirit of socialist revolution has not died. The basic patterns of historical progress dictates that no matter how many setbacks there are, the revolution shall always march forward. Today, a new generation of socialists, workers, radical youths and oppressed masses will unite together once more and once again hold high that great red flag from 90 years ago, in order to push forward a new round of bottom-up working class struggles and socialist activism, and to closely link up China’s struggles with similar socialist movements around the entire world.
黨殤：中國共產黨建黨九十周年
被背叛的理想與危機四伏的發展
風嵐
The Death of a Party: The 90th Anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party
Betrayed Ideals and Risk-filled Development Prospects
「7月1日中國共產黨建黨90周年的大慶人群中很多其實都是這個國度的資產階級反動派。」（中國的未來：崛 起的強權，焦慮的國家（China’s future:Rising Power, Anxious State），《經濟學家》雜誌（The Economist）2011年 6月23日）
“AMONG those with most to celebrate as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) marks its 90th birthday on July 1st are the country’s bourgeois reactionaries.” (China’s future:Rising Power, Anxious State, The Economist 23 June 2011)
近來，《建黨偉業》之類歌功頌德的影片正在全國各地如火如荼地放映，各地政府官僚更是花樣百出地組織各種文 藝演出和紅歌會以營造喜慶氣氛。（注：中國共產黨一大會議其實是在1921年7月23日召開的，而非官方紀 念的7月1日）。但是，在鋪天蓋地的紅色盛典之下，90年前的理想早已被背叛，無數犧牲的革命亦已被埋葬。 剩下的只有堅硬冰冷的專制與貪婪無度的欲望。中共建黨90年走過的道路，對於今天所有的社會主義者和左翼分 子都是一個實在而慘痛的教訓。
Recently, films that glorify the communist party, such as “The Founding of a Party”, are being greatly promoted all around China, and the bureaucratic officials of every region in China are busy at organizing all kinds of events and shows to celebrate the 90th anniversary of the CCP. (Note, the First Congress of the CCP was actually held on 23 July 1921, rather than on the official anniversary date of 1 July) However, beneath the great celebrations of this “red festival”, the revolutionary ideals of 90 years ago have long ago been betrayed, and the revolution that was created from the blood of countless martyrs has been completely buried. The only thing that remains now is the cold hard logic of dictatorial rule and its insatiable greed. For all socialists and leftists today, the path taken by the CCP over the 90 years since its founding is indeed a tragic lesson.
中國共產黨的崛起與理想的墮落
The Rise of the Chinese Communist Party and the Degeneration of Its Ideals
二十世紀初的中國正處在帝國主義、官僚資本主義和封建主義三座大山下深重壓迫之下，社會黑暗、官僚腐敗、資 本壓迫、軍閥混戰，民眾苦不堪言。1917年俄國布爾什維克領導的十月革命的勝利為全世界受壓迫者指引了一 條迥然不同的解放之路。1919年，轟轟烈烈的「五四」運動激化了一大批以改造社會為使命的中國知識份子和 青年學生，而中國工人階級也第一次通過罷工等抗爭方式走上政治舞臺。「以俄為師」成為了時代先 鋒們的目標。
In the early 20th century, China was suppressed under the “three mountains” of imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and feudalism. The society was corrupt, and the masses suffer greatly under capitalist exploitation and the constant warfare between the various warlords. The victory of the October Revolution in 1917 Russia led by the Bolsheviks pointed to an alternative path to liberation for the oppressed peoples of the globe. In 1919, the great May Fourth Movement radicalized a great many Chinese intellectuals and young students who considered transforming society to be their great work, and the Chinese working class also embarked on the arena of politics for the first time in history through strike actions. “Learn from Russia” became the slogan and objective of the great vanguards of their day.
