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Die Neue Zeit
8th October 2010, 04:40
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jonathan_Nitzan


Jonathan Nitzan is a Professor of Political Economy at York University, Toronto, Canada. He is the co-author (with Shimshon Bichler) of Capital As Power: A Study of Order and Creorder, published 2009. Their writings focus of the nature of capital in capitalism and provide an alternative view to that of Marxist and neo-classical economics. In their theory capital is the quantification of power. Central to their theory is the concept of differential accumulation where firms strive to profit more by beating the average profit level.

Nitzan and Bichler share an intellectual legacy with institutional political economists such as Thorstein Veblen. In particular, they share Veblen's explanation that business exists with the end of pecuniary (monetary) gain and not the accumulation of goods of consumption or of physical machines.

Nitzan and Bichler argue that it was never possible to separate economics from politics. This separation is required to allow for neo-classical economics to base their theory on utility value and for Marxists to base the labour theory of value on quantified abstract labour. Instead of a utility theory of value (like neo-classical economics) or a labour theory of value (as found in Marxist economics), Nitzan and Bichler propose a power theory of value. The structure of prices has little to do with the so-called "material" sphere of production and consumption. The quantification of power in prices is not the consequence of external laws – whether natural or historical – but entirely internal to society.

In capitalism, power is the governing principle as rooted in the centrality of private ownership. Private ownership is wholly and only an act of institutionalized exclusion, and institutionalized exclusion is a matter of organized power. And since the power behind private ownership is denominated in prices, Nitzan and Bichler argue, there is a need for a power theory of value.

Capitalization, in their theory, is a measure of power, as illuminated through the present discounted value of future earnings (while also taking into account hype and risk). This formula is basic to finance which is the overarching logic of capitalism. The logic is also inherently differential as every capitalist strives to accumulate greater earnings than their competitors (but not profit maximization). Nitzan and Bichler label this process differential accumulation. In order to have a power theory of value there needs to be differential accumulation where some owners' rate of growth of capitalization is faster than the average pace of capitalization.

Is this back to Duhring?

http://www.countercurrents.org/riggins270910.htm


Dühring's idea that all the previous history of mankind is based on man's enslavement of man-- i.e., on force-- and that this is the only way we can explain it is exemplified by his example of Robinson Crusoe and Friday. Crusoe enslaves Friday. But why does he do this? Engels says "only in order that Friday should work for Crusoe's benefit." That is for an ECONOMIC MOTIVE. Dühring has reversed the true relation between political order and economic order and does not see "that force is only the means and that the aim is economic advantage."

[...]

But wait a minute. Doesn't this sound right about the world we live in? Dühring says capitalist property today is the result of the use of force in the past and in fact all past property accumulations are also based on force (Rome, Egypt, etc.,) and force is, in Dühring's words, "that form of domination AT THE ROOT OF WHICH LIES not merely the exclusion of fellow-men from the use of the natural means of subsistence, but also... the subjection of man to make him do servile work." It sounds right. Big business and the oil giants use force to take over natural resources (Niger Delta, Iraq, the Amazon), they force masses of third world workers into sweat shops at low wages, etc. Why isn't Dühring right on?

Also:

Bichler, Nitzan and Hudson versus Marx (http://critiqueofcrisistheory.wordpress.com/responses-to-readers%e2%80%94austrian-economics-versus-marxism/bichler-nitzan-and-hudson-versus-marx/)

Gracchvs
14th October 2010, 09:40
Yes, let us praise him, let us see his originality in what he thought. Let us go to the Gospel of Herr Duhring and read a little.

“In my system, the relation between general politics and the forms of economic law is determined in so definite a way and at the same time a way so original that it would not be superfluous, in order to facilitate study, to make special reference to this point. The formation of political relationships is historically the fundamental thing, and instances of economic dependence are only effects or special cases, and are consequently always facts of a second order. Some of the newer socialist systems take as their guiding principle the conspicuous semblance of a completely reverse relationship, in that they assume that political phenomena are subordinate to and, as it were, grow out of the economic conditions. It is true that these effects of the second order do exist as such, and are most clearly perceptible at the present time; but the primary must be sought in direct political force and not in any indirect economic power”


Wait wut?

This is neither original, nor true. The 'force theory of value' in this case means that economic power comes from political force. Contrary to the quote in the OP, Duhring would claim that these huge corporations are huge because of their ability to marshal the resources of the state in the form of force. This is Duhring's 'theory of force', not the simple truism that force is used to extract value.

Now, why is this wrong? Well, how is force manifested? In armies, and guns and whatnot. But the military used needs to be fed, and this requires a level of economic development such that an army can be created which is not identical with the armed and self acting population. The weapons used do not spring out of thin air, either, but are the result of industry. Getting the weapons, supplies, and soldiers to the place to be subjugated demands communications and transportation which is again dependent on economic development...

Herr Duhring used the example of Robinson Crusoe and man Friday as proof of his idea. Now, ignoring the nonsense inherent in using a novel as proof, like the liberals who cite 1984 as the proof of the untenability of communism, let's look at the situation. Robinson Crusoe had a sword, and used this superior weapon to subjugate the black man. Yet where did the sword come from? Swords are a product of a given stage of economic development. From bronze daggers, through iron swords, to modern steel display pieces and machetes. So taking his example on its own merits, we see that there has already been a significant period of economic development which has endowed Crusoe with a sword.

Now for Friday's labour to be worth it, he has to produce enough to cover his own existence and that of his master, including the energy his master expends keeping him in line. This, too, implies a period of previous economic development...

That's all I'll say on this for now, as I'm sure I've proven the point sufficiently well.

ZeroNowhere
14th October 2010, 11:06
The source of a capitalist's profit is his power over the labour-power of others, which takes place not due to direct, personal power, but rather through cash, material power. He (or 'she', or 'it' in the case of a collective capitalist) makes a profit because the product of labour accrues to him; that is, it becomes his product, despite not representing a use-value for him. These products have increased in value in comparison with the value invested, and as such it is the labour process which has lead to an augmentation of value, and the 'power' involved is simply the power over the products of labour, and the surplus-value thereby produced. He then realizes this increased value through sale, which simply expresses the fact that he has attained wealth through investing in labour-power and means of production, and then employing these to produce commodities at a higher value.

So yeah, I don't think that a 'power' theory of value is really of much worth here. 'Power' may explain capital's origins, and yet it's not particularly worthwhile when we are dealing with its everyday workings; what produces value is not abstract power, but rather abstract labour; power over the labour of others simply allows one to expropriate the value produced by labour (on the other hand, one also has co-ops, where the whole 'personal power' aspect ceases to exist, replaced with the workers as collective capitalist). Indeed, I don't think that 'power' is strictly quantifiable, either.

14th October 2010, 18:27
You mention the quantification of labor does not emerge from external properties...why? A central thesis in Marxian concept indicates the external conflict between use and exchange value. This intrinsic value is thus quantified in different severities to accumulate surplus value. I'm not exactly sure what this idea is trying to promote, care to evaluate?

themediumdog
23rd October 2010, 13:48
A remarkable new work.

To me, their critique of Marx's (and the neoclassicals') value theory is very insightful. And their reconceptualization of the whole field is very interesting.

What I'm totally unsure about is how solid their empircal work is. It seems like they get very good graphs out of their data - indeed, remarkably so.

Would be interested to know what others think.

Die Neue Zeit
11th November 2010, 06:21
There's already a thread on this:

http://www.revleft.com/vb/power-theory-value-t142920/index.html

Communist
11th November 2010, 06:33
^
Threads merged.

.