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RedTrackWorker
1st May 2011, 15:13
Socialists Cover for Chicago Teachers’ Union Sellout, Democratic Politicians

Statement of the League for the Revolutionary Party
April 30, 2011
http://www.lrp-cofi.org/statements/iso_043011.html


Teachers union activists in Chicago are contending with their union president’s decision to back legislation that all but bans them from striking and makes major concessions to the corporate education ‘reform’ agenda.[1]

So wrote International Socialist Organization (ISO) leader Lee Sustar on April 21, a week after the Illinois state senate unanimously passed a bill, SB 7, that dramatically escalates the bi-partisan war that is targeting public sector workers in general and teachers in particular.

As Sustar’s article explains, Chicago Teachers’ Union (CTU) president Karen Lewis agreed to SB 7’s outrageous terms.[2] The bill would drastically curb teachers’ seniority and collective bargaining rights, including effectively ending their right to strike; it even provides for the lengthening of teaching hours without any necessary increase in pay. Then Lewis conspired to hide the truth from the membership, not even mentioning the deal when she spoke to the CTU House of Delegates meeting on April 13, the day after she had approved the legislation!

But Sustar and the rest of the ISO leadership are engaged in their own cover-up. You’d never guess it from Sustar’s article, but the CTU’s vice president, the union’s second-in-command, is the ISO’s own Jesse Sharkey! Sharkey was elected to his position on the slate of Lewis’s CORE (Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators), and was joined by other supporters of both the ISO and the Solidarity socialist group who accepted positions on the union’s staff.

Sustar is avoiding publicizing the ISO’s place in the CTU leadership because its role is scandalously indefensible. The fact is that despite Lewis’s extraordinary betrayal of her union’s members, inside the CTU the ISO continues to support her leadership. As CTU vice president, Sharkey should have been ideally placed to stand up to Lewis’s sellout and go to the ranks with a plan to resist it. Instead, in the crucial first weeks after the sellout when resistance to the deal could have made a difference, Sharkey refused to comment in public and covered for Lewis at a CORE meeting.

The ISO leadership now acts shocked by Lewis’s sellout, but they have covered for her all the way. They refused to criticize Lewis’s decision to join the slate of American Federation of Teachers’ President Randi Weingarten, who is leading the drive for teachers’ unions to embrace concessions and givebacks nationwide.[3] They refused to criticize the CTU’s endorsement of Democrats and warn that this policy would inevitably lead to disaster – as it did: the Illinois legislature is controlled by the Democrats. They opposed motions to mobilize the ranks of the CTU for struggle and instead accepted the union bureaucracy’s perspective of trying to maintain collective bargaining rights by giving away hard-earned rights like seniority. They only spoke out against the sellout to cover themselves when it was too late to make a difference.

Sharkey Lies to Cover for Lewis, Hails “Spirit of Compromise”
On April 25, CORE members and other militants gathered at the National Association of Letter Carriers’ Hall on Chicago’s South Side to discuss the rotten deal that their union president and caucus leader had signed. In the absence of President Lewis, Sharkey took the lead in speaking on behalf of the entire union leadership. Reporting that Lewis asked him to tell CORE’s members “I’m sorry,” Sharkey explained with a straight face that now that the union leadership has seen the “fine print,” it thinks supporting SB 7 was a mistake. But two days after privately agreeing to the legislation, Lewis published a letter to the members endorsing the deal and calling on them to “please take the time to read the actual bill.”[4] In fact, along with Lewis’s letter the union even published its own handy summary of the bill’s “fine print” on its website.[5] This shows that Sharkey’s suggestion that Lewis did not understand the details of the legislation at the time that she endorsed it is a lie.

At the CORE meeting, a supporter of the League for the Revolutionary Party (LRP) challenged Sharkey to speak out publicly against SB 7 and Lewis’ support of it and use his position as CTU vice president to rally opposition to the bill. CORE activist Earl Silbar attempted to raise a motion that CORE oppose the anti-union attacks in SB 7, inform CTU members to build opposition to the attacks and present a motion to the next House of Delegates meeting that the union mobilize members, and reach out to parents, students and community organizations to oppose the attacks. But as soon as Silbar moved to present his motion, Sharkey contemptuously left the room, and the chairperson pointed to the lack of a quorum as reason not to have the meeting vote on the motion.

Earlier in the meeting, Sharkey promised CORE’s members that the union leadership would now seek to “unwind this thing ... to preserve the spirit of this deal, but remove the union-busting aspects of it.” When CORE militants challenged Sharkey to explain what he thought was worth preserving in the deal, he replied that the “spirit of compromise” that had been established in the months of negotiations between the union and legislators, in which both sides were giving something and getting something “was what was good.” But a “spirit of compromise” with the bosses and their politicians is exactly what working-class militants do not want to encourage; unity and struggle against them in order to defend the interests of workers is what we must stand for.

