RadioRaheem84
30th October 2010, 00:10
Many people think that it is just a faux revolution with no real gains for the working class. This is just a bad way of looking at a really complex scenario in which the capitalist class is literally undermining actual gains. It also shows the folly of parliamentary socialism and the issues it has to deal with.
Check out this article in Venezuela Analysis:
ES: La Gaviota is a sardine canning factory and is located near Cumana. In January and February 2009 there was a strike on the part of the workers, as the boss was unwilling to comply with the most basic agreements and the Organic Law of Labour.
We decided to intervene there, in order to re-activate the plant. But of course the machinery was old and worn out, the workforce was older and the aim of the boss was to liquidate the factory. But that would have been a disaster for the nearby communities, as many families were dependent on the functioning of the factory. The plant had 300 workers, most of them from two local neighbourhoods.
The first thing that we did was to explain to the workers that we weren't a new group of bosses. I sent political comrades to the factory to work side by side with the workers, to teach them but also to learn at the same time.
The decisive thing in the first period was to break down the division between manual labour and administration within the company. In every capitalist enterprise it is normal that the boss wants to separate the workers from the administrators and prevent fraternisation by every means. This is no coincidence, since the opening of the account books, budgets, etc., reveals all trade secrets and uncovers the real figures. The boss wants to keep all this hidden from the workers.
On May 19, 2009, just two weeks after the state intervention in the factory, the plant was producing at 50% of its capacity, that is to say between 25 and 30 tons per week. The profits were minimal but the factory did not lose money. We showed in practice that we were capable of paying the wages, cover maintenance and everything else with the sales from production.
The highest body throughout this period was the Workers' Assembly. In the first four months we held 40 assemblies with the participation of the whole workforce. A workers' council was also elected, but it was not something counter-posed to the trade union. On the contrary, the two organs complemented each other, the council ran the factory on the day-to-day basis and the trade-union struggled for workers' demands. In fact, it is very significant that half of the members of the trade-union leadership, the most militant section, were also elected to the new workers' council.
Furthermore, profound politico-cultural work was initiated with the workers. A workers' theatre group was set up, a library was put in place to promote the reading of books among the workers and we also launched a chapter of the educational government programmes: Misión Ribas and Misión Robinson.
This was a marvellous experience, which unfortunately was put a stop to when I was ousted from the ministry. But the example of La Gaviota shows that Workers’ Control is not an “illusion” as Toby Valderrama and other analysts have maintained, but something concrete that shows that workers are perfectly capable of running society themselves.
LC: Why do you think that they removed you from the Ministry of Trade?
ES: It has happened before that the less popular decisions in Venezuela are taken just before a holiday period, in order to calm the people. That was also the case with me; they removed me just before the carnivals period.
They did not give me any reason and of course the president can change ministers as he wishes. But I suspect that the capitalists in the food sector were involved. I think they asked for my head as a guarantee and then in turn they promised not to generate food scarcity in this year of elections. They made a threat and I was the obstacle that they wanted to remove.
The first thing that the new Minister of Trade, Ricardo Canán did was to give the green light for price increases of such important products as tomatoes, margarine and mayonnaise. I would never have approved such a thing.
LC: After the electoral results of the September 26 elections...What are the perspectives for the Bolivarian Revolution?
ES: There are two plausible scenarios in the present situation. The first one is that there is a radicalisation of the revolution. To go that way, we need a profound change in the PSUV. That means an uncompromising struggle against bureaucracy and corruption.
The other scenario is a kind of reconciliation on the part of the revolution with the right wing or the status quo could even remain as it is, without any significant change. In that case we would have a death agony, that is to say the slow death of the revolution.
The corruption of the revolution is do elements leftover from the old system that were never dealt with.
The situation seems to be pitting two worlds together. But the really enemy is the soc dem elements that conspire with the right to maintain the status quo.
We must support the radicalization of the PSUV to continue measures like the one proposed my Mr.Saman.
Check out this article in Venezuela Analysis:
ES: La Gaviota is a sardine canning factory and is located near Cumana. In January and February 2009 there was a strike on the part of the workers, as the boss was unwilling to comply with the most basic agreements and the Organic Law of Labour.
We decided to intervene there, in order to re-activate the plant. But of course the machinery was old and worn out, the workforce was older and the aim of the boss was to liquidate the factory. But that would have been a disaster for the nearby communities, as many families were dependent on the functioning of the factory. The plant had 300 workers, most of them from two local neighbourhoods.
The first thing that we did was to explain to the workers that we weren't a new group of bosses. I sent political comrades to the factory to work side by side with the workers, to teach them but also to learn at the same time.
The decisive thing in the first period was to break down the division between manual labour and administration within the company. In every capitalist enterprise it is normal that the boss wants to separate the workers from the administrators and prevent fraternisation by every means. This is no coincidence, since the opening of the account books, budgets, etc., reveals all trade secrets and uncovers the real figures. The boss wants to keep all this hidden from the workers.
On May 19, 2009, just two weeks after the state intervention in the factory, the plant was producing at 50% of its capacity, that is to say between 25 and 30 tons per week. The profits were minimal but the factory did not lose money. We showed in practice that we were capable of paying the wages, cover maintenance and everything else with the sales from production.
The highest body throughout this period was the Workers' Assembly. In the first four months we held 40 assemblies with the participation of the whole workforce. A workers' council was also elected, but it was not something counter-posed to the trade union. On the contrary, the two organs complemented each other, the council ran the factory on the day-to-day basis and the trade-union struggled for workers' demands. In fact, it is very significant that half of the members of the trade-union leadership, the most militant section, were also elected to the new workers' council.
Furthermore, profound politico-cultural work was initiated with the workers. A workers' theatre group was set up, a library was put in place to promote the reading of books among the workers and we also launched a chapter of the educational government programmes: Misión Ribas and Misión Robinson.
This was a marvellous experience, which unfortunately was put a stop to when I was ousted from the ministry. But the example of La Gaviota shows that Workers’ Control is not an “illusion” as Toby Valderrama and other analysts have maintained, but something concrete that shows that workers are perfectly capable of running society themselves.
LC: Why do you think that they removed you from the Ministry of Trade?
ES: It has happened before that the less popular decisions in Venezuela are taken just before a holiday period, in order to calm the people. That was also the case with me; they removed me just before the carnivals period.
They did not give me any reason and of course the president can change ministers as he wishes. But I suspect that the capitalists in the food sector were involved. I think they asked for my head as a guarantee and then in turn they promised not to generate food scarcity in this year of elections. They made a threat and I was the obstacle that they wanted to remove.
The first thing that the new Minister of Trade, Ricardo Canán did was to give the green light for price increases of such important products as tomatoes, margarine and mayonnaise. I would never have approved such a thing.
LC: After the electoral results of the September 26 elections...What are the perspectives for the Bolivarian Revolution?
ES: There are two plausible scenarios in the present situation. The first one is that there is a radicalisation of the revolution. To go that way, we need a profound change in the PSUV. That means an uncompromising struggle against bureaucracy and corruption.
The other scenario is a kind of reconciliation on the part of the revolution with the right wing or the status quo could even remain as it is, without any significant change. In that case we would have a death agony, that is to say the slow death of the revolution.
The corruption of the revolution is do elements leftover from the old system that were never dealt with.
The situation seems to be pitting two worlds together. But the really enemy is the soc dem elements that conspire with the right to maintain the status quo.
We must support the radicalization of the PSUV to continue measures like the one proposed my Mr.Saman.