anticap
28th July 2010, 21:24
I've read only the Conclusion (reproduced below), but I'm wondering if any of you have read this paper by Peter King and Arthur Ripstein, and what you have to say about it. (You can get the PDF here (http://individual.utoronto.ca/pking/unpublished/LTV.pdf).)
One popular apologetic view has it that Marx began by accepting the labor theory of value he inherited from Smith and Ricardo when he wrote the first part of Capital, but abandoning it after getting bogged down in the details of its application. This view does not stand up well to historical scrutiny; Marx had drafted all three volumes of Capital before Volume I went to the printer. A more plausible view is that the labor theory of value served two purposes: to emphasize the fact that the worker sells labor-power to the capitalist, who then owns the product of that labor-power, and to account for the antagonism between worker and capitalist, with the resulting struggle over the length of the working day -- both of which needed simple explanations for a non-specialist audience.
Marx's rejection of the labor theory of value in Volume III was prefigured in a much discussed but little understood part of the first section of the first volume of Capital, the section on "Commodity Fetishism." Marx points out that it is a peculiar feature of capitalist economies that the social relations involved in production assume in the eyes of the producers "the fantastic form of a relation between things." Exchange ratios confront producers as a natural force, independent of human will. "Value converts every product into a social hieroglyphic." The discussion of fetishism appears immediately following Marx's introduction of the labor theory of value. Yet if the labor theory of value were true, it is hard to see why commodity fetishism would be a problem; exchange ratios really would be a natural form, the reflection of objective features of the world, rather than of social relations between persons.
In the labor theory presented at the beginning of Capital, exchange is explained in terms of a natural feature of commodities, the amount of labor-power required for their replacement. Exploitation is also conceived of in terms of a natural feature, the difference between the value of labor-power and the value it produces. Only appropriation is treated as the outcome of a social process.
By the end of the final volume of Capital, though, both exchange and exploitation are recognized for the social processes that they are. Each depends on the capitalist's ability to appropriate surplus, rather than on any objective feature of the labor process or the commodities produced. It is because exchange is a social process that its confrontation of those involved as a natural process is a fetish. All commodities are made commensurable by capitalist appropriation, not vice-versa. The subtitle of Capital is 'a critique of political economy': as critique, it investigates the conditions and limits of exchange. It turns out that exchange is conditioned not by prior exchangeability, but by the appropriation of surplus by those who control the means of production. That is why "the products of labor acquire a uniform social status." It is also the answer to the question that "political economy has never thought to ask," i. e. "why labor is represented by the value of its product and labor time by the magnitude of that value." Labor is measured by the value of its product because the capitalist buys it for what it can produce. Labor-power is the source of surplus value because it is purchased on the basis of its ability to produce not physical surplus, but surplus value. Labor, initially the shared feature of commodities, turns out to be 'abstract' in capitalist production not because it is all interchangeable, but because capitalist social relations make it so.
One popular apologetic view has it that Marx began by accepting the labor theory of value he inherited from Smith and Ricardo when he wrote the first part of Capital, but abandoning it after getting bogged down in the details of its application. This view does not stand up well to historical scrutiny; Marx had drafted all three volumes of Capital before Volume I went to the printer. A more plausible view is that the labor theory of value served two purposes: to emphasize the fact that the worker sells labor-power to the capitalist, who then owns the product of that labor-power, and to account for the antagonism between worker and capitalist, with the resulting struggle over the length of the working day -- both of which needed simple explanations for a non-specialist audience.
Marx's rejection of the labor theory of value in Volume III was prefigured in a much discussed but little understood part of the first section of the first volume of Capital, the section on "Commodity Fetishism." Marx points out that it is a peculiar feature of capitalist economies that the social relations involved in production assume in the eyes of the producers "the fantastic form of a relation between things." Exchange ratios confront producers as a natural force, independent of human will. "Value converts every product into a social hieroglyphic." The discussion of fetishism appears immediately following Marx's introduction of the labor theory of value. Yet if the labor theory of value were true, it is hard to see why commodity fetishism would be a problem; exchange ratios really would be a natural form, the reflection of objective features of the world, rather than of social relations between persons.
In the labor theory presented at the beginning of Capital, exchange is explained in terms of a natural feature of commodities, the amount of labor-power required for their replacement. Exploitation is also conceived of in terms of a natural feature, the difference between the value of labor-power and the value it produces. Only appropriation is treated as the outcome of a social process.
By the end of the final volume of Capital, though, both exchange and exploitation are recognized for the social processes that they are. Each depends on the capitalist's ability to appropriate surplus, rather than on any objective feature of the labor process or the commodities produced. It is because exchange is a social process that its confrontation of those involved as a natural process is a fetish. All commodities are made commensurable by capitalist appropriation, not vice-versa. The subtitle of Capital is 'a critique of political economy': as critique, it investigates the conditions and limits of exchange. It turns out that exchange is conditioned not by prior exchangeability, but by the appropriation of surplus by those who control the means of production. That is why "the products of labor acquire a uniform social status." It is also the answer to the question that "political economy has never thought to ask," i. e. "why labor is represented by the value of its product and labor time by the magnitude of that value." Labor is measured by the value of its product because the capitalist buys it for what it can produce. Labor-power is the source of surplus value because it is purchased on the basis of its ability to produce not physical surplus, but surplus value. Labor, initially the shared feature of commodities, turns out to be 'abstract' in capitalist production not because it is all interchangeable, but because capitalist social relations make it so.