Moreover, it is the CTU leadership’s “spirit of compromise” that invited the school bosses and politicians to mount their extraordinary attack on their rights and working conditions. Since getting elected, the Lewis-Sharkey leadership has actually opposed calls for a militant struggle to defeat the capitalist attacks on their union. Instead, they pursued the same failed strategy as the rest of the trade union bureaucracy, hoping to avoid the worst attacks on the union’s right to strike by offering big concessions on seniority rights and other issues and by endorsing and donating to Democratic Party “friends of labor” in the hopes of buying their cooperation.

Thus at a CORE meeting on January 24, Earl Silbar raised a motion calling on the CTU to mobilize the membership in defense of seniority rights. President Lewis spoke against the motion on the grounds that the union may have to give up seniority rights in order to keep the right to strike. Sharkey then joined Lewis by voting against Silbar’s motion.

Of course, if you offer your hand to the bosses and politicians they move to take your arm. By not preparing the union for a struggle and by instead showing willingness to compromise on teachers’ rights in the hopes of keeping the right to strike, the stage was set for Lewis to go one step further by saying that effectively giving up the right to strike was the only way to avoid losing more.

Sharkey Urges Delay in Opposing Bill – to “Give Cover” to Democrats
That the Democratic Party politicians took the union’s endorsements and money and then stabbed teachers in the back should not be surprising. In fact we are sure that the ISO did not want the union to endorse Democrats. But when Lewis went ahead and did so anyway, Sharkey and the rest of the ISO did not speak out in opposition and did not warn the ranks of the union that it was a sure sign that Lewis was turning away from struggle and toward the union bureaucracy’s disastrous strategy of collaboration and compromise with the capitalist attacks.

Incredibly, the ISO is even continuing this approach now. At the April 25 CORE meeting Sharkey urged everyone present to not say anything publicly about the leadership’s change of position. The leadership wanted to continue its backroom negotiating with the other Illinois teachers’ union leaders, such as IEA President Ken Swanson. But Swanson has openly stated his strategy is to agree to all the concessions the government demands in order to save collective bargaining rights:


What we’ve shown is you do not have to have draconian, unwarranted attacks on public employee rights (for) collective bargaining. You can do this through collective bargaining. You can do this through bringing the parties to the table. So Wisconsin, Ohio, Indiana, other states, look to Illinois, we’ll show you how to do it the right way.[6]

Swanson is promising the capitalists and politicians that they don’t have to push union officials aside to slash workers’ throats – the bureaucrats will do it with them. This is the kind of miserable union leadership that Sharkey wants the CTU to be allied with.

And it’s not only other union leaders Sharkey wants to bring on board – he further said that before the CTU comes out against the bill, “we have to give cover” to friendly Democratic Party legislators who voted for it. He added that the CTU didn’t want to leave their legislator allies in a situation where they couldn’t explain why they first supported the bill and then opposed it after the CTU changed its mind.

This touching concern for the feelings and careers of Democratic politicians is standard operating procedure for almost all labor leaders these days. But for a self-styled socialist who won union office by promising to fight the attacks, it is a scandal. And for the ISO leadership to play its own role in covering up the betrayal is equally scandalous.

Sharkey concluded his appeal to the ranks of CORE to conspire to cover up the union leadership’s crimes by saying, “Don’t scapegoat Karen.” In a sense, we can agree. Karen Lewis should not be singled out as completely to blame for this betrayal. Sharkey and the other elected leaders of the union share the blame. So too do those “socialist” union staffers who have not spoken out against this sellout. Indeed these groups’ continued affection for Lewis can be seen by her continued presence as a speaker at Labor Notes’ upcoming Chicago Troublemakers’ School.[7]

ISO Covered for Sellout All Along
Just ten months ago, Lee Sustar treated readers of Socialist Worker to a breathless celebration of CORE’s coming to power in the CTU as the dawning of “a new day for teachers.”[8] Since then the ISO offered the Lewis leadership praise for its “militant,”[9] “aggressive”[10] stands against “corporate school reform.”

Now the ISO leadership acts like they are shocked by Lewis’s sellout. At the CORE meeting Sharkey also claimed to have been taken by surprise. The truth is that Sharkey and the ISO have long known that CTU president Lewis was planning to agree to massive givebacks, and they have covered this up at every step.

Last July, Sustar pointed to the CTU leadership as the “likeliest place for a change of direction” for the AFT, even while reporting that Karen Lewis had joined the Weingarten slate. In October Sustar admitted that “The CTU isn’t formally challenging the AFT’s direction,” but still covered for Lewis by claiming that “the CTU seeks to challenge the corporate school reformers even as the AFT attempts to find common cause with them.”[11]

Last fall, a Sustar article opposed the idea of the CTU endorsing Democratic Governor Pat Quinn before the endorsement decision was made.[12] But after the CTU leadership endorsed Quinn and other Democrats, Sustar and the ISO leadership tacitly accepted it and chose to not make any public criticism of the leadership’s decision. Thus not only Sharkey but also Sustar and the rest of the ISO’s leaders bear responsibility for this capitulation to the Democrats.

