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Crux
30th June 2010, 18:42
I will post a chinese language version of this article when it gets up on chinaworker.info or http://socialism-tw.blogspot.com/

Taiwan and China: No to the capitalists’ ECFA pact

Wednesday, 30 June 2010.
Capitalist “economic cooperation” at the expense of workers and poor on both sides of the Taiwan Strait

Statement by Taiwan Socialist League (cwi in Taiwan)

Taipei witnessed a huge protest march amid thunderstorms and torrential rain on Saturday 26 June to oppose the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) with China. The trade deal was signed by representatives of the Chinese and Taiwanese governments on Tuesday 29 June. President Ma Ying-jeou and his ruling Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party) claim the deal will bring big benefits to Taiwan including the creation of 260,000 new jobs. But many workers and youth are sceptical to these claims and fear an even faster wave of outsourcing, job losses and de-industrialisation as Taiwanese companies shift production to exploit cheaper labour in China.

Hong Kong, which signed a Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) with mainland China in 2003, a pact that contains many similarities with ECFA, is often cited as a warning in the Taiwanese political debate. Hong Kong now has the most serious rich-poor disparity in the world according to the UN. The number living in poverty has risen in Hong Kong to around one sixth of the population, despite it boasting the highest average wealth in the world. While its billionaires have benefited from easier access to the Chinese market, the exodus of manufacturing and investment from Hong Kong has left a bulging low wage service sector as the only source of employment for many workers especially the young.

Saturday’s protest in Taipei was organised by the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which opposes closer ties with China. Party organisers claim 100,000 people took part in the march, many travelling on 300 buses from central and southern Taiwan, which are regarded as DPP strongholds. Taipei police put the turnout at 32,000. Given the heavy rain, the real figure was probably somewhere between these two estimates, making it a sizable protest. The DPP released its own opinion polls showing that 86 percent believe ECFA will widen income disparities and 43 percent fear falling incomes.

ECFA — in whose interests?

Socialists and the Taiwan Socialist League (cwi in Taiwan) oppose the ECFA, which has been drafted in the interests of big corporations in Taiwan and China in order to extend their possibilities to make profits. The economic policies of Ma’s pan-blue administration are anti-working class to the core and ECFA conforms to the same pattern. The policies of the Kuomintang during and following the recent severe recession placed the economic burdens on working people and the younger generation through higher unemployment, wage cuts and an explosion of short-term contracts and the use of manpower agencies. Unemployment is currently at 5.39 percent of the workforce, but is more than twice as high for under-25s (13.3 percent). Nearly 40 percent of those who graduated from college last year are still out of work. ECFA will magnify these problems as big corporations gain even greater freedom to play workers off against each other, speeding up the “race to the bottom” which is a feature of globalised capitalism.

Last year, ostensibly to curb youth unemployment, the government introduced NT$22,000 monthly (US$682) subsidy for companies to hire college graduates. Rather than increase employment, many companies have dismissed older workers to take advantage of the scheme, while at the same time this has pressed down graduate wages towards a new NT$22,000 floor. This level is an outrage, just half of the nation’s average monthly wage of NT$42,509. A poll by the website Yes123.com showed average starting pay for new graduates is now NT$22,624 a month — NT$1,185 lower than their expected salary. By some estimates this represents a fall of one-third in graduates’ starting salaries compared to ten years ago (an average NT$30,000 in 2000). There is a growing trend for companies from Singapore and Hong Kong to recruit “cheap” graduates from Taiwan.

Class or nation?

Socialists reject narrow nationalistic arguments against ECFA such as the arguments of the DPP leaders, which concentrate on the defence of Taiwan’s “national interest”. This is a catchphrase that workers and the oppressed should always be wary of. When rulers preach about “national interest” they want to hide the fundamentally conflicting interests of the capitalist minority and the exploited majority. They want us to think that the interests of Terry Guo, billionaire boss of Foxconn, whose militarised-sweatshop business model has driven 12 young workers to commit suicide in China, are the same as the Taiwanese trade union activists sacked by another ruthless company, YFO (a maker of touchscreen handsets). This is absolutely not the case of course. Guo and his class supports the ECFA to make it even easier to exploit workers and crush unions on both side of the Strait. Likewise, the Chinese side in the ECFA negotiations are not motivated by a desire to protect workers’ interests in China, but are quite happy to encourage more sweatshops, using Chinese labour as industrial “cannon fodder”.

