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Die Neue Zeit
20th December 2010, 03:10
In discussions during the NEP, leading Bolsheviks talked about instigating a Thermidor themselves so as not to be overthrown. It was clear that the Bolsheviks lost majority political support from the working class, ever since the Bolshevik coups d'etat of 1918 against soviets that returned Left-SR and/or Menshevik-Internationalist majorities. The later influx of peasants into the party as part of the "Lenin Levy" was a reflection of a shift in class support.

Did Russia need Caesarism (/= Bonapartism) so as not to degenerate like it did when socialist primitive accumulation was pursued? By this, I mean a system of "two Bolshevik parties" or more, each pandering to a specific class.

The Bolshevik peasant party, a Bolshevized version of scattered remnants of both SR parties, would be the Party of Order, would continue anti-bourgeois economic and political measures, and would centralize the executive:

http://vimeo.com/14808875


It's true that the peasantry is forced to decide between the fundamental classes. But it's not true that, because the peasantry is forced to decide between the fundamental classes, it cannot find political representation or act in support of autonomous peasant goals, that is to say, patriarchalism, the setting up of an absolute ruler, a cult of personality whether it's of Lenin or Saddam Hussein or Robert Mugabe.

Lenin himself would probably belong to this Party of Order. His fashion statement of wearing a Stalin-like khaki tunic later in his life instead of his more notable suit-vest-tie attire topped with a cap could have been a reflection of which class he was OK with as the dominant class in the Revolutionary-Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry, not to mention a sign of potential for walking in the footsteps of the Julius Caesar of people's history (http://www.revleft.com/vb/caesarism-marx-wrongi-t112185/index.html).

The Bolshevik urban petit-bourgeois party would fill the gap left behind by the Menshevik-Internationalists, who garnered support from (then-)petit-bourgeois intellectuals and notable working-class segments. It would be the Party of Liberty, and would be headed by the likes of Bukharin - whose Right Turn was more about the interests of the urban petit-bourgeoisie than "Peasants, Enrich Yourselves!"

The Bolshevik managerial party would be the smallest but most well-placed party on the bloc. It would be headed by the likes of Trotsky and Preobrazhensky, and perhaps even by the likes of Stalin and Molotov, too (given their coordinator-based industrialization turn).

The Bolshevik worker party would return to the original purpose of the old Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party: the DOTP. It would be headed more by the likes of Myasnikov than by the likes of Tomsky, unless the latter did a left turn of sorts.

Thoughts?

ComradeOm
20th December 2010, 12:03
As always with DNR's threads I feel like I'm missing something here. The most pressing problem facing the young Soviet state in the post-October years was the collapse in the proletariat's strength and class conciousness. This was mirrored in the stagnation of the Communist Party. How on earth would splitting the latter (and giving more voice to the peasantry) fix this situation?

RED DAVE
20th December 2010, 16:05
Thoughts?Utter nonsense. You need to take that copy of McNair out from under your pillow.

What you consistently fail to understand is that in revolution we are not dealing with autonomous structures, parties, etc. We are dealing with classes. In the end, a Marxist revolutionary party rises or falls with the working class. For such a party to hold onto power in the absence of working class hegemony is, basically, the root of stalinism. Caesarism of any sort is incompatible with socialism. Marxists should fight any form of caesarism to the death.

RED DAVE

Die Neue Zeit
20th December 2010, 16:40
As always with DNR's threads I feel like I'm missing something here.

Oh, come on! You've received programmatic commentary on mine!

"Caesarism": was Marx wrong? (http://www.revleft.com/vb/caesarism-marx-wrongi-t112185/index.html)

led to

Does Venezuela need "Managed" or "Sovereign" Democracy? (http://www.revleft.com/vb/does-venezuela-need-t141876/index.html)

led to

People's Histories, Blocs, and "Managed Democracy" Reconsidered (http://www.revleft.com/vb/peoples-histories-blocs-t142332/index.html) (the programmatic commentary)


The most pressing problem facing the young Soviet state in the post-October years was the collapse in the proletariat's strength and class consciousness. This was mirrored in the stagnation of the Communist Party. How on earth would splitting the latter (and giving more voice to the peasantry) fix this situation?

It was all part of the Revolutionary-Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry.

ComradeOm
20th December 2010, 17:04
It was all part of the Revolutionary-Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry.Which means...?

The problems with the early USSR were not political in nature but were rather derived from real imbalances between the classes. Notably the weakness of the proletariat relative to the ascendant peasantry. That's the critical issue that had to be addressed and the one that dominated intra-party debates. Trying to rebrand the Party, or otherwise split it up, would be pointless if it didn't address this core problem. At least with the single party the peasant masses were, largely, kept out of these higher-level discussions

Zanthorus
20th December 2010, 17:28
Which means...?

'Revolutionary-Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry' was the original line of Lenin and the Bolsheviks on the character of the upcoming revolution, laid out by Lenin in 1905 in response to the ideas of the Menshevik Martynov. The point was that the bourgeoisie would only go as far as supporting an assembly which would convene under Tsarism, rather than carrying out a properly revolutionary-democratic programme, and that the achievment of this latter was rather in the interests of both the working-class and of the broad masses of the peasantry. The Bolsheviks therefore advocated that the revolution would consist of the setting up of a revolutionary provisional government which would consists of all the parties of revolutionary democracy and which would carry out a programme of radical reform such as that contained in the RSDLP's minimum programme, before convening a constituent assembly on the basis of universal suffrage. DNZ thinks that this line was essentially correct and that the seizure of power by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets in October was what the Bolsheviks had been going for all along, and that the Soviet Constitution of 1918 was the constituent assembly based on universal suffrage...

Die Neue Zeit
21st December 2010, 00:25
Yeah, "all the parties of revolutionary democracy" and the related classes are the key.


Trying to rebrand the Party, or otherwise split it up, would be pointless if it didn't address this core problem. At least with the single party the peasant masses were, largely, kept out of these higher-level discussions

Industrialization would have addressed this problem, and assuming a development policy in between NEP and Stalin (Stalin's was in fact more radical than Trotsky's), the peasant masses wouldn't have been harmed as much. The Bolshevik peasant party would probably reorganize the peasant commune so as to retain the communal essence but scrap those parts that allowed the rural bourgeoisie to benefit.