So in fact the signs have been there all along pointing to the CTU leadership’s coming sellout. The above evidence shows that the ISO was in a position to warn about it and mobilize workers to oppose it, but deliberately chose not to do so. They only spoke out to cover themselves when it was too late to make a difference.

Sellout CTU Leadership Must Go!
The sellout of the Chicago Teachers Union is a setback for public workers nationwide, but there are more struggles ahead and there will be more opportunities to turn the tide against the capitalist war on the working class. For workers and unions to start to win some victories, it will be necessary to break from the perspective of allying with the capitalist Democrats and fight against union leaders who deal with the Democrats to sell out their members. Workers should not trust the so-called “socialists” who refuse to lead this fight against the sellout union leaders.

Chicago teachers must take every opportunity to stand up to this disastrous sellout by rejecting SB 7 and demanding that their leaders organize a fightback. At the same time militant teachers will have to launch a struggle against their sellout leaders. The union needs an alternative leadership that can be relied on to not sell out the ranks. We believe that only a revolutionary socialist leadership can meet that task. While looking to work with the broadest possible number of militant workers who want to resist the union bureaucracy’s betrayals and advance the working class’s struggles, we never cease to explain that the working class’s interests are incompatible with capitalism.

For the ranks of the ISO and Solidarity, when the task facing workers is to throw out of office a sellout union leadership that is supported by and even includes members of their own organization, it is time for them to thoroughly re-examine their organization’s politics. As we have analyzed at length in the past, the ISO’s approach of opportunistically aligning themselves with leftish union bureaucrats and liberals in the hopes of gaining short-term advantages is a recipe for disaster.[13]

Indeed, the debacle in the CTU is only the most recent failure produced by the approach of the ISO, Solidarity and the Labor Notes organization, the strategy of building “rank-and-file” groups. This approach has produced nothing but setbacks for the workers’ movement, such as their “New Directions” caucus’s rise to power in New York City’s transit workers’ union that stuck its members with a series of terrible contracts and defeats.

Capitalism’s deepening crisis is driving the ruling class to attack workers’ rights, working and living conditions more and more. The LRP’s approach[14] of building openly revolutionary socialist leadership groups in the unions, while taking every opportunity to work with broad numbers of militant workers to advance united struggles against the bosses’ attacks, is proving ever more urgently necessary. For example, we have succeeded in building a small group of supporters in New York’s Transport Workers’ Union Local 100 where we publish an openly revolutionary socialist newsletter, Revolutionary Transit Worker (http://www.lrp-cofi.org/TWU100/RTW/index.html). Through our decades of work in Local 100, we have achieved modest victories like getting strike motions passed and winning lower-level union offices.

We urge every honest supporter of the ISO and Solidarity to consider our criticisms of the roots of their organization’s disastrously opportunist role in the unions and take up a struggle against it.

Notes

1. Lee Sustar, “A Crisis for Teachers Union Reformers?,” April 21, 2011.
2. The text of the bill can be read online at www.ilga.gov/legislation/97/SB/09700SB0007sam001.htm.
3. See Lee Sustar, “The wrong partner for our schools,” July 22, 2010; and “Teachers in the crosshairs,” October 26, 2010.
4. Pres. Karen Lewis, “Senate Bill 7 – Letter from President Lewis,” April 14, 2011.
5. “Summary of Illinois Senate Bill 7”.
6. Melissa Leu, “Senate passes compromise on teacher collective bargaining, firings,” Illinois Statehouse News, April 14, 2011; and Cheryl Burton, “Illinois senate passes education reform bill,” April 14, 2011, .
7. www.labornotes.org/chicago/program.
8. See, for example, Lee Sustar’s breathless celebration of Lewis’s election, “A New Day in the Chicago Teachers Union,” June 14, 2010.
9. Lee Sustar, “Teachers in the crosshairs” October 26, 2010.
10. Lee Sustar, “Stealing the money to save teachers?” August 18, 2010.
11. Lee Sustar, “Teachers in the crosshairs,” October 26, 2010.
12. See Lee Sustar, “From labor’s hope to lesser evil?” October 6, 2010.
13. See, for example, “The ISO’s Right Turn to Labor,” Proletarian Revolution No. 51, Spring 1996. For a general analysis of the ISO’s politics, see John F., Joseph T. and Tony G., “Open Letter From Three Former ISO Members; and “ISO Versus SWP: Who’s More Opportunist?” Proletarian Revolution No. 61, Summer 2000.
14. See, for example, “The Sadlowski Campaign: U.S. Labor and the Left,” Socialist Voice No. 5, Fall 1977; and “Revolutionary Versus Reformist Methods in the Unions,” Proletarian Revolution No. 63, Fall 2001.