Many DPP supporters sincerely want to resist ECFA and for the right reasons. But socialists do not put any confidence in the DPP leaders to lead the struggle against ECFA. When it ruled Taiwan in the noughties, the DPP also carried through neo-liberal attacks on workers, privatising state-owned companies and deregulating the economy in the interests of private capital. Its policies were therefore not fundamentally different from the economic policies of Ma Ying-jeou and the Kuomintang today. It was the DPP that took Taiwan into the viciously neo-liberal trading regime of the WTO (World Trade Organisation) in 2001. This is because the DPP bases itself on capitalism and seeks support from big business. The WTO is weighted in favour of the 500 biggest global corporations that control 70 percent of all trade and want a worldwide “police” mechanism to enforce the removal of trade barriers and the adoption of pro-business policies by member governments. The losers from WTO membership are the vast majority – workers, poor farmers and the environment. Therefore, for the DPP to now oppose the ECFA, a “mini-WTO” for China and Taiwan, smacks of hypocrisy. Ironically, the DPP government, despite its pro-independence bombast, agreed to the name “Chinese Taipei” as a condition for joining the WTO, such was the pressure from the capitalists in Taiwan to enter the WTO.

Lower prices — or wages?

Opposition in Taiwan to ECFA is based on a number of realistic concerns. Small businesses fear being driven out of the market by cheaper China-made goods — including many made by Taiwanese-owned companies. It will mainly benefit Taiwan’s bigger companies, in other words. Farmers in southern Taiwan, the heartland of the DPP, have expressed similar fears once tariffs on farm goods entering Taiwan are lowered. While this is not covered by the first phase of ECFA signed on 29 June, the pact will be revised and extended every six months. Workers, who have already faced more than a decade of job losses and outsourcing, accompanied by a bosses’ offensive to drive down wages, fear more of the same under ECFA. As permanent job contracts are replaced by short-term contracts and a proliferation of manpower agencies (another policy that both DPP and KMT have favoured), the downward pressure on wages is set to continue if outsourcing, as expected, increases under ECFA.

In order to sweeten the pill and mute opposition on the Taiwan side, Beijing’s negotiators have agreed to put 539 Taiwanese items on an “early harvest list” to receive immediate tariff-free access to China’s market. These goods account for around 16 percent of Taiwan’s exports to China. On the same list there will be 267 China-made items, accounting for 10.5 percent of its Taiwan-bound exports. Government propaganda is claiming consumers will reap benefits as prices will fall, but this is by no means certain. Capitalist governments in other parts of the world have made similar claims. This has been the case in the capitalist European Union every time a new country is admitted to membership, and also when the euro currency was introduced ten years ago. But most prices rose instead. Similarly, in Taiwan’s case, it is equally or even more likely that companies importing from China will keep for themselves any savings that flow from tariff reductions.
http://www.chinaworker.info/get_img?NrArticle=1104&NrImage=7Anti-ECFA protest organised by DPP in Taipei, 26 June 2010
A workers’ alternative

While the DDP-led march on 26 June showed the depth of opposition to ECFA that is growing in Taiwan, it completely failed to offer an effective way to fight this trade deal and other neo-liberal policies. Of course the DPP and its smaller pan-green nationalist allies like the TSU have every right to organise protests against ECFA. But rather than an attempt to mobilise a broad-based opposition to the ECFA, or offer a strategy for fighting its implementation, the DPP indulged in blatant electioneering. Long before the thunderclouds emptied their load upon the demonstration, it was in danger of drowning under endless portraits of DPP candidates for November’s mayoral race. Such an approach is incapable of winning support from wider layers of the population that would be attracted to a real struggle against ECFA, but do not wish to be used as pawns in the DPP’s election race.