1920年起在北京、上海、廣州和天津等中國主要大城市紛紛出現了中國第一批共產主義小組。1921年，各 地的共產主義小組在上海和浙江嘉興召開了第一次黨代表大會正式組建中國共產黨。中共一大黨綱開宗明義就是「 以無產階級革命軍隊推翻資產階級，由勞動階級重建國家，直至消滅階級差別。」當時全國不過黨員57人，但隨 著鬥爭形勢的逐步發展，在共產國際的支持下，中國共產黨以工人階級和廣大民眾的利益與解放為宗旨，吸引了一 大批工人、知識份子、青年和農民加入其中。
The first communist groups emerged in major Chinese cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Tianjin in 1920. In 1921, the various communist groups in different parts of China held the First Congress in Shanghai as well as Jiaxing in neighbouring Zhejiang province in which the Chinese Communist Party was formally established. The party programme of the First Congress very explicitly stated “our aim is to overthrow the capitalist class with the proletarian revolutionary army, so that the working class can establish a state, until the elimination of all class differences”. In the beginning there were only 57 members in the CCP, but as events developed further, under the support of the Communist International, the CCP attracted a large number of workers, intellectuals, youths and peasants to join the party with its banner of working for the interests and liberating the working class and the broad masses of people.
不到6年時間，1927年大革命前，中共人數已經擴展到5萬7千多人，工人黨員有3萬5千人左右，占黨員比 例58%。中國共產黨成功地領導上海80萬工人階級通過總同盟罷工和武裝起義第一次以工人階級的力量推翻軍 閥統治。
In less than 6 years, the CCP had a membership of more than 57,000 people prior to the great revolution of 1927. There were around 35,000 working class members in the party, 58% of the total membership. The CCP successfully led 800,000 workers in Shanghai to defeat the reign of the warlords through strikes and armed uprisings, the first time in history the working class did such a thing in China.
但是，由於史達林等共產國際官僚集團代表人物的錯誤指揮，稚嫩的中共領導對以蔣介石為代表的國民黨右派步步 退讓，終導致1927年大革命慘敗，數以十萬計的共產黨人和革命工農慘死於蔣介石等右派軍閥的屠刀之下，共 產黨員數量驟降至1萬多人。（關於大革命失敗的歷史和史達林主義的錯誤可閱讀本期雜誌由左仁撰寫的《評伊羅 生<中國革命的悲劇>一書》一文）
However, due to the mistakes made by the Stalinist bureaucratic bloc in the Communist International, the young CCP compromised more and more towards the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) led by Chiang Kai-sheik. In the end this led to the tragic defeat of the 1927 revolution, in which hundreds of thousands of communists and revolutionary workers and peasants were brutally slaughtered by the KMT and the right-wing warlords. The CCP membership decreased dramatically to only around 10,000 people. (For more details on the defeat of the 1927 revolution and the historical mistakes of Stalinism one can read the “Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution” article in the latest issue of the Socialist magazine”)
1927年大革命失敗後，史達林指揮的共產國際指揮下，在中共黨內的「大小史達林們」的實踐中，中國共產黨 日益變成少數官僚統治下以農民為主體的政黨。由於客觀環境和階級矛盾，中共仍然在群眾的壓力之下繼續推動激 進的社會改變和執行土地革命政策，仍然標榜推翻三座大山壓迫和建立相對公平和進步的新社會。但正如眾多其他 史達林主義政黨一樣，它已經從原本以無產階級利益為根本原則的立場墮落成為充滿機會主義的政治組織，在發展 中充滿曲折蜿蜒的迂回和試圖贏得資產階級成為自己的盟友，而且明顯表現出官僚專制、個人獨裁、軍事主義和中 派機會主義等波拿巴官僚集團的特徵。
After the defeat of the 1927 revolution, under the overall leadership of the Stalinist Communist International, and the “mini-Stalins” within the CCP, the party became increased dominated by the peasantry who were controlled by a minority of bureaucrats. Due to both objective conditions and basic class contradictions, the CCP still pushed forward many radical and progressive policies, such as land reforms, under the pressure of the masses. It still explicitly called for the removal of the “three mountains” of bureaucratic capitalism, imperialism and feudalism from the Chinese people, in order to create a more just and progressive society. But like the other Stalinist parties, it changed from a party that had class interests as its basic principle to an opportunistic organization. The zig-zags in policies throughout its history and its attempt to collaborate with the capitalist class clearly show the special characteristics of a Bonapartist bureaucratic bloc and its dictatorial, militarist and opportunist tendencies.