RED DAVE
1st May 2011, 16:04
This is disturbing, to say the least.

I would like to hear from members of the ISO or Solidarity about this.

RED DAVE

RedTrackWorker
5th May 2011, 15:10
This is disturbing, to say the least.

I would like to hear from members of the ISO or Solidarity about this.

I too would like to hear from them, and others, so we can discuss and debate what to learn from this.

Lee Sustar has a new post (http://socialistworker.org/2011/05/05/ctu-moves-to-fight-anti-union-legislation) on the issue, which notes delegates voted to reject the deal. But what's noteworthy is that there's no mention of the second-in-command of the CTU, an ISO supporter. What role did he play? What role did their other supporters play? One would think that would be important for the workers to analyze as activists in the CTU rethink what kind of leadership they need and deserve and as socialists perhaps rethink what kind of leadership they need and deserve. The ISO is hiding its union activity from the workers' movement by not putting such information forward.

RedTrackWorker
5th May 2011, 23:31
Update:
So at a delegate meeting, they voted to reject the bill (good), didn't place concrete demands on the leadership (dangerous), but did call on other unions to reject the bill (good, and rare for unions to place demands on other unions--based on a motion from the floor, not from the leadership).

We had a new statement distributed at the delegates meeting which was well received and reports that both our statements will be circulated on the delegates' email list:
http://www.lrp-cofi.org/statements/ctu_050411.html.

The CORE newsletter's lead article was written by Nate Goldbaum (not identified as ISO, but same name as open ISOer and CORE activist) which listed "actions" like contacting your reps and wearing red tshirts, but not one calling for the union to build a mass demonstration with other unions against the bill. The rest of the newsletter (not written by him) tries to say that the union leadership didn't realize how bad the bill was because it was "fine print". For one particular clause, that may be true but for the anti-strike clauses, it's a lie, as they were 1) reported in the newspapers and 2) as our first statement said, their own website reported that "fine print", see http://www.ctunet.com/legislative/sb7!

Jimmie Higgins
6th May 2011, 02:05
What specific debate points do you want to talk about or is the main issue "ISO" not labor strategy? If you want to know why this individual member said this or that at a meeting, what they are thinking in terms of if they should denounce the coalition, cause its split or try and organize a new left-wing rank and file coalition or what Lee thinks about when he drinks coffee and writes and article, then sorry, not interested. First of all these sorts of situations are not directed at a national level, they are usually organized by people dealing with that local situation so I don't know much about the inter-workings of this union or the reform-slate or relationship with other groups or individuals in this coalition or what the local comrades there's positions are, so I can't speak with much authority. In the same way they could not tell me the ins and outs of the Oscar Grant Coalition.

But, in general, I do think this shows the problem with radicals winning union offices, there was much debate about this idea in general and for a long time people were opposed, but our perspective after the crash and the Republic workers strike was that there would be increased push from the rank and file and so trying to build reform slates could at least have the ideological advantage of presenting an alternative to business-unionism and help rank and file mobilizations and resistance. Rather than seeing unions being pushed from below, however, we've seen them heavily pushed from above and with little fightback (except for Wisconsin) in most places this has just continued the isolation of the left and the dependency of the union bureaucrats (even many of the reform ones as in this case) to run back to the arms of the lesser-austerity Democrats. It's not a shock, but it wasn't the inevitable way class struggle did or will continue to play out during this crisis. We are in a new era and I hope radicals are testing the waters and trying as many different avenues as possible right now and unfortunately that means being in coalitions that go nowhere or being part of things that don't pan out as you'd like. It means in some places people will fight while under similar circumstances they will retreat. Until there is real momentum and rank and file organizing going on that people can look at and see as a winning alternative to business-unionism and austerity, then I think things will probably go back and forth from struggle to struggle.

But I'd like to hear what your alternative is. Should this ISO member resign the position, possibly cause the break-up of that reform coalition? I don't know what the forces on the ground are like there, but maybe that could be an option if there is a lot of rank and file organizing going on and people are willing to fight. In many unions though, the bureaucracy is being pushed so well from above because workers are defensive and unwilling to challenge their labor leaders or bosses. But maybe organizing around this anger to organize something that might be effective for the next budget is a good option. Should he try and push things from within the CORE (which no doubt he is trying to do)?

There are problems working in coalitions with people who are liberal or progressive, there are problems with radicals even putting themselves into a leadership position in a union IMO. But much of the article you quotes, rather than being clarifying, is a bunch of circumstantial speculation designed to raise suspicion about the ISO and Solidarity rather than point to what people can do. This individual member is conflated, in the article, with the positions of the entire organization, the positions of CORE are conflated with the ISO or with this one member and so on.