Likewise, while DPP leaders have made some references to the effects of ECFA on working people and small businesses, the main slant of their anti-ECFA propaganda is narrow nationalism of the type “protect Taiwan”. This can serve temporarily to shore up their base within the the majority community of Taiwanese speakers, but is incapable of winning significant support from the working class of other ethnic groups who will also lose out from ECFA. Consequently, the DPP’s approach does not provide a political basis for uniting broad sections of the population, and crucially the working class, to actually block the implementation ECFA. The aim of the exercise, for the DPP leaders, seems to have been merely to “let off steam” and mobilise support for its bid to capture control of cities like Taipei from the Kuomintang in November. Above all, the DPP hopes to recapture the presidency from an increasingly unpopular Ma Ying-jeou in 2012. But what then? Will they break with his disastrous pro-capitalist policies? Will a future DPP administration pull out of ECFA? Based on the record of the DPP in government the answer to these questions is not a chance!

The DPP’s often crude anti-China propaganda (not directed solely against the dictatorship) represents a serious barrier to building unity between workers and poor farmers in both Taiwan and China to fight ECFA and neo-liberalism. Ultimately, the unity of the oppressed in both places, and internationally against capitaism and its agencies like the WTO, is the only way to block the growing appetite of Chinese, Taiwanese and other capitalists for more sweatshops, exploitation and pro-business policies.

Socialists advocate a broad “united front” approach in order to build a movement that can stop neo-liberal attacks such as ECFA. Above all this should be based on the working class and initially upon the small number of more politically advanced trade unions in Taiwan that have come out against the pact, rejecting the argument that ECFA will benefit “their” companies or sectors. Now that the deal has been signed, the emphasis must shift from merely saying “no” to ECFA, towards preparing trade union action, including strikes and other forms of struggle to block the inevitable factory closures, outsourcing and further casualisation of the workforce.

Right of self-determination

The Chinese regime’s promotion of ECFA with speeches about “one family” and of Taiwan as an “insider” have only undermined Ma’s position and increased fears among significant layers of Taiwanese, including the DPP’s main electoral base, that ECFA is a “Trojan horse” with which Beijing plans to capture control over Taiwan. Undoubtedly, the long-term desire to reincorporate Taiwan is a big factor in the Chinese regime’s calculations. But this applies even without ECFA. The DPP’s old strategy of relying on US imperialism and foreign capitalism as a counterweight to China’s growing power is coming under increasing pressure as governments and big capitalist corporations around the world become more dependent upon the Chinese regime and more reluctant to encounter its disapproval.

Socialists stand for the right of self-determination for Taiwan. If a majority clearly favoured independence (which is not the case at this stage), socialists would support this, while also defending the right to self-determination for non-Taiwanese speaking minorities within Taiwan. To attain this goal, avoiding the prospect of a horrific cross-strait military conflagration, any struggle for independence would need the solidarity and active support of the working masses internationally and crucially in China itself. This would of necessity need to be a socialist struggle, linking up with the oppressed masses of the wider region, to end one-party rule in China and sweep away capitalism throughout East Asia, putting the working class in control of its economic powerhouses and opening the way to a voluntary socialist confederation of East Asian states.

What is widely perceived as a growing threat from Beijing, as its economic might expands, alongside growing discontent over Ma’s handling of the economy, have produced a certain rebound in support for the DPP. Taiwan’s deep nationalist divide and a political system monopolised by two nationalistic capitalist blocs (one pro-China and the other anti-China), allows the capitalists to continue railroading neo-liberal policies onto the population. What is lacking is a mass workers’ alternative to these two blocs. Socialists must link the fight against ECFA to the need for a working class and socialist alternative to the blue, green and “red” capitalists.

Crux
4th July 2010, 13:27
台灣與中國:向資本家的ECFA說不!