1949年在國際形勢和國內階級矛盾激化的情況下，蔣介石為代表的國民黨統治集團分崩離析，毛澤東率領的中 國共產黨摧枯拉朽贏得政權。1949年革命是一場影響巨大而深遠的歷史性革命，是20世紀僅次於俄國十月革 命最偉大的革命。中共建政後，通過土地改革、國有化工商業（所謂的「社會主義改造」）、快速擴張的工業化和 城市化進程，以及初步建立普惠社會福利保障體系（仍然落後而不完善的，並存在城鄉二元化的特徵），確實在相 當程度上改變了中國億萬民眾的生活和實現了顯著社會進步。（關於人口、工業和社會進步的具體資料和指標可參 閱美國著名歷史學家莫里斯-邁斯納（Maurice Meisner）的《毛澤東的中國及以後：人民共和國歷史》和《鄧小平時代》二書）
In 1949, as the international situation and the domestic class antagonisms in China became more radicalized, the KMT ruling bloc represented by Chiang Kai-sheik completely broke apart, and the CCP under Mao Zedong pushed over the remains of the KMT to acquire political power in China. The revolution in 1949 was a highly influential and historically important great revolutionary event, the greatest revolution in the 20th century, second only to the 1917 revolution in Russia. After coming to power, the CCP significantly improved the living conditions of hundreds of millions of people in China and initiated many progressive social policies, through its land reforms, nationalization of industry and commerce, expansion of industrialization and urbanization, as well as the introduction of a basic social welfare system (even though this was far from perfect – inequalities such as the hukou system that discriminates between urban and rural dwellers still existed). (For more details on the social progress created in China by the CCP and relevant statistics the reader can refer to “Mao’s China and After: A History of the People’s Republic” and “The Age of Deng Xiaoping” by the famous American historian Maurice Meisner)
但與此同時，中國的億萬工人、農民和廣大勞苦大眾也為中共當局專制、瘋狂和野蠻的統治方式付出了慘重代價。 1950年代末到1960年代初的大躍進使2000萬民眾死於可避免的20世紀最嚴重的災荒、1960年代 到1970年代的十年文化大革命葬送了數以百萬民眾的生活與激情。近30年時間，工人被圈禁在工廠中，而農 民被囚困於人民公社裡。雖然名義上（憲法中）人民擁有結社、罷工、言論等自由，最高權力機關是由民眾通過普 選產生的人民代表大會。但是在現實中，億萬人民無從真正實踐這些權利，官僚專制集團嚴格監控社會和人民的思 想。工人無權組織獨立的工會，必須集體加入官方控制的總工會，更沒有罷工與抗議的自由。文化大革命中工人所 謂自組的造反派組織與罷工抗爭更多的成為了上層政治鬥爭的工具，最後也是兔死狗烹遭到嚴酷鎮壓 。
But at the same time, the hundreds of millions of workers, peasants and poor masses in China also paid the price for the dictatorial and sometimes barbaric policies of the CCP. The Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s and early 1960s caused 20 million people to die from the greatest natural disaster in the 20th century. The decade of “Cultural Revolution” in the 1960s to 1970s destroyed the lives and passions of millions of ordinary people in China. For almost 30 years, workers were imprisoned inside their factories, and peasants were locked inside the people’s communes. Although in theory (according to China’s constitution) the people had the freedom of association, strikes and speech, and the greater organ of power in China was supposed to be the elected National People’s Congress (NPC), but in reality, the masses had no real means to realize these basic rights, and the dictatorial bureaucratic ruling bloc strictly controlled society in general as well as the thoughts of the people at large. Workers could not form their own independent unions, they must all join the official All China Trade Union Federation collectively. They also had no real rights to engage in strikes and demonstrations. The rebel groups created by the workers themselves during the Cultural Revolution became in reality instruments of power struggles between the higher levels of the party, and therefore could not escape their fate of being violently suppressed towards the end of the Cultural Revolution and they no longer had any political uses.