Sorry to be dismissive of some of these other arguments, but I just got through arguing with someone who said, "Someone told me that the ISO is only college students and they take student's money and pay their leaders hundreds of thousands of dollars to write books and they don't care about labor". Now today it's the opposite charge that the ISO controls the labor movement and is the cause of austerity and for people supporting the Democratic party.

It's not sectarian to say, this strategy of the ISO for X, Y, and Z, reason is wrong - it is sectarian IMO to list a bunch of complaints and speculation "What was so and so's role in this?" rather than a real analysis. If you want to debate should radicals join in reform coalitions or only organize separate radical groups within unions, that that would be an interesting and political debate, if you want to list a bunch of speculation about why this or that wasn't mentioned in an article or why this or that person may or may not have done something, then that's useless.

Chimurenga.
6th May 2011, 05:27
The ISO has been supporting Democrats for years. At least one leader of the organization, Ashley Smith, is a branch leader of the well known Democrat Party-backed "anti-war" organization United for Peace and Justice (https://unitedforpeace.rdsecure.org/groups.php?state=VT).

He makes no bones about this here (http://www.isreview.org/issues/63/rep-antiwar.shtml).


UFPJ has not called a major national antiwar demonstration in close to two years and has invested the bulk of its resources either directly or indirectly into campaigning for the Democratic Party. Sure, he can criticize all he wants but the ISO (part of it, at least) will not break with UFPJ whose main goal is the election of democrats into office. Glen Ford's new article at Black Agenda Report is great on this which you can read here (http://blackagendareport.com/content/phony-anti-war-movement).

This really should not be a surprise amongst the Left in the US.

synthesis
6th May 2011, 05:57
Is there a tl;dr version of the OP, or am I just a lazy piece of shit? I guess they aren't mutually exclusive.

Rocky Rococo
6th May 2011, 06:48
It's the radical's job, the socialist's job, in any union action or organizng not to be "
pragmatic" but to push the boundaries. Let the hacks do the hacking of "compromising" and "deal-making". The left's job is to bring the fire and push the hacks against the hegemonic groove they want to snuggle into.

When I first got involved in left politics it was with ISO, many many moons ago. And while there were any number of internal ISO political things I quickly found bogus, back in those days at least the ISOers that were involved in union action, like the UPSurge people, understood the proper role of the leftist in the union, to be the ones pushing the "centrists" and "progressives", to be the ones rallying the rank and file against weak or sell-out leadership. Not to be the ones making excuses for obsequious submission to the powers of the system.

What's the point of being a revolutionary leftist organization if not to push back against the yoke of the corporate state? If you're not going to fight back on the side of the working people, then can the pseudo-leftist facade and declare yourself to be what you are, a "pragmatic moderate Democrat".

SocialismOrBarbarism
6th May 2011, 06:50
Here's a fairly old but relevant article from the WSWS:

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2011/jan2011/core-j12.shtml


Chicago teachers have gone through an experience that holds essential political lessons not only for teachers, but for workers throughout the country and around the world. More than six months after a supposed militant faction of the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) won control of the union, it has completely capitulated to school and state authorities and refused to mount any struggle against the destruction of teachers’ jobs and conditions.

Last June, the Caucus of Rank and File Educators (CORE) won the leadership of the 30,000-member union, beating an incumbent faction that had controlled the CTU for 37 of the last 40 years. CORE includes in its leadership members of so-called left-wing organizations such as the International Socialist Organization.

CORE campaigned on promises that it would reform the CTU and lead a fight against school closings, job cuts and the victimization of teachers in the nation’s third largest school district.

The vote for CORE reflected the anger of rank-and-file teachers against the betrayals of the CTU, which has collaborated in the attacks on teachers and public education spearheaded by the city’s Democratic mayor, Richard Daley, and former Chicago Public Schools CEO Arne Duncan, now US education secretary. Many of the reactionary school “reform” measures being carried out by the Obama administration nationally—merit pay, test-based “accountability” schemes, the closing of public schools and their replacement with charter schools—were first tested in Chicago with the support of the CTU.

Over the past decade, more than 70 schools were closed and 6,000 teachers lost their jobs. The CTU—which has not called a strike since 1987—only asked that it be given a seat at the table in implementing these attacks on its own members. Meanwhile, top union officials, including CTU President Marilyn Stewart, increased their pay to $200,000 and beyond.

In her victory speech last June, newly elected CTU President Karen Lewis said the election of the CORE faction marked the “beginning of the end of scapegoating educators for social ills that all of our children, families and schools struggle against every day.” The election result, she continued, “shows the unity of 30,000 educators standing strong to put business in its place—out of the schools.”