星期天, 4 七月 2010.
資本家的「經濟合作」同時犧牲了台海兩岸的勞工和貧窮大眾

台灣社會主義者同盟(CWI in Taiwan) 聲明

6 月26日(星期六),台北在閃電和暴雨下見證了一場反對與中國簽署【兩岸經濟合作協議】(ECFA)的大型 示威遊行。這份協議已經由中國和台灣兩方的政府 代表在6月29日(星期二)簽訂。台灣總統馬英九和他隸屬的執政黨國民黨,宣稱這項協議將為台灣人民帶來包 括260,000個新增工作機會等利益。但許多 勞工和青年對這項宣稱感到懷疑,並且害怕台灣出現一波波更迅速的外包、失業、去工業化問題,因為台灣企業將 持續把生產轉移至中國,以便剝削更便宜的中國勞 工。

2003年香港與中國內陸簽署【更緊密經貿關係安排】(CEPA),一個與【兩岸經濟合作協議】(ECFA )非常相似的合約,在台 灣政治爭論中常常被提出來作為借鑒。根據聯合國,香港目前有著全世界最懸殊的貧富差距。儘管香港吹噓他們有 全世界最高的平均財富,生活在香港的貧窮人口卻 上升到了總人口的六分之一。香港的億萬富翁從這個更自由的貿易協定中得利,因為他們將更容易進入中國市場。 相較之下,香港的勞工、尤其是青年勞工,面臨的 是製造業和投資的外移,因而大量擴張的低薪服務業工作成為他們就业的唯一机会。

星期六(6月26日)在台北的示威遊行是由反對與中國建 立更緊密聯繫的民主進步黨(DPP)所發起的,民主進步黨從他們擁有最多支持者的中南部台灣動員了300輛 巴士北上加入遊行。他們宣稱有100,000人 參加了這場大遊行。台北市警察局對遊行人數的估計則是32,000人。由於當天的大雨導致統計上的困難,真 實的人數可能是介於兩者之間,這是一個不容小覷 的數字。民主進步黨公佈了他們自己的民意調查數據,顯示86%的民眾相信ECFA會加深收入分配的不均,4 3%的民眾害怕收入的降低。

ECFA - 誰的利益?

社 會主義者們與台灣社會主義者同盟(Taiwan Socialist League / CWI in Taiwan)反對簽署ECFA,反對簽署這份讓大企業更容易在台灣和中國獲取利潤而量身打造的協議。泛藍 陣營馬英九政府的經濟政策都是在根本上地反對勞 工階級的利益,ECFA也遵循相同的模式。在最近的經濟衰退中,馬英九政府的政策把經濟負擔转嫁在勞工階級 和年輕世代身上,諸如更高的失業率、薪資削減和 大量竄升的短期工作合約。目前整個勞工階級的失業率是5.39%,但25歲以下勞工的失業率超過這個數字的 兩倍(13.25%)。去年從大學畢業的青年將 近40%仍然處於失業的狀態。讓大企業獲得更大自由以及讓勞工互相對抗的ECFA將會擴大這些問題,同時加 劇資本主義全球化的一個特徵--「競次」。

去 年,政府為了在表面上降低失業率,推行了月薪22k政策(大專畢業生至企業職場實習方案)補助企業雇用大學 畢業生(NT$22,000約等於 US$682)。但許多企業一手解雇資深員工,一手雇用大學畢業生享受政府津貼,這當然沒有達到減少失業率 的目的。同時這個政策將青年勞工的整體薪資向下 壓低到新臺幣22,000的新水準。這個數字是國民平均月薪新臺幣42,509的一半,實在令人髮指。由Y es123.com(臺灣知名求職網站)所作的 一個的調查指出:大學畢業生的平均起薪是新臺幣22,624,比他們希望獲得的要少新臺幣1,185。這估 計比十年前的畢業生起薪減少了三分之一 (2000年的平均數字是新臺幣30,000)。當下香港和新加坡的企業正有一個從台灣吸收「便宜」大學生 的趨勢。

階級或民族?

社 會主義者拒絕用狹隘的民族主義論述反對ECFA,而這正是民進黨選舉領袖在做的,他們的口號聚焦在例如保衛 台灣的「國家利益」。這個標語是所有勞工階級和 ECFA反對者都應該特別警覺的。因為當統治者用「國家利益」來宣傳時,他們是想要掩蓋少數資本家和多數勞 工兩者利益在根本上不同的事實。他們希望我們把 用軍事化血汗工廠管理迫使12個中國青年工人跳樓自殺的億萬富翁富士康總裁郭台銘的利益,與同樣被無良企業 迫害的洋華工會(YFO, 觸控面板製造商)幹部的利益等同起來。這當然是荒謬絕倫。郭台銘和他所在的階級支持ECFA因為這使他們能 夠更強勢在海峽兩岸剝削勞工和打壓工會。同樣 的,在中國方面簽署ECFA的動機也絕對不是站在勞工階級的立場,而是鼓勵更多的血汗工廠,把勞工轉換成工 業"炮灰"。