資本主義捲土重來
The Restoration of Capitalism
1976年4月5日，當北京200萬群眾走上天安門廣場反對毛和其繼承人四人幫的極左僵化專制統治時，毛澤 東時代和官僚專制下的官僚計劃經濟已經窮途末路。而這一切都為「貌似開明的」鄧小平集團推行資本主義反革命 復辟打開了大門，並導致工人階級和社會大眾在政治冷漠中抵抗微弱。1982年， 鄧小平先是直接將憲法中規定的「罷工自由」條文刪去，試圖禁止一切工人階級與底層的抗爭。同時，中國共產黨 為了維持其統治和官僚集團的特權，大規模地引入 資本主義。通過聯產承包責任制瓦解農村集體經濟、大規模私有化工業體系，在商業流通領域大規模引入市場經濟 、放鬆對外貿和金融的管制。而這也導致了社會矛 盾激化、嚴重通貨膨脹和資產階級思想的迅速發展，在各種矛盾的交織下，爆發了數以千萬計群眾參與的1989 年民主運動。
When 2 million people went to Tiananmen Square to oppose Mao and his successors the “Gang of Four” and their stagnant ultra-leftist dictatorial rule on 5 April 1976, the bureaucratic planned economy of the Maoist era was already on its death bed. Yet all of these simply paved the way for the pseudo-liberal Deng Xiaoping bloc to embark on their counter-revolutionary capitalist restoration in China, as the working class and the masses in general showed very little resistance amidst the general atmosphere of political apathy following the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution. In 1982, Deng directly removed the “right to strike” from the Chinese Constitution in order to prevent any kind of resistance from the working class and the poorest layers of society. At the same time, in order to maintain its reign and the privileges of the bureaucratic bloc, the CCP began to re-introduce capitalism to China on a massive scale. The rural collectivist economy was dismantled through the “household responsibility system”, the national industries were privatised on a massive scale, and market mechanisms were introduced to a very significant extent in the general economy. In addition to all of this, national control over foreign capital and finance was also greatly reduced. These policies radicalised antagonisms in Chinese society, and created severe inflation and the spread of bourgeois ideologies. As the various social conflicts interacted with each other and merged together, the democratic movement participated by tens of millions of ordinary people in China finally emerged in 1989.
鄧小平統治集團6月4日 在北京的槍聲宣告了從此之後這一政權與徒有言辭的「共產主義」意識形態的徹底決裂，此後史達林主義的蘇聯和 東歐「共產主義陣營」的土崩瓦解，更使資本主義 （市場經濟）成為了中共當局的「唯一歷史性選擇」（歷史性背叛）。所謂的「經濟發展與政治穩定」成為了中共 當局維持統治僅有的口號，而赤裸裸的利己主義成 為了官僚集團的目標。
The gunshots against democratic protestors in Beijing on 4 June 1989 marked the final break with the “communist ideology” by the ruling Deng Xiaoping bloc. Since then, the complete dissolution of the Stalinist Soviet Union and the “communist camp” of Eastern Europe meant that capitalist market economics became the only possible ideological choice for the CCP regime that has already betrayed the communist cause. The so-called “economic development” and “political stability” became the only ideological slogans for the CCP to maintain its rule, and naked selfishness became the only goal of the ruling bureaucrats.