In a comment on Socialistworker.org, the International Socialist Organization’s web site, Lee Sustar hailed the CORE victory, claiming it had shaken the Chicago media and political establishment and “given a case of heartburn” to Arne Duncan. Moreover, Sustar said, it “turned heads in the Washington headquarters of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT)”—the CTU’s parent union—where “AFT President Randi Weingarten has collaborated with Race to the Top and other White House education initiatives, even at the cost of retreating from the union’s opposition to merit pay and defense of tenure as the basis for teacher job security.”

What has been the record of the CORE group in the more than six months since taking office?

Its first test was the decision by Chicago schools CEO Ron Huberman to layoff 1,289 teachers, including 749 higher-paid tenured instructors. CORE’s only response was to file a federal court injunction charging that the firing of the tenured teachers—without providing recall and rehiring procedures—had been a violation of state law. Union attorneys explicitly accepted the “right” of the district to layoff teachers for budgetary reasons and only asked that the laid off tenured instructors be put on a recall list and be given preference over lower seniority teachers for future openings.

CORE Vice President Jesse Sharkey—a leading member of the ISO—could muster no more than a complaint that school officials had violated procedures. At the same time, the new CTU leadership accepted without question the firing of more than 500 probationary teachers who had not yet attained tenure.

When a US district judge ruled in October that the layoffs were illegal—and ordered the district and union to establish a process to give tenured teachers “a foot in the door” to pursue current job openings—CTU President Karen Lewis hailed this as a “stunning court victory.” Shortly afterwards, another judge, acting on an appeal from the school district, suspended the order. As of this writing, hundreds of tenured instructors remain without jobs. If not hired by June 2011, they could be reduced to entry-level pay and stripped of their pensions if they were ever to work for the district again.

With over half of the CPS schools slated for “turnaround”—a process that allows for the firing of the entire staff of a supposedly failing school—thousands of teachers face an ever-present threat of being fired. Art teacher Sunny Neater-DuBow told the Chicago Reader, "We’re on edge and living in fear. You never know if you’ll be next to go." In November, a new CPS chief Area 11 officer, Janie Ortega, instructed principals to fire two teachers in each school in the area.

This summer, special education teacher Lorna Wilson wrote to CORE, “Why did we pay union dues this year? We got no protection.”

What about the promises of CORE to fight the use of testing and other arbitrary performance standards to set pay rates, fire teachers and close so-called underperforming schools?

The Democratic-controlled Illinois House of Representatives is currently considering sweeping legislation—called the Performance Counts Act of 2010—that would eviscerate tenure, peg pay and job security to testing, reduce costs associated with firing teachers, and strip the state’s 200,000 unionized teachers of the right to strike. Rather than opposing this attack, the CTU has joined with the Illinois Federation of Teachers and the Illinois Education Association to propose a union-backed plan that is virtually indistinguishable from the right-wing proposal now being considered.

Comparing the union-backed “Accountability for All” plan to the bill being backed by Bill Gates and other corporate proponents of school “reform,” the education web site Catalyst Chicago wrote, “Although they differ in the details, the proposals have similar elements. Both would link a teacher’s classroom performance to the granting of tenure, recertification and decisions on dismissal for incompetence, filling job vacancies or reductions in force.”

It continued, “Performance would be measured in part by student achievement. Both proposals would streamline dismissal, but the union version would require better support for teachers in such areas as professional development and remediation…and propose[s] similar ‘accountability’ processes for principals and district administrators…”

As far as the right to strike is concerned, the unions argued that no formal ban was necessary because the CTU has not called a strike in 23 years!

Like its predecessors, the new CTU leadership is thoroughly wedded to the Democratic Party and opposes any independent political mobilization of the working class against Obama—even as the administration embraces attacks on public education long championed by the most reactionary Republicans. The main difference between the two parties on education policy is that the Democrats have relied on the services of the unions to gut education, while the Republicans have generally favored doing away with the unions altogether.

CORE officials have close ties to Jesse Jackson and other state and local Democrats. The new CTU leaders are also preparing to endorse one of the Democrats in February’s mayoral elections—even though each one, including leading candidate Rahm Emanuel, is committed to escalating the attacks on teacher and public education.

On every score—the acceptance of job cuts and the victimization of teachers, the subordination of the working class to the Democratic Party and the demands of big business—the CORE leadership has proven to be no different from the caucus it replaced.

This experience has exposed the ISO and its perspective of reforming the unions. The ISO claims “teachers’ union could be the leading force in a social movement for public education” when in fact they have played the key role in facilitating Obama’s attack on the public schools.

It is doubtful that the ISO leaders believe their own claims about reviving these rotten organizations. However, perpetuating this myth goes hand in hand with denying the necessity for the development of a socialist political movement of the working class, and continues to foster illusions in the Democratic Party and reformism—even as the capitalist system is mired in the worst economic breakdown since the Great Depression.