诸多民进党的基 层支持者出于正确的理由而真诚地抵制ECFA。但社會主義者對由民進黨領導層組織的反對ECFA抗爭不抱任 何期待,過去民進黨執政時期,他們同樣對勞工階 級發起了新自由主義的攻擊,私有化國有企業和為了私有資本的利益放寬對經濟的管制。因此他們的經濟政策與今 天的馬英九和國民黨政府沒有根本的不同。在 2001年把台灣送進WTO(世界貿易組織)邪惡統治下的正是民進黨,這是因為民進黨以資本主義為自己的基 礎並尋求大企業的支持。WTO是這樣的一個機 構,它受到控制著全球70%貿易的500大企業所壓迫,試圖建立一個「警察」機制去強制消除貿易障礙和促成 會員國的親企業政策。在WTO的會員國裡,輸家 永遠是廣大群眾 - 勞工、貧農與生態環境。因此,民進黨反對ECFA,反對一個在中國與台灣之間的小型WTO,似乎帶著一股虛 偽的氣息。諷刺的是,儘管民進黨一直誇大自己傾 向台灣獨立的立場,在國內資本家的強大壓力下他們仍然接受了以「中華台北」為名稱作為加入WT O的條件。

更低的價格 - 還是更低的薪資?

對 ECFA的反對是基於很多具體的考量,小企業害怕被中國製造的便宜商品驅逐出市場,這些中國製造很多亦是台 灣人擁有的企業。也就是說,ECFA主要讓較大 的企業獲益。同時,台灣南部的農民(這也是民進黨支持者的重要來源),也對降低關稅的中國農產品感到相同的 恐懼。雖然這並沒有被6/29簽訂的第一階段 ECFA提及,但是這份協議每六個月都會被修改和擴充一次。勞工,過去經歷了超過十年的就業機會減少、工作 外包和老闆們減少薪資的攻擊,比上述族群更感到 害怕。在人力仲介公司將大量的正式雇用工作改換成短期約聘的形式之下(是另一個國、民兩黨共同支持的政策) ,可以預期工作外包將更加興盛,這也會使薪資的 降低更加劇烈。

為了平息臺灣方面反對的聲浪,同時也是在毒藥上裹一層糖衣,北京的協議者同意把539項台灣商品放入「早收 清單」,讓這 些商品獲得對中國市場即刻的免關稅優惠。這些商品總共佔了台灣對中國出口的16%。在同一張清單上也有26 7項中國製造的商品,佔中國銷往台灣的 10.5%。在政府的宣傳中,消費者將會因此得到更低的價格,但這完全不是確定的事實。世界各地的資本家政 府在過去也做過相同的宣稱。兩岸今天的情形,與 每次新會員國加入歐盟的情形、以及十年前歐元開始推行的情形都很類似。當時物價不僅沒有更低廉,大多數的價 格卻反而升高了。同樣的,依台灣的情況,從中國 輸入商品的公司,更可能把因關稅降低而增加的利潤收進自己的口袋,而不是反映在價格上。

http://www.chinaworker.info/get_img?NrArticle=1104&NrImage=7
一個勞工的替代選擇

從 6/26民進黨領導的大規模示威遊行可以看出,反對ECFA的力量是存在的,而且在逐漸升高。但是在提供一個有 效去抵抗這份協議和其他新自由主義(按:指 一種強調自由市場的經濟思想,反對政府干預經濟)的政策上,民進黨完全不成功。民進黨和其他泛綠黨派(例: 台灣團結聯盟)當然有權利去組織反對ECFA的 行動,但是相較於組織一個更具廣泛基礎的反對力量與提供明確的戰術阻止協議的完成,民進黨更滿足於喧鬧的選 舉造勢。在天上的烏雲和雷雨淨空示威遊行所行經 的大道之前,整條大街就已經被那些年底要參選的民進黨候選人的頭像或姓名牌標給淹沒了。對於那些受害於EC FA、卻不願意因為反對ECFA的行動而成為選 舉工具的廣泛民眾來說,此遊行是無法贏得他們的支持的。