在廣大的民眾認知中，這個仍然自稱「共產黨」的政權與工人、農民和底層民眾已經無甚關係。1978年，中國 共產黨黨員人數達到3698萬，其中工人黨員693萬，占18.73%。到2009年底，黨員數量增加一倍 多達到7799.5萬名，但其中工人黨員30年間幾乎未有任何增加只有693.7萬，比例更是急劇下降到8 .9%。在人民共和國所謂的最高權力機關人民代表大會中，2011年第十一屆人大上工農代表比例不到10% ，在眾多省份百多人的代表團，真正來自基層第一線的工人不過是個位數，而與此同時資本家（所謂的民營企業家 ）數量激增，如廣東省等代表團民營企業家人數在三屆人大（10年）增加超過860%。自從2002年修改黨 章，將江澤民提出的「三個代表」（代表中國先進生產力的發展要求，代表中國先進文化的前進方向，代表中國最 廣大人民的根本利益）加入黨章後，作為「先進生產力的發展要求的代表」資本家也就得以公然入黨 。
In the eyes of the Chinese masses, this political party that still officially calls itself “communist” no longer has any real links with workers, peasants and the poor. In 1978, there were 36.98 million members in the CCP, of which 6.93 million were workers, as much as 18.73%. By the end of 2009, the CCP membership doubled in size to 77.995 million people, but the number of working class members has not increased at all in the last three decades. It stands at only 6.937 million people, so proportionally only 8.9% of CCP members are now from the working class. Less than 10% of representatives at the 11th National People’s Congress held in 2011 were workers or peasants, yet at the same time the number of capitalist NPC representatives has increased dramatically. For instance, in Guangdong province alone, there has been an 860% increase in the number of capitalist NPC representatives over the last decade. Ever since the Party Constitution was altered in 2002, and Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” (Representing the advanced productive forces in China, representing the direction of advanced culture in China, and representing the basic interests of the ordinary masses of China) was officially added into the Party Constitution, capitalists who represent “the most advanced productive forces” could openly join the CCP.
在1960、70年代，中共當局曾經將世界貿易組織（WTO）的前身關貿總協定（GATT）和國際貨幣基金 組織（IMF）稱為是西方帝國主義用來維持世界資本主義市場秩序的代理工具和「富人俱樂部」。而在21世紀 初，中國政府加入世界貿易組織（WTO）的過程中，則將之視為壓倒一切的政治任務，為此做出種種讓步，並打 壓國內反對入世的聲音。今天中國更是在國際貨幣基金組織（IMF）內投票權躍居第三，特別提款權（SDR） 比重升至6.39%，影響舉足輕重。
In the 1960s and 70s, the CCP explicitly considered organisations like WTO, GATT and IMF to be tools for Western imperialism to sustain the order of the capitalist market economy in the world, a kind of “club for the rich”. Yet at the beginning of the 21st century, the Chinese government considered China’s entry into the WTO to be the overriding political concern for the entire countries. For this numerous concessions were made to WTO, and opposing voices within China were suppressed. Today China has become the third greatest voter within the IMF, and the proportion of SDR has risen to 6.39%. China is now a major player in these international capitalist trade organisations.
中國經濟已經全面融入了世界資本主義市場中，同時是世界第二大經濟體、第一大出口國和第一大外國直接投資（ FDI）接收國。而在中國國內，經濟結構也發生了巨大變化。根據國家統計局的相關資料，2010年私營經濟 （外資企業+國內民營企業）占GDP比例達到約70%，對國家稅收貢獻私有經濟成分約占六成多，民營企業占 全國企業總數70%，民營經濟從業人員超過1.8億，達到就業人口的75%。
The Chinese economy has completely fused with the global capitalist market. China is now the second largest economy in the world and the world’s largest exporter. It is also the largest recipient of FDI (Foreign-Directed Investment). Within China, the economic structure has also undergone massive changes. According to statistical data from China’s National Statistics Bureau, in 2010 the private sector (both foreign and Chinese) occupies around 70% of the overall GDP, and provides more than 60% of China’s total tax income. Private enterprises account for 70% of the total number of enterprises in China, and the number of employees in private enterprises has increased to more than 180 million, around 75% of the entire employed worker force.