Despite its name, the ISO is not fighting for socialism. Such a struggle would require the most determined effort to break the working class from the Democratic Party and encourage its own initiative, fighting capacity and political independence.

Like the rest of the middle class “left” the ISO fears nothing more than the emergence of a movement that undermines the authority of the trade unions and the Democratic Party. That is why the more the unions have been discredited, the more they insist on their viability.

The political line of the ISO has the added benefit of opening up lucrative positions in the trade union bureaucracy. After CORE took office, more than 200 people applied for full-time paid union positions, some of which paid $200,000 or more under the old leadership. Several of these positions, including “membership communications” and “organizing coordinator” went to members of the ISO and other middle class groups. While a spokesman for the CTU told the WSWS salaries had been reduced, the union has not provided any figures.

What are the lessons of this experience?

The struggle to defend public education requires the formation of new organizations of struggle—independent of and in opposition to the official trade unions. This means rejecting the prescriptions of the ISO and the other supporters of the trade unions and the building of rank-and-file committees of teachers, students and parents to organize mass resistance to school closings, budget cuts and privatization.

To defend their interests, teachers and all sections of the working class must break decisively with the Democratic Party and its supporters. The social right to high quality public education can only be secured through breaking the grip of the banks and carrying out a radical redistribution of wealth to raise the material and cultural level of all the people. For this task only the building of a powerful political movement of the working class, fighting for socialism, will do.

And an interesting quote from another article of theirs:


The website of the Chicago Teachers Union proudly proclaims, “We Avoided Another Wisconsin.”

Olentzero
6th May 2011, 07:22
I was just thinking yesterday that I hadn't seen the LRP around here. I should be more careful in the future.

No, I'm not interested in debating this with you, RedTrackWorker, because my full experience of the LRP consists of the same four members showing up at our conferences and telling us how much we suck. Usually in as many words as you've managed to spill upthread. The LRP embodies some of the worst sectarian politics I've ever seen and nothing can be gained through 'debate' with you.

Good day, sir.

RedTrackWorker
6th May 2011, 12:03
But much of the article you quotes, rather than being clarifying, is a bunch of circumstantial speculation designed to raise suspicion about the ISO and Solidarity rather than point to what people can do. This individual member is conflated, in the article, with the positions of the entire organization, the positions of CORE are conflated with the ISO or with this one member and so on.


It's not sectarian to say, this strategy of the ISO for X, Y, and Z, reason is wrong - it is sectarian IMO to list a bunch of complaints and speculation "What was so and so's role in this?" rather than a real analysis. If you want to debate should radicals join in reform coalitions or only organize separate radical groups within unions, that that would be an interesting and political debate, if you want to list a bunch of speculation about why this or that wasn't mentioned in an article or why this or that person may or may not have done something, then that's useless.

Jimmie Higgins, you ignored every single concrete charge behind this excuse of "circumstantial speculation." Is it speculation to say the ISO didn't criticize the union president for joining Weingarten's slate? Is that only about an individual? Is it speculation to say the ISO didn't criticize the CTU leadership--of which they're a part--for endorsing the Democrats? Is it speculation to say that at a specific meeting Sharkey (ISOer) voted against a motion for mass mobilization and that the ISO did not criticize him for that?
Is it speculation (or just about individuals) to say that the CTU president agreed to a rotten deal on on April 12th, that the ISO made no comment until April 21st, and that they still--neither the organization nor their member in the leadership--have not made a call for mass protest against the bill?

You claim "the positions of CORE are conflated with the ISO". Where?

In sum, you seem to be saying: We can debate the ISO's strategy *in general* but we cannot talk about how any of them implement it *in particular*.

Further, if you're worried about "speculation" about the behavior of your members in a public position, perhaps you could post what they're doing for the benefit and debate of the movement, as mine does in its union work (lrp-cofi.org/TWU100/).


But I'd like to hear what your alternative is. Should this ISO member resign the position, possibly cause the break-up of that reform coalition? [snip] But maybe organizing around this anger to organize something that might be effective for the next budget is a good option. Should he try and push things from within the CORE (which no doubt he is trying to do)?

Part of the headline from our second statement is: "CTU Must Start the Fightback with Mass Protest!" If you read my report in the follow-up post, I'm sure you saw that no such motion passed--and perhaps it wasn't clear that such wasn't raised--i.e. it wasn't raised by the vice-president ISOer. Why are you so sure he's trying to push things within CORE? He didn't call for a protest against the bill and at a CORE meeting he asked people not to blame Lewis and not to go public yet. What is he pushing that you know that I don't?
Step one was pretty simple: use his position to agitate for mass action against the sell-out. We said that in the article, yet you ask what the alternative is as if we're just "speculating" about "individuals."