同樣地,雖然民進黨領袖有論及ECFA對勞工和小企業的影響,但是他們反 ECFA的主要的偏向是狹隘的國族主義,並以「保衛台灣」作為口號,這是民進黨用以穩固其大部分閩南語(T aiwanese)支持者的基柱。但這卻沒有辦 法引起其他同樣會因ECFA受害的人--勞工階級和島內其他族群的關鍵支持。因而,民進黨的取向無法為廣大 民眾、尤其是至關重要的勞工階級,提供一個團結 起來抵抗ECFA的政治基礎。對民進黨領袖來說,這場運動的目標,似乎僅僅是為了年底包括台北的五都選舉釋 放能量和凝聚選票。而民進黨的最大目標是在馬英 九支持度下降的情況下在2012年再度執政。但是如果他們執政了以後呢?他們會打破馬英九災難性的親資本家 政策嗎?未來的民進黨會把台灣從ECFA中解救 出來嗎?根據他們過去的紀錄,答案是毫無可能。

民進黨貫常使用粗糙的反中國宣傳(而不是直接反對一黨專制政權),對團結兩岸勞工和貧農 共同對抗ECFA和新自由主義來說,意味著一個嚴重的障礙。說到底,兩岸被壓迫者的共同團結,且國際性的對 抗資本主義和它的代理機構WTO,才是對抗來自 中國、台灣或世界各地資本家建立更多血汗工廠、剝削勞工和親企業政策無窮盡胃口的唯一辦法。

社會主義者提倡建立一個「統一陣線」的運動 去反對像ECFA這樣的新自由主義攻擊。而且這個運動應該由勞工階級和在政治上比較進步的工會團體一同起身 抗議,身為勞工絕不接受這項協議會對「他們」的 公司有利而使勞工自身也蒙利的這種謊言。如今這項協議已經簽署了,我們在行動上應該從堅定拒絕ECFA開始 轉向準備工會運動,用罷工或其他的抗爭手段,去 抵禦未來必定來臨的工廠關閉、工作外包,和任何將對勞工造成的進一步傷害。

自決的權利

中 國政府對ECFA的宣傳口號,像是宣稱台灣人是「一家人」、「自己人」等等,不但削弱馬英九政府政治立場, 也增加了本省族群、民進黨支持者對於ECFA可 能是中國的特洛伊木馬的恐懼。毫無疑問中國長期考量是想要得到台灣的,無論ECFA簽訂與否,這都是中國政 府長遠的目標之一。民進黨一直以來依靠美國帝國 主義以及資本勢力對抗中國的方法,在現在這個財團與政府越來越依賴中國且不願面對反對聲浪的時代,正面臨著 前所未有的壓力。

社會主義者 們支持台灣人民自己決定的權利,如果大多數台灣人民明確地支持獨立(目前還未出現這種情況,有待觀察),社 會主義者將會支持他們的決定,同樣的,社會主義 者也認同、並且支持台灣任何族群自決的權力。為了達到這個目標,並且避免海峽間的戰爭,任何有關獨立的努力 和行動,都需要有國際上勞動人民的支持和團結, 更重要的是來自中國內部勞動人民的支持。當然,這會需要社會主義的鬥爭,連結更廣泛區域內的勞動大眾,終止 中國的一黨專政並且將資本主義逐出東亞,讓勞動 階級掌控經濟,開啟東亞诸國自願结成社會主義聯邦的道路。

北京政府經濟強權的日益擴張所帶來的威脅與日俱增,以及對馬英九當局的經濟政 策的諸多不滿造成了民進黨支持度的回升。然而,台灣的政治被兩個民族主義、資本主義的政黨所壟斷,縱容資本 家並且大力推行新自由主義經濟政策。我們所缺乏 的,是在這兩個壟斷集團之外,屬於勞動大眾的選擇,社會主義者必須將ECFA的鬥爭與勞動階級的需要做連結 ,勞動大眾需要的是一個藍綠資本家集團之外的選 擇。