深入骨髓的腐敗與危機四伏的發展
Deep Corruption and Risk-filled Development
在過去的二十多年間，隨著私有化進程的發展，數 以萬億計的國有資產賤賣半送，為官僚資本、國際資本和新興資產階級大肆瓜分。所謂剩下的百多家國有大型央企 也成為了少數紅色權貴和利益集團的禁臠，與真正 創造社會財富的普通勞動群眾毫無關係。腐敗早已成為了中國共產黨深入骨髓的不治之症。根據多家媒體的報導， 中共最高層的歷屆領導人家庭是富可敵國，如《金 融時報》在2010年發佈的《生而為錢——中國的太子党們》中更是點名道姓地指出了包括江澤民、朱鎔基、李 瑞環、溫家寶、李長春、曾培炎和劉雲山等前任和現任中共國家領導人子女官商勾結、引進外國資本，通過金融、 通信等行業大發其財。（Financial Times,2010-03-29,To the money born）為此，坊間群眾傳言，中共「反腐，亡黨，不反腐，則亡國」。
In the last 2 or 3 decades, as privatisation in China deepened further and further, state capital measured in the trillions were sold off at much cheaper prices to bureaucratic capitalists, international capitalists and the newly emerging domestic capitalists in China. The remaining 100 or so large-scale state-owned enterprises (SOEs) became in concrete sense nothing more than the private wealth of a small minority of Red elites and aristocrats, and they no longer have any real links with the ordinary workers who create all of the wealth in society. Corruption has long ago became the untreatable disease within the CCP regime. According to the reports of various media sources, the families of the highest layers of the CCP ruling bloc have more wealth than many countries. For instance, in the article “To the Money-born – the Princelings of China” written by the Financial Times in 2010, many instances of collaboration between the families and relatives of the current leaders of the CCP such as Jiang Zemin, Zhu Rongji, Li Ruihuan, Wen Jiabao, Li Changchun, Zeng Peiyan and Liu Yunshan and both foreign and domestic capitalist interests were explicitly mentioned. These princelings exploit their political connections to become super-rich through finance and other industries like communications. (See The Financial Times, 29/03/2010, “To the Money-born”) Therefore nowadays in China there is a popular saying among the people: “If the CCP really opposes corruption, the party will be destroyed; If the CCP does not oppose corruption, the nation will be destroyed.”
近日，國內外媒體紛紛引述央行人民銀行在網站上發佈的報告《我國腐敗分子向境外轉移資產的途徑及監測方法研 究》，從上世紀90年代中期以來，外逃、失蹤官員人數高達16000至18000人，攜帶款項達8000億 元人民幣。但將該報告評定為優秀金融調研報告的中國金融學會立即發佈聲明，引用的有關外逃貪官、金額的資料 嚴重失實，希望媒體及公眾勿要採信。而此前有過媒體披露中國的億萬富翁中有90%是高幹子弟，也被當局「闢 謠」。
Recently, both Chinese and foreign media sources have utilised the report published on the website of the People’s Bank of China, which states that “corrupt elements” are transferring capital to foreign countries through various means. Ever since the mid-1990s, as many as 16,000 – 18,000 high-level Chinese officials escaped to foreign countries, and they took with them 800 billion RMB (around 120 billion USD). Yet the Chinese Finance Association which labelled this report as “top quality” in the first place immediately issued a statement claiming that the statistics in this report that describe the massive numbers of Chinese officials escaping overseas with huge amounts of money is untrustworthy, and the public should not rely on these figures. Previously when a media source revealed that 90% of billionaires in China are from the ranks of the families, children and relatives of the highest ranking officials of the CCP, the government immediately tried to convince people that such data is false as well.
但是，正如網路上眾多讀者的回應，「中國有貪官麼？中國有貪官外逃麼？中國有貪官外逃卷走大筆資金麼？」假 如這些問題不回答清楚，官方的任何闢謠顯得蒼白無力，而二十多年來中共政府迄今未敢推行官員幹部的財產公示 制度恐怕為「謠言」提供了最好的注腳。
But, as many people have responded online, if the Chinese government cannot even provide a clear answer to the questions of “corrupt officials” and “officials escaping overseas with massive amounts of money”, it only shows how pathetic its attempt to falsify these reports as “hear-say” really is. The fact that for more than 2 decades the CCP regime has not dared to explicitly publish any data on the personal wealth of high-level government officials is perhaps the best “footnotes” for such “hear-say”.