As for your comrade Olentzero, I'm not surprised, but I hope that I never cease to be disgusted, at people who use the word "sectarian" to hide from debates about serious issues facing the movement. Teachers in Chicago are worried about losing their jobs and what will happen to their families. We've raised serious, concrete charges about how the ISO has responded to that. He refuses to discuss that--and I'm the sectarian? Such comments dishonor the movement.

graymouser
6th May 2011, 13:00
The ISO has been supporting Democrats for years. At least one leader of the organization, Ashley Smith, is a branch leader of the well known Democrat Party-backed "anti-war" organization United for Peace and Justice (https://unitedforpeace.rdsecure.org/groups.php?state=VT).

He makes no bones about this here (http://www.isreview.org/issues/63/rep-antiwar.shtml).

Sure, he can criticize all he wants but the ISO (part of it, at least) will not break with UFPJ whose main goal is the election of democrats into office. Glen Ford's new article at Black Agenda Report is great on this which you can read here (http://blackagendareport.com/content/phony-anti-war-movement).

This really should not be a surprise amongst the Left in the US.
While I hold no brief for the ISO, this is a distortion. If you read Glen Ford's article, it mentions the United National Antiwar Committee that his own group, Black is Back, is a member of. The ISO has been a key part of UNAC in recent months, alongside Socialist Action and Workers World (mostly through the International Action Center). In fact, PSL and ANSWER have mostly been standoffish toward UNAC although they did endorse April 9/10 at the last minute. This is an independent antiwar movement that has taken up the questions of Afghanistan, Palestine, Libya and so on, and is busy protesting Obama. A number of socialist organizations were part of UFPJ because they were trying to push it into mass action during the Bush years, and it called demonstrations ten times bigger than ANSWER does.

RedTrackWorker
6th May 2011, 13:56
Just to say so the thread doesn't get derailed, I'm in general agreement with graymouser that proletarianrevolution's was a distortion of the ISO's record. I have made criticisms of the ISO relating to the Democratic Party, but it is simply not true to say "The ISO has been supporting Democrats for years" and distracts from a potentially serious discussion about what role the ISO is playing.

Nothing Human Is Alien
6th May 2011, 16:45
A number of socialist organizations were part of UFPJ because they were trying to push it into mass action during the Bush years, and it called demonstrations ten times bigger than ANSWER does.

And it accomplished 10 times as much (10 x 0 = 0).

theblackmask
9th May 2011, 01:02
As a former ISO member here in Chicago, I can't say I'm surprised by this. I don't mean this in a malicious way, but from the way the ISO has organized itself around everything CORE-related, some sort of conflict like this was inevitable.

The amount of people involved in CORE activities is really only a handful, and this handful conducts much of its activity behind closed doors and with very little to no input from anyone but the top levels of the ISO. Beyond infrequent updates, your average ISO member or even those on branch committees are virtually in the dark about what goes on. Now, I understand that it may not be tactically sound to open all areas of struggle to anyone who wants in, but by closing off activity of this sort to a small group of worthy teachers is a recipe for failure.

If the ISO wants to really make any sort of impact, they need to turn what is now a very concentrated group of individuals making decisions of their own accord into a real movement that includes teachers, students, and workers in general. The ISO's job in a situation like this should be to push in the most revolutionary direction possible, not to obtain and maintain seats in a reformist union.

Revmind84
10th May 2011, 14:44
We must love the ISO, liberals wrapped in the clothing of Marxists.

RedTrackWorker
8th September 2011, 22:52
FYI a related thread on the ISO in the unions, but dealing with San Francisco is up now at http://www.revleft.com/vb/isos-position-san-t160945/index.html.

RedTrackWorker
24th September 2011, 01:04
Lee Sustar writing a few days ago (http://www.www.socialistworker.org/2011/09/20/rahm-vs-ctu-round-one):


CTU President Karen Lewis initially backed SB7, but the union's executive board and House of Delegates reversed that decision. Lewis said that last-minute changes had been made to the bill without her knowledge.

Then Jonah Edelman, the boss of Stand for Children, another well-funded pro-corporate "reform" outfit, was caught on video bragging about how SB7 was intended from the beginning to cripple the CTU.

I guess he didn't catch the irony in referring to someone noting that the bill "from the beginning" would "cripple the CTU" and at the same time covering for Lewis that by saying it was "last-minute changes."

That's not even to mention we pointed out in our statement that the union had a summary posted on their website that Lewis asked people to read and it contains all the main attacks (http://www.ctunet.com/legislative/sb7). That's not even to mention that given last minute changes that did make the bill worse, one shouldn't agree to it till that's reviewed.

And Sustar's read our leaflet or at least claimed to, as at Chicago Socialism conference he repeatedly referred to its "slanders" without ever being able to name a single false charge (I guess the CTU webpage explaining the bill, which disproves the "I didn't know line", doesn't exist: http://www.ctunet.com/legislative/sb7).