三十年間，中國資本主義經濟一直保持高速增長（平均增長10%以上），其實很大程度上是過去計劃經濟的積累 （人力資本、工業設施和資源）的集中釋放和西方發達資本主義經濟體為追求利潤轉移實體生產與擴張資本主義市 場的共同運作結果。所謂「令人炫目的」發展並沒有給中國民眾帶來普遍性分享的經濟成果。中國正從世界上收入 最平等的國家之一迅速變成貧富分化最嚴重的國家之一。
Over the last 3 decades, the Chinese capitalist economy has grown at a high rate (on average more than 10% per year). Much of this is really due to the economic potential from the basic infrastructure laid down during the era of the planned economy being released in a very focussed manner and the fact that advanced capitalist nations of the West are relying on cheap Chinese labour to increase their profits and expand their markets. But this “amazing” economic growth has failed to grant the fruits of prosperity to the ordinary masses of China in general. China changed from one of the most economically equal countries in the world to one of the world’s most severely unequal countries.
根據世界銀行的資料，10%的最富有人口控制了社會41.4%的財富。福布斯網站公佈的201 0 年中國億萬富翁（以美元計）的數量超過了115人僅次於美國，中國也已成為世界第二大奢侈品消費市場；但與 此同時中國仍然有兩億多人口每天生活費不足1.25美元，5-6億人每天生活費用不足3美元。當紅色權貴和資本新富們燈紅酒綠之時，貧苦大眾的生活則貧病無著。曾經建立 起來的基本社會保障體系也被毀壞一空，住房、教育與醫療成為了普通民眾的「新三座大山」。
According to statistics from the World Bank, in China the 10% richest people control more than 41.4% of the wealth in society. According to the Forbes website, in 2010, there were more than 115 USD billionaires in China, and the number of billionaires in China is second only to the US. China has also become the second largest consumer of luxury goods in the world. In the meantime more than 200 million people in China live on less than 1.25 USD a day, and 500 – 600 million people live on less than 3 USD a day. As the Red aristocrats and the capitalist noveau riche enjoy their lavish and decadent lifestyles, the poor people of China cannot even receive the most basic kinds of healthcare. The old basic social security system of the Maoist era has been completely dismantled, and “housing, education and healthcare” have become the “new three mountains” oppressing the Chinese people today.
1993年到2007年，中國居民勞動報酬占GDP比重由49.49%降至39.74%，而在過去二十二年 裡，資本報酬比重反升兩成。從1978年到2004年，中國經濟高速增長了近30年，工資卻只有美國的1／ 20，日本的1／24。在製造業領域，中國的勞動力價格甚至比20世紀90年代才開始快速增長的印度還要低 。
From 1993 to 2007, worker’s wage as a proportion of overall GDP in China decreased from 49.49% to 39.74%. Yet in the last 22 years, capital return as a proportion of GDP has increased by 20%. From 1978 to 2004, the Chinese economy grew at a very high speed for nearly 3 decades, but average worker’s wage levels in China are only 1/20th of the US, and 1/24th of Japan. In the construction industry, the price of Chinese labour is even lower than India which only began to have fast economic growth from the 1990s.
專制殘酷的打壓與遍地烽火的反抗
Brutal Autocratic Rule and Widespread Resistance and Struggles
90年 前以馬克思主義為指導，以工人階級為依歸，由一群熱血青年和知識份子組建的工人政黨，如今早已經徹底墮落成 為了一個依賴一黨專制官僚主義推行新自由主義經 濟政策的政商權力利益集團。而由此導致中國階級矛盾日益嚴重和社會衝突四起。群體事件（含罷工、集會、抗議 和騷亂等）從1993年時的8700起增加到2010年超過27萬起。今年各種惡性暴力群體事件更是層出不 窮，規模越來越大，持續時間越來越長，暴力程度越來越激烈。
That great worker’s communist party based on Marxism, working class activism and established by a group of passionate youths and intellectuals 90 years ago has now completely and utterly degenerated into a political and economic power bloc that promotes ruthless neoliberal capitalism and relies on the brute political force of a one-party bureaucratic dictatorship. This has caused class conflict in China to become more and more radicalised, leading to widespread social unrests. “Mass incidents”, which include strikes, demonstrations and riots, have increased from only 8700 instances in 1993 to more than 270,000 instances in 2010. This year various kinds of severe and violent “mass incidents” have continued to occur, and they are becoming greater in scale, longer in duration, and increasingly violent.
國家從來就是統治階級的工具，托洛茨基在《蘇聯官僚集團的波拿巴主義哲學》一文中說，「社會不平等本身就是 國家存在的最好解釋。不平等始終需要警衛，因為特權需要保護，而無權無勢者的反抗需要懲罰，這便是歷史意義 上的全部國家的工作！」
The state has always been an instrument of the ruling class. As Trotsky pointed out in his article “The Bonapartist Philosophy of the Soviet Bureaucratic Bloc”: “Social inequality is the best explanation for the existence of the state. Inequality must always be defended by the police, because privileges need to be protected, and the retaliation of the powerless must be punished. This is indeed the entire task of the “state” in the historical sense!”
為 此，一黨專制的國家機器如今的終極使命就是維護資產階級與特權精英的「可持續的」剝削與統治。在四處烽火的 中國，當局自去年下半年開始大規模的鎮壓與整 肅，對左派和右翼的挑戰者採取嚴厲打擊，封閉與遮罩各種異議網站，監控網上輿論。其中包括重判劉曉波與監禁 艾未未，秘密拘捕毛派地下組織和驅散群眾紅歌 會。面對中東革命所引發的所謂「茉莉花革命」更是廣布眼線、戒備森嚴。迄今已經有數百名不同階級、背景和傾 向的政治異議分子與維權分子被當局監禁、拘捕、 軟禁和「被失蹤」。
Therefore the only remaining ultimate objective of the one-party dictatorship is to defend the “sustainable” exploitation of the masses by the capitalist and political elites in power. In today’s China with its widespread unrests, the CCP regime has began to utilise massive forces of suppression since the second half of last year. Both leftist and right-wing protestors were severely suppressed, various websites with “alternative voices” were closed down, and all speech on the Internet is now very tightly supervised and controlled. These include the heavy sentences given to the likes of Liu Xiaobo and Ai Weiwei, and also the secrete arrests of Maoist underground forces and breaking up the “red songs meetings” of the masses. Faced with the “jasmine revolutions” in the Middle East the Chinese regime has further increased the intensity of its control and suppression powers. Now there are hundreds of political dissidents and human rights activists from all kinds of class backgrounds and ideologies being imprisoned, put down house arrest, and even “being made to disappear” by the Chinese regime.
中 南海裡的袞袞諸公本以為經此一番打壓，自然做到「萬馬齊喑」，可以唯我獨尊地喜迎慶典。但未想現實資本主義 矛盾與專制統治危機導致的群眾性反抗又豈是鎮壓 威嚇就能扼制的？近來在中國各地，如廣東、湖北、內蒙古等地，發生的抗議與騷亂表明長期以來的專制獨裁統治 是不可能長久維繫下去的。
The lords in Zhongnanhai (the seat of the Chinese central government) may think that with their powers of suppression all dissent can be crushed in China, so that they could freely enjoy their great anniversary party. But how could the mass struggles which are spurred on by the basic contradictions of capitalism and dictatorial rule be so easily stifled? Recently across many regions of China, such as Guangdong, Hubei and Inner Mongolia, the numerous demonstrations and protests vividly show that in the long-run, autocratic rule in China cannot be maintained.
90年過去了，「中國共產黨」在政治上早已死去，但革命的理想並未死去。歷史的發展規律決定著，無論多少曲 折和荊棘，革命仍然在向前不斷發展。今天，中國新一代社會主義者、工人階級、激進青年和勞苦大眾將重新團結 起來高擎起90前的那面紅旗，自下而上地推動新的工人階級抗爭和社會主義運動，並將之與世界範圍內的社會主 義運動緊密聯繫起來。
90 years have passed, and the “Chinese Communist Party” has long ago completely died in terms of its political spirit, but the spirit of socialist revolution has not died. The basic patterns of historical progress dictates that no matter how many setbacks there are, the revolution shall always march forward. Today, a new generation of socialists, workers, radical youths and oppressed masses will unite together once more and once again hold high that great red flag from 90 years ago, in order to push forward a new round of bottom-up working class struggles and socialist activism, and to closely link up China’s struggles with similar socialist movements around the entire world.